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THE LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY
FOUNDED BY JAMES LOEB, LL.D.
EDITED BY
fl. BePAGE ci. 1.0.
E. CAPPS, PH.D., LL.D. W. H. D. ROUSE, tirt.p.
LL. AY POST, a E. H. WARMINGTON, M.aA., F.R.HIST.SOO.
JOSEPHUS
Υ
JOSEPHUS
WITH AN ENGLISH TRANSLATION BY
THE CATE HSL. .J. THACKERAY. ALA.
HON, D.D. OXFORD, HON. D.D, DURHAM
AND
RALPH MARCUS, Pua.D.
PROFESSOR OF SEMITIC PHILOLOGY, JEWISH INSTITUTE OF RELIGION
LECTURER IN SEMITIC LANGUAGES, COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY
IN NINE YOLUMES
V
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, BOOKS V-VIII
LONDON
WILLIAM HEINEMANN LTD
CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS
HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS
MCML
"
a
22.95.54
First printed 1934
Reprinted 1935, 1950
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Printed in Great Britain
PREFACE
Wren Dr. Thackeray died early in the summer of
1930, he had sent to press the text and translation of
Antiquities Book V. and a portion of Book VI. (to ὃ 140,
with explanatory notes extending to $60). The present
writer has slightly revised this part, and has supplied
atext and annotated translation of the rest of Book VI.
and of Books VII. and VIII. No one realizes more
fully than the writer himself how difficult it is to come
up to the standard of excellence set by Dr. Thackeray
in his skilful translation of the works of Josephus
included in the earlier volumes of this series. An
attempt has been made to adhere to the spirit of his
rendering, but some changes in style have been made,
chiefly in the direction of a less formal and a more
modern idiom. In undertaking to continue the
edition the writer has greatly profited by being able
to consult a roughly drafted translation of Books VI.-
VIUI., of which Dr. Thackeray’s widow has been kind
enough to make a fair copy, and by having before
him several notebooks containing Dr. Thackeray’s
studies of Josephus’s style, his use of Greek authors
and other useful material, which Mrs. Thackeray
has generously placed at his disposal. ‘The writer
has also had the great advantage of using the ms.
of Dr. Thackeray’s Inder Verborum, on the basis
of which he was preparing his Greek Lexicon to
Υ
PREFACE
Josephus, published under the auspices of the Kohut
Foundation of the Jewish Institute of Religion.
The first fascicle of this Lexicon appeared some time
after Dr. Thackcray’s death, and a second fascicle,
completed by the writer, is expected to appear
shortly.
Beside the earlier versions of the Antiquities made
by Hudson, Weill and Whiston-Shilleto, two recent
works have becn consulted in preparing the latter
part of this volume; these are dgada und Exegese
bet Ilavius Josephus by Salomo Rappaport, Vienna,
1930, and Legends of the Jews by Louis Ginzberg
(six volumes), Philadelphia, 1909-1928 (abbr. Ginz-
berg in the footnotes) ; the latter is an invaluable col-
leetion of rabbinic material illustrating the amplifica-
tion of scriptural narratives and furnishing many
instructive parallels to Josephus’s treatment of his
biblical text. The writer has, in addition, inde-
pendently examined the text of the Targum (the
Arainaie translation of the Bible, used in the early
synagogue) and the mediaeval Hebrew commentaries
reprinted in the Rabbinie Bible. For the identifica-
tion of many of the Biblical place-names the writer
is indebted to the researches of Professor W. F.
Albright and other seholars, whose results have
appeared in the Bulletin of the American Schools of
Oriental Research.
With regard to the Greek text, the writer, like
Dr. Thackeray, has attempted to furnish a critical
edition on the basis of the apparatus in Niese’s
editio maior, not (as some reviewers of the earlier
volumes by Dr. Thaekeray have deseribed it) an
edition based solely on Niese’s text. Whether the
text here given is as satisfactory as the excellent
vi
PREFACE
ones furnished by Niese and by Naber in the Teubner
series must be left to the crities to decide. The
problems of Josephus’s text in these books are very
complex, partly because of the twofold ms. tradition,
partly because of the use made by the author of a
Greek version of Scripture, and the corrections made
by Christian copyists in the interest of conformity to
the biblical text known to them, and partly because
of the apparent revisions made by Josephus’s Greek
assistants. These difficulties are illustrated by the
inconsistent spelling of biblieal names of persons and
places in the same ms. and the variants in the two
families of mss. No editor may reasonably hope to
have established, in every case, the forms used by
Josephus himself.
The writer has been similarly inconsistent in his
rendering of these biblical names. The most com-
monly known names, such as Hebron, Absalom, etc.,
are given in the form familiar to English readers,
whether or not they accurately reproduce the Greek
spelling of Josephus’s text; where the name is not
quite so well known and where the Greek form
differs only slightly from that found in the Authorized
Version of Scripture, it is rendered approximately,
e.g. Abisai (for Abisaios ; bibl. Abishai), Achab (for
Achabos ; bibl. Ahab) ; in all other cases the hellen-
ized form is simply transliterated, e.g. Jebosthos
(bibl. Ish-bosheth), Adrazaros (bibl. Hadadezer).
For a discussion of Josephus’s use of the Hebrew
original of Scripture and of the Greek version known
as the Septuagint (abbr. Lxx in the footnotes), the
reader may consult Dr. Thackeray’s Josephus, the
Man and the [listorian (Stroock Lectures at the Jewish
Institute of Religion), N.Y., 1929, Lecture 1V. It
vii
PREFACE
will be seen from the diseussion there and from the
explanatory notes in this volume that Josephus’s text
often agrees with that group of Lxx mss. which repre-
sent the so-called Lucianie recension (abbr. Lue. in
the footnotes), made at the end of the third century
A.D. It is, therefore, evident that this reeension is
based on a text which existed as early as the time
of Josephus. To Dr. Thackeray’s comments on
Josephus’s agreement with the Targum in certain
passages against the Hebrew and Greek texts of
Scripture, and to the examples of such agreement
addueed by Mez (Die Bibel des Josephus) and Rappa-
port, the present writer has added in the footnotes
what he ventures to believe are new instances of
Josephus’s use of an Aramaic translation of Scripture
practically identical with the traditional Targum of
Jonathan, which has usually been supposed to date
from a period almost a century later than Josephus.
R. MM.
Vlil
CONTENTS OF VOLUME V
PREFACE , : : : : : ᾿ ν
THE JEWISH ANTIQUITIES—
Book A" : . : : : ‘ 2
Book VI : ; : . ‘ . 164
Book VII : : ΐ : : « 2358
Book VIII : ; : : ᾿ :ν»ς.
Aprpenpix. An Aneient Table of Contents
(Books V-VII) . «νων 198
ix
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES
ΙΟΥ̓ΔΑΪΚΗΣ APXAIOAOLIAS
ΒΙΒΛΙΟΝ E
. , 3
1 (i. 1) Μωυσέος δὲ τὸν προειρημένον τρόπον ἐξ
~ U
ἀνθρώπων ἀπογεγονότος ᾿Ιησοῦς, ἁπάντων ἤδη
~ % ~ 4 “--
τῶν ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ νενομισμένων τέλος ἐχόντων καὶ τοῦ
/ / / ,. ἢ ἤ
πένθους λελωφηκότος, παρήγγειλεν ἐπὶ στρατείαν
A ~
2 ἕτοιμον εἶναι τὸ πλῆθος, πέμπει TE κατασκόπους
~ , ~ \ /
εἰς Ἱεριχοῦντα τήν τε δύναμιν αὐτῶν καὶ τίνα
’ Ἁ \ \
διάνοιαν ἔχουσιν αὐτοὶ yrwoopevous,' αὐτὸς δὲ
> ’ὔ \ ‘ € \ A /
ἐξήταζε TOV στρατὸν ὡς κατὰ καιρὸν διαβησόμενος
\ > , > / A \ “ ¢
3 tov ‘lopdavov. ἀνακαλεσάμενος δὲ τοὺς τῆς ‘Pov-
~ ~ A
βηλίδος φυλῆς ἄρχοντας καὶ τοὺς τῆς [.άδιδος Kat
“ \
ΔΙανασσήτιδος προεστῶτας, ἐξ ἡμισείας yap καὶ
~ “ ~ \ 3 “A
τῇδε TH φυλῇ τὴν ᾿Αμορίαν κατοικεῖν ἐπετέτραπτο
~ ~ ¢ > ,
4 τῆς Χαναναίων γῆς ἕβδομον οὖσαν μέρος, ὑπεμί-
μνησκεν ἃ ὑπέσχοντο Δὶωυσεῖ, καὶ παρεκάλει
“- > σ
χαριζομένους τῇ τε ἐκείνου προνοίᾳ, μηδ᾽ ὅτε
ἀπέθνησκε περὶ αὐτοὺς καμούσῃ, τῷ τε κοινῇ
,
συμφέροντι παρέχειν αὑτοὺς εἰς τὰ παραγγελλόμενα
προθύμους. τῶν δ᾽ ἑπομένων ὁπλίταις πεντακισ-
lex Lat.: γνωσόμενος codd.
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES
BOOK V
(i. 1) Moses having in the aforesaid manner been
rapt away from men, Joshua, when all the customary
rites had now been accomplished in his honour and
the mourning had abated, directed the people to
make ready for a campaign. He also sent scouts to
Jericho to reeonnoitre the strength and the disposi-
tion of the inhabitants, while he himself reviewed
his army. intending at the first opportunity to cross
the Jordan. Having, moreover, called up the princes
of the tribe of Rubel? and the chiefs of the tribes of
Gad and of Manasseh—for one half of this tribe too
had been permitted to settle in the Amorite country,
whieh forms a seventh part ® of the land of Canaan
—he reminded them of their promises to Moses and
exhorted them, out of respect alike for that fore-
thought of his on their behalf which even in his dying
moments had never flagged, and for the common
weal, to respond to his orders with alacrity. These
duly following him, he with fifty thousand 5. men-
* Reuben.
¢ The Amorites were one of the “ seven nations” that
inhabited Canaan (Deut. vii. 1, Jos. iii. 10; ef. §§ 88 f. below).
}’rom this apparently, as M. Weill suggests, Josephus infers
that they occupied a seventh part of the whole country.
¢ 40,000 according to Jos. iv. 13 (Ὁ. and Lxx).
Joshua
sends spies
to Jericho
and ad-
vances to
the Jordan.
Jos. i. 10;
ἰΐ. 1.
ie oma
JOSEPHUS
, 3 ‘ ~ 3 \
μυρίοις ἀπὸ τῆς ᾿Αβέλης" ἐπὶ τὸν ᾿Ιόρδανον ἐξήει
σταδίους ἑξήκοντα.
Oo kK A 5 / a 108 e 4
δ (2) Kat στρατοπεδεύσαντος εὐθὺς ot κατάσκοποι
παρῆσαν μηδὲν ἀγνοήσαντες τῶν παρὰ τοῖς
“- 3
Χαναναίοις" λαθόντες" γὰρ τὸ πρῶτον ἅπασαν ἐπ
ἀδείας αὐτῶν τὴν πόλιν κατενόησαν, τῶν τε τειχῶν
ὅσα καρτερὰ καὶ ὅσα μὴ τοῦτον ἔχει" τὸν τρόπον
αὐτοῖς ἀσφαλῶς καὶ τῶν πυλίδων at πρὸς εἴσοδοι'
- 7 9 3 / ᾽ὔ > /
6 τῷ στρατοπέδῳ δι ἀσθένειαν συνέφερον. ἠἡμέλουν
δὲ θεωμένων οἱ ἐντυγχάνοντες καθ᾽ ἱστορίαν ξένοις
προσήκουσαν ἀκριβῶς ἕκαστα πολυπραγμονεῖν τῶν
ἐν τῇ πόλει νομίζοντες, ἀλλ᾽ οὐχὶ διανοίᾳ “πολεμίων.
7 ὡς δὲ γενομένης ὀψίας ὑποχωροῦσιν εἴς τι κατ-
αγώγιον τοῦ τείχους πλησίον, εἰς ὃ καὶ προήχθησαν
‘
8 δειπνοποιησόμενοι' καὶ περὶ ἀπαλλαγῆς αὐτοῖς τὸ
λοιπὸν ἢ φροντὶς ἦν, μηνύονται τῷ βασιλεῖ περὶ
δεῖπνον ὄντι κατασκεψόμενοί τινες τὴν πόλιν ἀπὸ
τοῦ τῶν “EBpaiwy στρατοπέδου παρεῖναι καὶ
ὄντες ἐν τῷ τῆς “PaaBys καταγωγίῳ μετὰ πολλῆς
“-« ~ 3 \
τῆς τοῦ λανθάνειν προνοίας ὑπάρχειν. ὁ δ᾽ εὐθὺς
πέμψας πρὸς αὐτοὺς" ἐκέλευσεν ἀγαγεῖν συλ-
7 ¢ ’ / 7 \ /
λαβόντας, ἵνα βασανίσας μάθῃ, τί καὶ βουλόμενοι
- ξ > Ww \ ” 4 ~ {ἐ la
9 παρεῖεν. ὡς δ᾽ ἔγνω τὴν ἔφοδον αὐτῶν ἡ ‘PaaBy,
3 4.» ~ / 7 A
λίνου yap ἀγκαλίδας ἐπὶ τοῦ τέγους" ἔψυχε, τοὺς
μὲν κατασκόπους εἰς ταύτας ἀποκρύπτει, τοῖς
a e \ ~ , μὴ e ?
δὲ πεμφθεῖσιν ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως ἔλεγεν, ws ξένοι
1 RO: ᾿Αβίλης ete. rell.
2 codd. Lat.: ἐλθόντες E edd. 3 ἔχοι. SP.
4 ex Lat.: -ποιησάμενοι codd.
δ fort. αὐτὸν lexendum. 6 FE: τείχους codd.
4“ Or Abile (bibl. Abel-shittim) : «41. iv. 176 note.
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 4-9
at-arms set out from Abele ἃ and advaneed sixty
stades towards the Jordan.
(2) Searce had he pitched his camp when the
scouts reappeared, in nothing ignorant of the con-
dition of the Canaanites. For, undetected at the
first, they had surveyed their entire city unmolested,
noting where the ramparts were strong and where
they offered a less secure protection to the mhabit-
ants, and which of the gates through weakness
would facilitate entrance for the army. Those who
met them had disregarded their inspection, attri-
buting to a curiosity natural to strangers this busy
study of every detail in the city, and in no wise to
any hostile intent. But when, at fall of even, they
retired to an inn? hard by the ramparts, to which
they had proceeded for supper, and were now
only thinking of departure, word was brought to the
king as he supped that certain persons had come
from the camp of the Hebrews to spy upon the city
aud were now in Rahab’s inn, mightily anxious to
escape detection. And he straightway sent men
after them, with orders to arrest and bring them up,
that he might discover by torture to what intent
they were come. But when Rahab learnt of their
approaeh, being then engaged in drying some bundles
of flax upon the roof,? she concealed the spies therein,
and told the king’s messengers that some unknown
ὃ The Bible speaks of Rahab the ‘t harlot”? (Heb. zonah,
Lxx πόρνη). Josephus follows the Palestinian interpretation
found in the Targum on Jos. ii. 1, where the noun is trans-
lated pundek ita = Gr. wav doxevrpia or πανδόκισσα, * inn-keeper.”
Cf. Ae nie ono’,
¢ Or * been conducted ” or * directed.”
4 Or, according to most mss., Ὁ the wall.’? Jos. ii. 6 has
“the roof’? (Lxx δῶμα):
5
The spies
and Rahab.
Jos. ii. 1.
10 0
]
—
JOSEPHUS
τινὲς ἀγνῶτες ὀλίγῳ πρότερον ἣ δῦναι τὸν ἥλιον
παρ᾽ αὐτῇ δειπνήσαντες ἀπαλλαγεῖεν, οὗς εἰ
φοβεροὶ τῇ πόλει δοκοῦσιν, ἢ κίνδυνον τῷ βασιλεῖ
τες ἧκον, ἀπόνως εἶναι λαβεῖν διωχθέντας.
δέ, τῆς γυναικὸς οὕτως αὐτοὺς ὑπελθούσης,
ee ὑπονοήσαντες δόλον ἀπῆλθον οὐδ᾽ ἐρευνή-
σαντες τὸ καταγώγιον. ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ὁρμήσαντες καθ᾽
ἃς ἐνόμιζον αὐτοὺς μάλιστα τῶν ὁδῶν ἀπέρχεσθαι
καὶ κατὰ τὰς εἰς τὸν ποταμὸν φερούσας οὐδενὶ
γνωρίσματι περιετύγχανον, παύονται τοῦ πονεῖν.
τοῦ δὲ θορύβου σταλέντος ἡ ᾿Ῥαάβη καταγαγοῦσα
τοὺς ἀνδρας καὶ τὸν κίνδυνον εἰποῦσα, ὃν ὑπὲρ τῆς
αὐτῶν ὑπέλθοι σωτηρίας, ἁλοῦσαν γὰρ ἀποκρύπ-
τουσαν αὐτοὺς οὐκ ἂν διαφυγεῖν τὴν ἐκ τοῦ βασιλέως
τιμωρίαν, ἀλλὰ πανοικὶ αὐτὴν ἀπολέσθαι κακῶς,
παρακαλέσασα διὰ μνήμης ἔχειν, ὅταν ἐγκρατεῖς
τῆς Χαναναίων γῆς καταστάντες ἀμοιβὴν ἐκτῖσαι
δύνωνται τῆς apr σωτηρίας, χωρεῖν ἐκέλευεν ἐπὶ
τὰ οἰκεῖα ὀμόσαντας 1) μὴν σώσειν αὐτὴν καὶ τὰ
αὐτῆς, ὅταν τὴν πόλιν ἑλόντες φθείρωσι πάντας
τοὺς ἐν αὐτῇ κατὰ ψήφισμα τὸ παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς γενό-
μενον: ταῦτα γὰρ εἰδέναι σημείοις τοῖς ἐκ τοῦ θεοῦ
13 διδαχθεῖσαν. οἱ δὲ καὶ περὶ τῶν παρόντων αὐτῇ
χάριν ἔχειν ὡμολόγουν καὶ περὶ τῶν αὖθις ὥμνυον
Μ ‘ 5 \ 2 ᾽ Ἐν ἢ 9. oN ”
ἔργῳ τὴν ἀμοιβὴν ἀποδώσειν: ἡνίκα δ᾽ av αἴσθηται
λλ 4 ey 7 ~ 7 1A
μελλούσης ἁλίσκεσθαι τῆς πόλεως, συνεβούλευον
~ Κ A “ >
κτῆσιν TE τὴν αὐτῆς καὶ TOUS οἰκείους ἅπαντας εἰς
A ~ A ~
τὸ καταγώγιον ἀποθεμένην ἐγκαθεῖρξαι, πρὸ τῶν
1 P2 edd.: τινὲς εἶεν rell. eodd. 2 om. M.
@ Jos. ii. 9f. speaks of Rahab’s having heard that the
Israelites’ God will again aid them as in the past. Perhaps
0
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 9-13
strangers had shortly before sundown supped with
her and gone their way ; but, were it thought that
the city had cause to fear them or were their coming
fraught with peril to the king, they could be eaught
without difficulty if pursued. The messengers, thus
cajoled by the woman and suspecting no guile, de-
parted without even searching the inn; but when,
after speeding along the roads by which they thought
it most likely that the men had fled, including all
those leading to the river, they found no trace of
them, they ceased to trouble themselves further.
The tumult having subsided, Rahab brought the
men down and, having told thern of the risk which
she had run for their salvation—for, had she been
caught concealing them, she would not have escaped
the vengeance of the king but she and all her house
would have perished miserably—she besought them
to bear this in mind when, once masters of the land
of the Canaanites, they should be in a position to
recompense her for their present salvation; and
she bade them depart to their own place, after swear-
ing that they would verily save her and all that was
hers when, on taking the city, they should destroy
all its inhabitants, as had been decreed by their
people, for of this (she said) she knew through
eertain signs ὦ which God had given her. In reply
they expressed their gratitude to her for present
favours and swore to repay her in future by reeom-
pense in act; but they eounselled her, when she
should see that the city was on the point of being
taken, to seeure her chattels and all her household
within the inn and to shut them in, and to extend
σημεῖα here, as elsewhere in Josephus, means the ‘ miracles ”’
alluded to in the Scriptural passage.
VOL. V B Ἷ
11.
10
17
JOSEPHUS
θυρῶν ἀνατείνασαν φοιυ"κίδας, ὅπως εἰδὼς τὴν
οἰκίαν ὁ στρατηγὸς φυλάττηται κακῶς ποιεῖν'
μηνύσομεν' γὰρ αὐτῷ, ἔφασαν, “διὰ τὸ σὸν
σώζεσθαι πρόθυμον. εἰ δέ τις ἐν τῇ μάχῃ πέσοι
/ /
τῶν σῶν, σύ τε οὐκ dv ἡμῖν ἐπενέγκοις αἰτίαν καὶ
τὸν θεὸν ὃν ὁμωμόκαμεν παραιτούμεθα μηδὲν ὡς
ἐπὶ παραβαίνουσι τοὺς ὅρκους δυσχερᾶναι.᾽ καὶ
οἵ μὲν ταῦτα συνθέμενοι ἐχώρουν διὰ τοῦ τείχους
καθιμήσαντες ἑαυτούς, καὶ διασωθέντες πρὸς τοὺς
οἰκείους ἐδήλωσαν ὅσα πράξαντες ἐπὶ τῆς πόλεως
ἧκον'" ᾿Ιησοῦς δὲ τῷ ἀρχιερεῖ ᾿Ελεαζάρῳ καὶ τῇ
γερουσίᾳ φράζει τὰ τοῖς σκοποῖς ὀμοθέντα πρὸς
τὴν ‘PaaBnv- οἱ δ᾽ ἐπεκύρουν τὸν ὅρκον.
(3) ᾿Δεδιότος δὲ τοῦ στρατοῦ" τὴν διάβασιν, μέγας
γὰρ ἦν ὃ ποταμὸς τῷ ῥεύματι καὶ οὔτε γεφύραις
πορευτός, οὐ γὰρ ἔζευκτο τὸ" πρότερον, βουλομέ-
vous Te γεφυροῦν οὐχ ἕξειν σχολὴν παρὰ τῶν πο-
λεμίων ὑπελάμβανον πορθμείων τε μὴ τυγχανόντων,
διαβατὸν αὐτοῖς ὁ θεὸς ἐπαγγέλλεται ποιήσειν τὸν
ποταμὸν μειώσας αὐτοῦ τὸ πλῆθος. καὶ δύο ἐπ-
ισχὼν ἡμέρας ᾿ΙΪησοῦς διεβίβαζε τὸν στρατὸν καὶ
τὴν πληθὺν ἅπασαν τοιούτῳ τρόπῳ: προήεσαν μὲν
οἱ ἱερεῖς τὴν κιβωτὸν ἔχοντες, ἔπειτα οἵ Λευῖται
τήν τε σκηνὴν καὶ τὰ πρὸς ὑπηρεσίαν ταῖς θυσίαις
σκεύη κομίζοντες, εἵποντο δὲ τοῖς Λευίταις κατὰ
φυλὰς ὁ πᾶς ὅμιλος μέσους ἔχων παῖδας καὶ γυ-
ναῖκας, δεδιὼς περὶ αὐτῶν μὴ βιασθεῖεν ὑπὸ τοῦ
1 RO: μηνύσειν rell.
2 SP: στρατηγοῦ το]]. 3 RO: rw rell.
@ Jos. ii. 18, ‘* Thou shalt bind this line of scarlet thread
in the window which thou didst let us down by.”
> Josephus, more suo, lessens the supernatural character
8
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES. V. 13-17
red flags before her doors,? in order that their general,
recognizing the house, might refrain from doing it
injury. “‘ For,’ said they, «Wwe shall report to him
that it is to thy zeal that we owe our lives. But,
should any of thy kinsmen fall in the battle. thou
must not lay that to our charge, and we implore the
God by whom we have sworn to be in no wise in-
dignant at us, as though we had transgressed our
oaths.” So having made this eompaet, they departed,
letting themselves down the wall by a rope and, when
safely restored to their friends, they recounted their
adventures in the city. Joshua thereupon reported
to Eleazar the high priest and to the council of
elders what the spies had sworn to Rahab; and
they ratified the oath.
(3) Now since the army was afraid to eross the
river, which had a strong current and could not
be erossed by bridges—for it had not been spanned
by any hitherto, ics should they wish to lay
them now, the enemy would not, they imagined,
afford them the leisure, and they Hod no ferry- coats
—God promised to render the stream passable for
them by diminishing its volume.’ So Joshua, having
waited two days,° proeeeded to transport the army
with the whole multitude in the following fashion.
At the head went the priests bearing the ‘ark, next
the Levites carrying the tabernacle and the vessels
for the ministry of the saerifiees, and, after the
Levites, followed, tribe by tribe, the whole throng,
with the children and women in the centre, for fear
of their being swept away by the force of the current.
of the miracle: the waters are not ‘ wholly cut off’ as in
Joshua (iii. 13, 16).
ΕΑ «lays. Jos: Wie?
Oo
Crossing of
the Jordan,
Jos. iil. 2.
JOSEPHUS
e , e A a e ~ ’ὔ 3 ~
18 ῥεύματος. ὡς δὲ Tots ἱερεῦσι πρώτοις ἐμβᾶσι
20
to
to
—
‘ "ὕ ς é ~ 4 7
πορευτὸς ἔδοξεν ὁ ποταμός, τοῦ μὲν βαθους
ἐπεσχημένου, τοῦ δὲ κάχληκος, τῷ μὴ πολὺν εἶναι
3 3 ‘ A ¢ oA σ 3 ς Ψ ‘ 3 \ ~ ,
μηδ᾽ ὀξὺν τὸν ῥοῦν ὥσθ ὑποφέρειν αὐτὸν τῇ βίᾳ,
3 3
ἀντ ἐδάφους κειμένου, πάντες ἤδη θαρσαλέως
ἐπεραιοῦντο τὸν ποταμόν, οἷον αὐτὸν ὁ θεὸς
προεῖπε ποιήσειν τοιοῦτον κατανοοῦντες. ἔστησαν
A 3 ~ id ce ~
δὲ ἐν μέσῳ οἱ ἱερεῖς ἕως οὗ διαβαίη τὸ πλῆθος
\ > ~ ey? , 1 , \
καὶ τἀσφαλοῦς ἁψάμενον τύχοι. πάντων δὲ δια-
, 3 7 ς ¢ ~ > , > , Μ
βάντων ἐξήεσαν οἱ ἱερεῖς ἐλεύθερον ἀφέντες ἤδη
Ἁ cm aA Ἀ
τὸ ῥεῦμα χωρεῖν κατὰ τὴν συνήθειαν. καὶ ὁ μὲν
A ᾿ % 3 7 93 \ ~ ¢ ,
ποταμὸς εὐθὺς ἐκβάντων αὐτὸν τῶν “EBpaiwv
» ‘ YN wd 3 ’ὔ ’
ηὔξετο καὶ τὸ ἴδιον ἀπελάμβανε μέγεθος.
(4) Οἱ δὲ πεντήκοντα προελθόντες στάδια βαλ-
~ e
λονται στρατόπεδον ἀπὸ δέκα σταδίων τῆς ‘lepe-
~ 3 a A 7 2 fo > A DY.)
χοῦντος, Ιησοῦς δὲ τόν re? βωμὸν ἐκ τῶν λίθων
ὧν ἕκαστος ἀνείλετο τῶν φυλάρχων ἐκ τοῦ βυθοῦ
τοῦ προφήτου κελεύσαντος ἱδρυσάμενος, τεκμήριον’
γενησόμενον τῆς ἀνακοπῆῖς τοῦ ῥεύματος, ἔθυεν
ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῦ τῷ θεῷ, καὶ τὴν φάσκα ἑώρταζον ἐν
ἐκείῳ τῷ χωρίῳ, πάντων ὧν αὐτοῖς πρότερον
συνέβαινε σπανίζειν τότε ῥᾳδίως εὐποροῦντες" τόν
~ se ,
Te yap σῖτον ἀκμάζοντα ἤδη τῶν Navavatwr
A 3 A
ἐθέριζον καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ λείαν ἦγον" τότε γὰρ αὐτοὺς
A ,
Kat ἡ τῆς μάννας ἐπελελοίπει τροφὴ χρησαμένους
9.ϑ
ἐπὶ ἔτη τεσσαράκοντα.
‘Os δὲ ταῦτ j pv | λιτῶ
(5) “Os δὲ ταῦτα ποιούντων τῶν ᾿Ισραηλιτῶν
? 3 , ¢ a ~ 4 3 e ,
οὐκ ἐπεξήεσαν οἱ Χαναναῖοι τειχήρεις δ᾽ ἡσύχαζον,
1 Dindorf: τύχη codd. 2 re RO: om. τόν τε SPE (Lat.).
¢ Literally “ touched safety > the phrase recalls ‘Thue. ii.
O2 πρὶν... τοῦ ἀσφαλοῦς ἀντιλάβοιντο (the escape from
Plataea),
10
JUMWISH ANTIQUITIES. Υ, 18=22
When the priests, who were the first to enter, found
the river fordable—the depth having diminished
and the shingle, which the current was neither full
nor rapid enough-to force from under their feet,
lying as a solid floor—all thereupon confidently
traversed the stream, perceiving it to be even as
God had foretold that He would make it. But the tit 13,
priests stood still in the midst until the multitude" ”
had crossed and reached the firm ground.? Then,
when all had crossed, the priests emerged, leaving
the stream free to resume its aecustomed course.
And the river, so soon as the Hebrews had quitted
it, swelled and recovered its natural magnitude.
(4) These, having advanced fifty stades, pitched Frection of
their camp at a distance of ten stades > from Jericho. celebration
And Joshua, with the stones which each of the Cie
tribal leaders had, by the prophet’s orders, taken
up from the river-bed, erected that altar that was
to serve as a token of the stoppage of the stream,
and sacrificed thereon to God.* They also kept the v. 10.
feast of the Passover at that spot, being now readily
and amply provided with all that they had lacked
before ; for they reaped the corn of the Canaanites,
now at its prime, and took any other booty they
could. It was then too that the supply of manna
ceased which had served them for forty years.
(5) Since, notwithstanding these actions of the Encompass-
Israelites, the Canaanites did not sally out against 8p" JP°
them but remained motionless behind their walls, Seu Oy
ὃ These distances are unscriptural. ‘The Gilgal of the
eamp (Jos. v. 10) is usually identified with a site more than
ten stades distant (S.E.) from Jericho.
¢ Josephus here omits the renewal at Gilgal of the rite of
circumcision which had been neglected in the wilderness
(05:9 2...
11
—~
to
JOSEPHUS
πολιορκεῖν αὐτοὺς ᾿Ιησοῦς ἔγνω. καὶ τῇ πρώτῃ
τῆς ἑορτῆς ἡμέρᾳ τὴν κιβωτὸν οἱ ἱερεῖς φέροντες,
περὶ δ᾽ αὐτὴν ἐν κύκλῳ μέρος τι τῶν ὁπλιτῶν
φυλάττοι: ἦν, ἄλλοι δὲ καὶ; προήεσαν ἑπτὰ κέρασιν
αὐτῶν σαλπίζοντες παρεκάλουν τὸν στρατὸν εἰς
ἀλκήν, περιώδευόν τε τὸ τεῖχος ἑπομένης τῆς
γερουσίας, καὶ σαλπισάντων μόνον τῶν ἱερέων,
τούτου γὰρ οὐδὲν ἐποίησαν περισσότερον, ἀνέζευξαν
εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον. καὶ τοῦτο ἐπὶ ἡμέρας ἕξ
ποιησάντων τῇ ἑβδόμῃ τὸ ὁπλιτικὸν ᾿Ιησοῦς συν-
αγαγὼν καὶ τὸν λαὸν ἅπαντα, τὴν ἅλωσιν αὐτοῖς
THIS πόλεως εὐηγγελίζετο," ὡς κατ᾽ ἐκείνην τὴν
ἡμέραν αὐτοῖς τοῦ θεοῦ ταύτην παρέξοντος, αὐτο-
μάτως καὶ δίχα τοῦ πόνου τοῦ σφετέρου τῶν τειχῶν
κατενεχθησομένων. κτείνειν μέντοι πάνθ᾽ ὁντιν-
οῦν εἰ “λάβοιεν παβεκελεύετο καὶ μήτε κάμνοντας
ἀποστῆναι τοῦ φόνου τῶν πολεμίων, μήτ᾽ ἐλέῳ
παραχωρήσαντας “φείσασθαι' μήτε περὶ ἁρπαγὴν
20 γινομένους περιορᾶν φεύγοντας τοὺς ἐχθρούς" ἀλλὰ
τὰ μὲν ζῷα πάντα διαφθείρειν μηδὲν αὐτοὺς εἰς
ἰδίαν ὠφέλειαν λαμβάνοντας, ὅσαΐ δ᾽ av ἄργυρος ἢ
καὶ χρυσός, ταῦτα ἐκέλευσε συγκομίζοντας a ἀπαρχὴν
ἐξαίρετον τῶν κατωρθωμένων τῷ θεῷ τηρεῖν ἐκ
τῆς πρῶτον ἁλισκομένης πόλεως εἰληφότας" σώζειν
δὲ μόνην ‘Pad Byy καὶ τὴν γενεὰν αὐτῆς διὰ τοὺς
γενομένους πρὸς αὐτὴν τοῖς κατασκόποις ὅρκους.
1 After Lat, (aliiqire sacerdotes): of καὶ codd.
2 RO: εὐηγγελίσατο rell. $4 ye SVL.
aS igs-0m. Tell. 5 ὅσος RO: ὃς ΔΊ,
α 7,6. of the Passover just mentioned ; this date has no
support in Scripture or, according to M. Weill, in tradition.
IQ
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, 22-26
Joshua resolved to besiege them. And, on the first
day of the feast,* the priests bearing the ark—which
was surrounded by a party of armed men to protect
it, while seven other priests marched in advance,
sounding their horns—exhorted the ariny to valianee
and made the cireuit of the walls, followed by the
council of elders. After merely those blasts from the
priests—for beyond that they did nothing—they
returned to the camp. Tor six days this was re-
peated, and on the seventh Joshua, having assembled
the troops and all the people, announced to them
the good news of the impending capture of the city,
to wit that on that day God would deliver it to them
and that, spontaneously and without effort on their
part, the walls would collapse. Howbeit he charged
them to slay all, whomsoever they caught, and neither
through weariness, nor yielding to pity to desist
from the slaughter of their enemies, nor yet while
engaged in pillage to suffer the foe to escape. Nay,
they were to destroy every living creature without
taking aught to themselves for their private profit ;
but whatsoever there might be of silver or gold,?
that he commanded them to amass and reserve for
God as choice first-fruits of their success, won from
the first captured city. They were to spare only
Rahab and her family in virtue of the oaths whieh
had been made to her by the spies.
Josephus has traced a connexion between the seven days of
blowing of trumpets, mentioned in Scripture, and the duration
of the feast. Perhaps, however, he has used a text which,
like the txx Jos. vi. 12, read ‘Son the second day, Joshua
rose early, and the priests bore the ark, ete.,” and taken it
to mean the day after the eve of Passover, or the first full
day of the festival.
® Jos. vi. 19 adds *‘ or brass or iron’; cf. § 32.
13
“7
90
91
JOSEPHUS
(6) Tair εἰπὼν καὶ διατάξας τὸν στρατὸν προσ-
ἤγεν' ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν: περιήεσαν δὲ πάλιν τὴν
πόλιν ἡγουμένης τῆς κιβωτοῦ καὶ τῶν ἱερέων τοῖς
κέρασιν ἐξοτρυνόντων τὴν δύναμιν πρὸς τὸ ἔργον.
καὶ περιελθόντων ἑπτάκις καὶ πρὸς ὀλίγον ἤρε-
μησάντων κατέπεσε τὸ τεῖχος μήτε μηχανῆς μήτε
ἄλλης βίας αὐτῷ προσενεχθείσης ὑπὸ τῶν Ἑβραίων.
(a) Ὧἱὐἱ ὃ. εἰσελθόντες εἰς “Ἱεριχοῦντα πάντας
ἔκτεινον, τῶν ἐν αὐτῇ πρὸς τὴν παράδοξον τοῦ
τείχους ἀνατροπὴν καταπεπληγότων καὶ τοῦ φρο-
νήματος αὐτοῖς πρὸς ἄμυναν ἀχρείου γεγονότος"
ἀνῃροῦντο 5° οὖν ἐν ταῖς ὁδοῖς ἀποσφαττόμενοι
καὶ ἐν ταῖς οἰκίαις ἐπικαταλαμβανόμενοι. παρ-
ῃτεῖτο δ᾽ οὐδὲν αὐτούς, ἀλλὰ πάντες ἀπώλλυντο
ἄχρι γυναικῶν καὶ παιδίων, καὶ νεκρῶν ἡ πόλις
Wy ἀνάπλεως καὶ διέφυγεν. οὐδέν. τὴν δὲ πόλιν
ἐνέπρησαν ἅπασαν καὶ τὴν χώραν. καὶ τὴν
‘PaadBnv σὺν τοῖς οἰκείοις εἷς τὸ καταγώγιον συμ-
φυγοῦσαν ἐ ἔσωσαν οἱ κατάσκοποι, καὶ πρὸς αὐτὸν
᾿Ιησοῦς ἀχθείσῃ χάριν ἔχειν ὡμολόγει τῆς σωτηρίας
τῶν κατασκόπων καὶ μὴν; THs, εὐεργεσίας ταύτης
ἔλεγεν ἐν ταῖς ἀμοιβαῖς οὐχ ἥττονα φανήσεσθαι.
δωρεῖται δ᾽ αὐτὴν εὐθὺς ἀγροῖς καὶ διὰ τιμῆς εἶχε
τῆς πάσης.
(8) Τῆς δὲ πόλεως εἰ καί τι παρέλθοι τὸ πῦρ
κατέσκαπτε καὶ κατὰ τῶν οἰκισόντων, εἴ τις
πορθηθεῖσαν ἀνεγείρειν ἐθελήσειεν, ἀρὰς ἔθετο,
ὅπως θεμελίους μὲν τειχῶν βαλλόμενος" στερηθῇ
τοῦ πρώτου παιδός, τελειώσας δὲ τὸν νεώτατον
τῶν παίδων ἀποβάλῃ. τῆς δὲ ἀρᾶς τὸ θεῖον οὐκ
1 προσήγαγεν RO. 2 ΔΤ; μηδὲν rell.
3 Ls: οἰκησόντων rell. 4 βαλόμενος RO,
14
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 27-31
(6) Having spoken thus, he marshalled his army
Fall of
Jericho,
and led it towards the city. Again they compassed Jos. vi. 15.
the city, the ark leading and the priests with the
sounding of their horns inciting the troops to aetion.
And when they had compassed it seven times and
had halted for a while, the wall fell down, without
either engine or force of any other kind havi ing been
applied to it by the Hebrews.
(7) And they, having entered Jericho, slew every
soul, the inhabitants “being dumbfounded at the
miraculous overthrow of the 1 ramparts and deprived
of all effectual spirit for defence. At all events they
perished, slaughtered in the streets or surprised in
the houses. Nothing could exempt them ; all were
destroyed down to the women and children, and the
city was choked with corpses and nothing escaped.
The city itself they burnt entire and the surrounding
region. Rahab, who with her kinsfolk had all taken
refuge in the inn, was saved by the spies; and
Joshua, on her being brought before him, acknow-
ledged his gratitude to her for her protection of the
spies and assured her that in recompensing her he
would not be found to fall short of such a benefaction.
Indeed he presented her with lands forthwith and
showed her every consideration.
(8) As for the city, whatever of it the fire had
spared he demolished, and upon those who would
settle there should any be fain to re-ereet it from
its ruins, he pronounced imprecations, that if he laid
foundations of walls he should be bereft of his first-
born and if he completed the walls he should lose
the youngest of his sons. Nor was this curse un-
15
Massacre
of the
inhabitants
excepting
Rahab.
Jos. vi. 21.
Destruction
of the town
and
imprecation
of Joshua.
08s Vi. 26.
JOSEPHUS
3 / > 3 3 - ς ,ὔ 3 ~ A
ἠμέλησεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν τοῖς ὑστέροις ἀπαγγελοῦμεν τὸ
περὶ αὐτὴν πάθος γενόμενον.
832. (0) ΓΛπειρον δέ τι πλῆθος ἐκ τῆς ἁλώσεως
συναθροίζεται ἀργύρου τε καὶ χρυσοῦ καὶ προσέτι
χαλκοῦ, μηδενὸς παραβάντος τὰ δεδογμένα μηδ᾽
εἰς ἰδίαν ὠφέλειαν αὐτὰ διαρπασαμένων, ἀλλ᾽
ἀποσχομένων ὡς ἤδη τῷ θεῷ καθιερωμιένων. καὶ 1
ταῦτα μὲν ᾿Ιησοῦς τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν εἰς τοὺς θησαυροὺς |
παραδίδωσι καταθέσθαι. καὶ “Ἱεριχοῦς μὲν τοῦτον |
ἀπώλετο τὸν τρόπον. |
99. (10) Γλχαρος δέ τις Ζεβεδαίου παῖς ὧν ἐκ τῆς
᾿Ιούδα φυλῆς εὑρὼν χλαμύδα βασίλειον ἐκ χρυσοῦ
μὲν πᾶσαν ὑφασμένην, μᾶζαν δὲ χρυσοῦ σταθμὸν
ἕλκουσαν σίκλων διακοσίων καὶ δεινὸν ἡγησάμε-
νος δ' κινδυνεύσας ηὕρατο κέρδος, τοῦτο τῆς ἰδίας
ἢ > / 8 a , me α \ \
χρείας ἀφελόμενος δοῦναι φέρων τῷ θεῷ καὶ μὴ
δεομένῳ, ὄρυγμα βαθὺ ποιήσας ἐν τῇ αὐτοῦ σκηνῇ
κατώρυξεν εἰς τοῦτο, λήσειν" νομίζων ὡς τοὺς συ-
στρατιώτας οὕτως καὶ τὸν θεόν.
94. (11) ᾿᾿κλήθη δὲ ὁ τόπος ἐν ᾧ στρατόπεδον
ἐβάλετο ᾿Ιησοῦς TdaAyada: onpaiver δὲ τοῦτο ἐλευ-
θέριον ὄνομα: διαβάντες γὰρ τὸν ποταμὸν ἐλευ-
θέρους ἑαυτοὺς ἤδη ἀπό τε τῶν Αἰγυπτίων καὶ τῆς
ἐν τῇ ἐρήμῳ ταλαιπωρίας ἐγίνωσκον.
1 Ernesti: εἰ ὁ ML: εἰς 6 RO.
3 Niese suspects a lacuna after ἀφελόμενος.
3 MIE: λήσεσθαι rell.
4 In the reign of Ahab, 1 Kings xvi. 34. Josephus, how-
ever, in the sequel forgets to recount the incident ;_ the verse
which records it being apparently absent from the Greek
Bible which he was then followi ing (4. viii. 515 note).
> Heb.‘ Achan, son of Carmi, son of Zabdi’?: the form
Achar appears here in the Lxx, as also in the Heb. in 1 Chron.
10
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 31-34
regarded by the Deity, but in the sequel we shall
recount the calamity which it entailed.
(9) An immense quantity of silver and gold, as Consecra-
also of brass, was amassed from the captured town, base oe
none having violated the decrees nor looted these te God.
things for his private profit: nay, they abstained
therefrom as from objects already consecrated to
God. And Joshua delivercd them to the priests to
lay up in the treasuries. Such, then, was the end of
Jericho.
(10) But a certain Achar, son of Zebedee,” of the The sin
tribe of Judah, having found a royal mantle all jos, “ii Ie
woven of gold and a mass of gold of the weight of
two hundred shekels,® and thinking it cruel that he
should deprive himself of the enjoyment of lucre,
which he had won at his own peril, and bring and
offer it to God, who had no need of it, dug a deep
hole in his tent and buried his treasure therein,
thinking to elude alike his comrades in arms and
witha] the eye of God.
(11) The place where Joshua had established his ue at
camp was called Galgala.4 This name _ signifies Jos. ν. 9.
ὙΠ ΒΘ ΒΟ ΟΣ 65. for, having crossed the river, they
felt themselves henceforth free both from the
Egyptians and from their miserics in the descrt.
ii. 7. Moreover the etymological word-play in the Hebrew
of Jos. vii. 25 presupposes the form Achar (har).
¢ Heb.“ amantleof Shinar (i.e. Babylonia) and‘ 200 shekels
of silver and a wedge of gold of 50 shekels weight ”’ (Jos. vii.
Zi): Ὁ 50 Lxx: Heb. Gilgal.
€ One of the historian’s “ἢ free ’’ etymologies, but perhaps
taken over from others (Weill quotes the translation ἐλευθερία
in ITheodoret i. p. 199). Scripture derives the name Gilgal
from the verb galal (“‘ to roll’’) and adds the explanation
‘* This day have I rolled away the reproach of Egypt from off
you” (by the reinstitution of the practice of circumcision).
17
35
36
38
40
~I
JOSEPERUS
(12) Mera δ᾽ ὀλίγας ἡμέρας τῆς “Ιεριχοῦντος
συμφορᾶς πέμπει τρισχιλίους ὁπλίτας ᾿Ιησοῦς εἰς"
Nata’ πόλιν ὑπὲρ τῆς Ἱεριχοῦντος κειμένην
αἱρήσοντας, οἱ συμβαλόντων αὐτοῖς τῶν Ναϊητῶν
τραπέντες ἀποβάλλουσιν ἄνδρας €€ καὶ τριάκοντα.
τοῦτ᾽ ἀγγελθὲν τοῖς ᾿Ισραηλίταις λύπην τε μεγάλην
καὶ δεινὴν ἐποίησεν ἀθυμίαν, οὐ κατὰ τὸ οἰκεῖον
τῶν ἀπολωλότων, καίτοι γε πάντων ἀνδρῶν
ἀγαθῶν καὶ σπουδῆς ἀξίων διεφθαρμένων, ἀλλὰ
κατὰ ἀπόγνωσιν" πιστεύοντες γὰρ ἤδη τῆς γῆς
ἐγκρατ εἷς εἶναι καὶ σῶον ἕξειν ἐν ταῖς μάχαις τὸν
στρατὸν οὕτως τοῦ θεοῦ προὐὔπεσχημένου, τε-
θαρρηκότας παραδόξως ἑώρων τοὺς πολεμίους"
καὶ σάκκους ἐπενδύντες ταῖς στολαῖς du ὅλης
ἡμέρας ἐν δακρύοις ἦσαν καὶ πένθει, τροφῆς οὐ-
δεμίαν ἐπιζήτησιν ποιούμενοι, μειζόνως δὲ τὸ
συμβεβηκὸς εἶχον ἀχθόμενοι.
(15) Βλέπων δὲ οὕτως ὁ ᾿Ιησοῦς τήν τε στρατιὰν
καταπεπληγυῖΐαν καὶ περὶ τῶν ὅλων πονηρὰν ἤδη
τὴν ἐλπίδα λαμβάνουσαν παρρησίαν λαμβάνει πρὸς
τὸν θεόν" “ ἡμεῖς γὰρ εἶπεν “᾿ οὐχ ὑπ᾽ αὐθαδείας
προήχθημεν ὥστε ταύτην ὑπάγεσθαι τοῖς ὅπλοις
τὴν γῆν, ἀλλὰ ΔΙωυσέος τοῦ σοῦ δούλου πρὸς τοῦθ᾽
ἡμᾶς ἐξεγείραντος, ᾧ διὰ πολλῶν τεκμηρίων
ἐπηγγέλλου κτήσασθαι παρέξειν ἡμῖν τήνδε τὴν
γῆν καὶ τὸν στρατὸν ἡμῶν ἀεὶ τῶν πολεμίων
ποιήσειν τοῖς ὅπλοις κρείττονα. τινὰ μὲν οὖν κατὰ
τὰς ὑποσχέσεις ἡμῖν ἀπήντησε τὰς σάς, νῦν δὲ
παρὰ δόξαν ἐπταικότες καὶ τῆς δυνάμεώς τινας
ἀποβαλόντες ἐπὶ τούτοις ὡς οὐ βεβαίων τῶν παρὰ
1 om. Ernesti. 2 Atay Εἰ Lat.: v.l."Av(v)av.
α Heb. Ai (fi), txx Pal. The form Naié has arisen out of
18
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 35-40
(12) A few days after the downfall of Jericho, adel att
Joshua sent three thousand men-at-arms to the city Reena
of Naia,’ situated above Jericho, to capture it. These,
being opposed by the Naietans, were routed and
lost six-and-thirty men. The announcement of this
news to the Israelites caused them great grief and
dire despondency, not so much because of their
kinship to the fallen, albeit they were all valiant
and worthy men? who had perished. as from utter
despair. For, believing themselves already masters
of the country and that they would keep their army
unseathed in the eombats, even as God had promised
heretofore, they now beheld their enemies unex-
pectedly emboldened. And so, putting sackcloth
upon their apparel, they passed a whole day in tears
and lamentation, without one thought for food, and in
their vexation unduly magnified what had befallen.
(13) Seeing his army thus cast down and a prey Joshua's
to gloomy forebodings concerning the whole eam- 55.) γῇ.
paign, Joshua frankly appealed to God. “ It was,”
he said, “‘ from no confidence in ourselves that we
were induced to subjugate this land by arms: nay,
it was Moses, thy servant, who incited us thereto,
he to whom by many tokens thou didst promise to
vouchsafe to us to win this land, and ever to ensure
to our army superiority in battle over our foes.
And indeed some things have befallen in accordance
with thy promises; but now, having suffered un-
looked-for defeat, having lost some of our force,
we are distressed at these things, which make thy
’Atd—attested by the Latin version and perhaps original
through duplication of the ν in the accusativ ε-τὴν (jaar
modern Greek supplies many parallels, e.g. Nida τε Ἴδα.
> Amplification, fur which there is Rabbinical authority
(Weill).
Lg
4
—
43
44
JOSEPHUS
σοῦ Kat ὧν προεῖπε Muvans ἀχθόμεθα, καὶ χεῖρον
ἡ τῶν μελλόντων ἐλπὶς ἡμᾶς ἀνιᾷ τῇ πρώτῃ πείρᾳ
τοιαύτῃ συντυχόντας. ἀλλὰ σύ, δέσποτα, δύναμις
γάρ σοι τούτων ἴασιν εὑρεῖν, τὸ τε παρὸν ἡμῶν
λυπηρὸν νίκην παρασχόμενος καὶ τὸ περὶ τῶν
αὖθις δύσελπι διακείμενον οὕτως τῆς διανοίας
ἔξελε.᾽᾽
(14) Taira μὲν ᾿Ιησοῦς ἐπὶ στόμα πεσὼν ἠρώτα
τὸν θεόν: χρηματίσαντος δὲ ἀνίστασθαι τοῦ θεοῦ
καὶ καθαίρειν τὸν στρατὸν μιάσματος ἐν αὐτῷ
γεγονότος κλοπῆς τε τῶν καθιερωμένων αὐτῷ
χρημάτων τετολμημένης, διὰ γὰρ ταῦτα τὴν νῦν
αὐτοῖς ἧτταν συμπεσεῖν, ἀναζητηθέντος δὲ τοῦ
δράσαντος καὶ κολασθέντος νίκην αὐτοῖς ἀεὶ περι-
ἔσεσθαι' τῶν πολεμίων, φράζει ταῦτα πρὸς τὸν
λαὸν ᾿Ιησοῦς, καὶ καλέσας ᾿Ιλεάζαρον τὸν ἀρχιερέα
καὶ τοὺς ἐν τέλει κατὰ “φυλὴν ἐκλήρου. τούτου δὲ
τὸ τετολμημένον ἐκ τῆς ᾿Ιούδα φυλῆς δηλοῦντος
κατὰ φατρίας πάλιν ταύτης προτίθησι τὸν κλῆρον.
τὸ δ᾽ ἀληθὲς τοῦ κακουργήματος περὶ τὴν ᾿Αχάρου
συγγένειαν ηὑρίσκετο. κατ᾽ ἄνδρα δὲ τῆς ἐξετά-
σεως γινομένης λαμβάνουσι τὸν "Ayapov: ὁ δ᾽ οὐκ
ἔχων ἔξαρνος εἶναι, τοῦ θεοῦ δεινῶς αὐτὸν ἐκ-
περιελθόντος, ὡμολόγει τε τὴν κλοπὴν καὶ τὰ
φώρια παρῆγεν εἰς μέσον. καὶ οὗτος μὲν εὐθὺς
ἀναιρεθεὶς ἐν νυκτὶ ταφῆς ἀτίμου καὶ καταδίκῳ
πρεπούσης τυγχάνει.
1 conj. Niese: περισώξεσθαι RO: πορίζεσθαι rell.: proveniret
Lat.
a Jos. vil. 25, * And all Israel stoned him with stones (and
they burned them with fire and (Targum ‘after that they
had’) stoned them with slones]."” The bracketed words,
absent from the Ltxx, are confised and the addition of later
20
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 10-44
promises and those predictions of Moses appear
unsure ; and yet more sorely are we pained at the
thought of what the future holds in store, having
met with such issue to our first assault. But do
thou, Lord, since thou hast power to find healing
for these ills, dispel our present afHiction by vouch-
safing us victory and thus banish from our mind our
deep: despondency coneerning the future.”’
(14) Thus did Joshua, prostrated upon his faee,
make petition to God. And the response came from
God, that he should arise and purge the army of the
pollution that had been wrought therein and of a
daring theft of objects consecrated to Him, since
that was the cause of their recent defeat ; but were
the culprit sought out and punished, they would for
ever be assured of victory over their enemies. All
this Joshua repeated to the people and, summoning
Kleazar the high priest and the magistrates, he
proceeded to draw lots for the several tribes. And
when this revealed that the sacrilege issued from
the tribe of Judah, he again had lots drawn for its
several clans ; and the true story of the erime was
found to rest with the family of Achar. The inquiry
being pursued further man by man, they caught
Achar. And he, unable to make denial, being thus
shrewdly circumvented by God, avowed his theft
and produced the stelen goods before all. He was
straightway put to death and at nightfall was given
the ignominious burial proper to the condemned.?
editors. As M. Weill points out, Josephus doubtless adds
the burial, unrecorded in Scripture, to indicate that the
Mosaic law on stoning, which he has previously reported
(iv. 202), was exactly followed ; but he may already have
found here some addition in hic Biblieal text whieh he inter-
preted as an allusion to burial.
21
Discovery
and death
of the
sinner
Achar.
Jos. vil. 6,
10 fh
JOSEPHUS
oe
Tt
(15) ᾿Ιησοῦς δὲ ayvicas tov στρατὸν ἐξῆγεν ἐπὶ
τὴν Ναϊὰν αὐτοὺς; καὶ νυκτὸς τὰ περὶ τὴν πόλιν
ἐνέδραις προλοχίσας ὑπὸ τὸν ὄρθρον συμβάλλει
τοῖς πολεμίοις. τῶν δὲ μετὰ "θάρσους" αὐτοῖς διὰ
τὴν προτέραν νίκην ἐπιόντων ὑποχωρεῖν προσποιη-
σάμενος ἕλκει τῷ τρόπῳ τούτῳ μακρὰν αὐτοὺς Τῆς
πόλεως διώκειν οἰομένους καὶ ὡς ἐπὶ νίκῃ κατα-
40 φρονοῦντας. ἔπειτ᾽ ἀναστρέψας τὴν δύναμιν κατὰ
πρόσωπον αὐτοῖς ποιεῖ, σημεῖά τε δοὺς ἃ πρὸς τοὺς
ἐν ταῖς ἐνέδραις συνετέτακτο κἀκείνους ἐπὶ τὴν
μάχην ἐξανίστησιν. οἱ δ᾽ εἰσεπήδων εἰς τὴν πόλιν
τῶν ἔνδον περὶ τοῖς τείχεσιν ὄντων, ἐνίων δὲ καὶ
πρὸς θέαν τῶν ἔξω σὴν γνώμην περισπωμένων.
47 Kal ol μὲν τὴν πόλιν ἤἥρουν καὶ πάντας τοὺς ἐντυγ-
χάνοντας ἔκτεινον, ᾿Ιησοῦς δὲ τοὺς προσελθόντας
εἰς χεῖρας βιασάμενος φυγεῖν τρέπεται, συνελαυνό-
μενοι. δὲ ὡς εἰς ἀκέραιον τὴν πόλιν ἐπεὶ καὶ ταύτην
\
ἐχομένην" ἑώρων καὶ καταπιμπραμένην ὁμοῦ
γυναιξὶ καὶ τέκνοις “κατέλαβον, διὰ τῶν ἀγρῶν
ἦσαν' σκεδασθέντες" ἀμύνειν αὑτοῖς ὑπὸ μονώσεως
48 οὐ δυνάμενοι. τοιαύτης δὲ τῆς συμφορᾶς τοὺς
Ναϊτιανοὺς καταλαβούσης, παίδων τε ὄχλος ἑάλω
καὶ γυναικῶν καὶ θεραπείας καὶ τῆς ἄλλης ἀπο-
σκευῆς ἄπειρόν τι πλῆθος, ἀγέλας τε βοσκημάτων
ἔλαβον οἱ “Βρραῖοι καὶ χρήματα πολλά, καὶ γὰρ
πλούσιον ἦν τὸ χωρίον, καὶ ταῦτα πάντα τοῖς
στρατιώταις ᾿Ιησοῦς διένειμεν ἐν Τ᾿ αλγάλοις γενό-
μενος.
49 (16) αβαωνῖται δὲ κατοικοῦντες ἔγγιστα τοῖς
hee!
1 ed, pr.: αὐτὸς codd.: om. 1 Lat. 2 θράσους ME,
8 οἰχομένην ROK. ' ἤεσαν ΔΙ : ἦσαν SPL: om. rell.
δι Kat ΚΟ
pigs
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 45-49
(15) Joshua, having purified his army, now led
them out against Neva. and, after posting ambus-
eades during the night all about the town,? at day-
break joined battle with the enemy. And when
these advanced against them with an assurance be-
gotten of their former victory, Joshua, feigning a
retreat, drew them in this way to a distance from the
town, they imagining themselves in pursuit ofa beaten
foe and being disdainful of them in anticipation of
victory. Then, turning his forces about, he made
them face their pursuers and, giving the prearranged
signals to those in ambush, roused them also to the
fight. These flung themselves into the town, the
occupants of which were around the ramparts, some
wholly engrossed in watching their friends outside.?
So while ‘they took the town and slew all whom
they encountered, Joshua broke the ranks of his
adversaries and forced them to flee. Driven in a
body to the town which they supposed to be intact,
when they saw that it too was taken and found that
it was in flames, along with their wives and ehildren,
they seattered throughout the country, incapable
through their isolation of offering resistance. Such
being the fate that befell the Χο μῆς, a crowd of
children, women and slaves was taken, beside an
immense mass of material. The Hebrews captured
morcoyer herds of cattle and money in abundance,
for the region was rich, and all this Joshua dis-
tributed to his soldiers, while he was at Galgala.
(16) Now the Gabaonites,° who lived quite close
4 The Greek is modelled on Thue. ii. 81.
» Amplification ; according to Jos. viii. 1 not a man had
Lcen left in the town.
¢ So exx (lafawv): Heb. ** Gibeon,”
Vou. Vv Cc “ὦ
poe
Naia.
con Vii. 9.
50
51
53
54
JOSEPHUS
Cd ’ / “- Ἵ ’
Ϊεροσολύμοις τά τε τοῖς “Ιεριχουντίοις συμβε-
βηκότα πάθη καὶ τὰ τοῖς Ναϊτίνοις ὁρῶντες καὶ
πρὸς σφᾶς μεταβήσεσθαι τὸ δεινὸν ὑπονοοῦντες,
Ιησοῦν μὲν παρακαλεῖν οὐ διέγνωσαν" οὐδὲ" γὰρ
τεύξεσθαί τινος τῶν μετρίων ὑπελάμβανον ἐπ᾽
ὀλέθρῳ τοῦ Χαναναίων ἔθνους παντὸς πολεμοῦντος
αὐτούς" Kepnpiras δὲ καὶ Καριαθιαριμίτας γεί-
τονας ὄντας αὐτοῖς ἐπὶ συμμαχίαν παρεκάλουν,
A , /
οὐδ᾽ αὐτοὺς διαφεύξεσθαι τὸν κίνδυνον λέγοντες,
> ’ > \ Lé e \ ~ > ~
εἰ φθάσαιεν αὐτοὶ ληφθέντες ὑπὸ τῶν ᾿Ισραηλιτῶν,
συνασπίσαντας δὲ αὐτοῖς διέγνωσαν" διαδρᾶναι τὴν
δύναμιν αὐτῶν. προσδεξαμένων δὲ τοὺς λόγους
~ > ~
αὐτῶν πέμπουσι πρέσβεις πρὸς ᾿Ιησοῦν φιλίαν
σπεισομένους ovs μάλιστα τῶν πολιτῶν ἐδοκίμαζον
ἱκανοὺς πρᾶξαι τὰ συμφέροντα τῷ πλήθει. οἱ δὲ
ς ~ ε Ἁ na , > 4 ¢ 7
ὁμολογεῖν αὑτοὺς Χαναναίους ἐπισφαλὲς ἡγούμενοι,
΄Ζ A Α ~ 7 ¢ “
διαφεύξεσθαι τὸν διὰ τοῦτο κίνδυνον ὑπολαμβάνον-
τες, εἰ λέγοιεν αὑτοὺς μὴ προσήκειν κατὰ μηδὲν
Χαναναίοις αλλὰ πορρωτάτω τούτων κατοικεῖν,
ἥκειν τε κατὰ πύστιν" τῆς: ἀρετῆς αὐτοῦ “πολλὴν
ἀνύσαντες ὁδὸν ἔφασκον καὶ τεκμήριον. τοῦ λόγου
τούτου τὸ σχῆμα ὑπεδείκνυον' τὰς γὰρ ἐσθῆτας
καινὰς ὅτε ἐξήεσαν οὔσας ὑπὸ τοῦ γρόνου τῆς
ὁδοιπορίας αὐτοῖς τετρίφθαι' τρυχίνας γὰρ εἰς τὸ
ταῦτα πιστοῦσθαι πρὸς αὐτῶν ἐπίτηδες ἔλαβον.
στάντες οὖν εἰς μέσους ἔλεγον, ὡς πεμφθεῖεν ὑπὸ
τῶν Γαβαωνιτῶν καὶ τῶν περιοίκων πόλεων
πλεῖστον ἀπεχουσῶν τῆσδε τῆς γῆς ποιησόμενοι
1 Dindorf: οὔτε codd.
* possent Lat.: hence I should read ἂν (διέγνωσαν may
have come into the text from § 49).
3 Bekker: πίστιν codd.
24
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VY. 49-54
to Jerusalem, seeing the disasters that had befallen Ruse of the
the inhabitants of Jericho and of Naia and suspecting jaye"
that they too would be visited by this dire fate, yet
resolved not to implore mercy of Joshua; for they
did not think to obtain any tolerable terms from a
belligerent whose aim was the extermination of the
whole race of the Canaanites. But they invited the
Kephérites and the Kariathiarimites,* their neigh-
bours, to make alliance with them, telling them that
neither would they escape this peril, should they
themselves have first been conquered by the Israel-
ites, whereas if they united their arms with theirs
they might evade their violence.? These overtures
being aecepted, the Gabaonites sent ambassadors to
Joshua to make a league of amity, choosing those of
their citizens whom they judged most capable of act-
ing in the interests of the people. And these, deem-
ing it hazardous to avow themselves Canaanites, and
thinking to escape the peril of so doing by asserting
that they had no connexion whatever with the
Canaanites but lived very far away from them, de-
clared that it was the tidings of his valour which
had brought them thither, after accomplishing a
long journey, and in proof of this statement they
pointed to their apparel. Their garments, quite new
when they set out, had (they said) been worn out
by the length of their journey ; for, to get them to
believe this story, they had purposely clothed them-
selves in rags. So, standing amidst the host, they
said that they had been sent by the Gabaonites
and the neighbouring cities, very remote from that
@ Chephirah (1xx κεφειρά) and Kiriath-jearim (πόλεις ‘Tapetr)
are mentioned in Jos. ix. 18 as allied with Gibeon, along with
another city (Beeroth) ignored by Josephus.
> Text doubtful.
25
56
57
58
JOSEPHUS
πρὸς αὐτοὺς φιλίαν ἐφ᾽ αἷς πάτριον αὐτοῖς ἐστι
συνθήκαις" μαθόντες γὰρ ἐκ θεοῦ χάριτος καὶ δωρεᾶς
τὴν Χαναναίων αὐτοῖς γῆν κτήσασθαι δεδόσθαι
τούτοις τ᾽ ἔλεγον ἤδεσθαι καὶ πολίτας ἀξιοῦν
αὐτῶν γενέσθαι. καὶ οἱ μὲν ταῦτα λέγοντες καὶ
ἐπιδεικνύντες τὰ τεκμήρια τῆς ὁδοιπορίας παρ-
εκάλουν ἐπὶ συνθήκας καὶ φιλίαν τοὺς “EBpaious:
Ἰησοῦς δὲ πιστεύσας οἷς ἔλεγον, ὡς οὐκ εἰσὶ τοῦ
Χαναναίων ἔθνους, ποιεῖται πρὸς αὐτοὺς φιλίαν,
᾿Ιλεάζαρος ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς μετὰ τῆς γερουσίας
ὄμνυσιν ἕξειν τε φίλους καὶ συμμάχους καὶ μηδὲν
μοχλεύσεσθαι Kar’ αὐτῶν ἄδικον, τοῖς ὅρκοις
ἐπισυναινέσαντος τοῦ πλήθους. καὶ ot μὲν ὧν
ἤθελον τυχόντες ἐξ ἀπάτης ἀπήεσαν πρὸς αὑτούς.
᾿Ιησοῦς δὲ τῆς Χαναναίας στρατεύσας εἰς τὴν
ὑπώρειον καὶ μαθὼν οὐ πόρρω τῶν “Ἰεροσολύμων
τοὺς Γαβαωνίτας κατωκημένους καὶ τοῦ γένους
ὄντας τῶν Χαναναίων, μεταπεμψάμενος αὐτῶν
τοὺς ἐν τέλει τῆς ἀπάτης αὐτοῖς ἐνεκάλει. τῶν δ᾽
οὐκ ἄλλην ἀφορμὴν σωτηρίας ἔχειν ἢ ταύτην προ-
φασιζομένων καὶ διὰ τοῦτ᾽ ἐπ᾽ αὐτὴν ἐξ ἀνάγκης
καταφυγεῖν συγκαλεῖ τὸν ἀρχιερέα ᾿λεάζαρον καὶ
τὴν γερουσίαν, καὶ δημοσίους αὐτοὺς δικαιούντων
ποιεῖν ἐπὶ τῷ μὴ παραβῆναι τὸν ὅρκον ἀποδείκνυσιν"
εἶναι τοιούτους. καὶ οἱ μὲν τῆς καταλαβούσης
αὐτοὺς συμφοοᾶς τοιαύτην φυλακὴν καὶ ἀσφάλειαν
εὕραντο.
(17) Τοῦ δὲ τῶν “Ἱεροσολυμιτῶν βασιλέως χα-
λεπῶς φέροντος ἐπὶ τῷ μετατάξασθαι πρὸς τὸν
1 ἀποδεικνύουσιν ἸΔΟΛΙΠ,,
5 Or“ engineer,” ὁ trump up ” (literally “ἢ prise up ”’).
26
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 54-58
present land, to make alliance with them on such
terms as were customary with their fathers; for,
having learnt that by the graee and bounty of God
the land of the Canaanites had been granted them
for their possession, they rejoiced thereat and eraved
to become their fellow-eitizens. With these words,
and withal displaying the tokens of their travel,
they besought the Hebrews to make a covenant and
league of amity with them. Thereupon Joshua,
believing what they said, that they were not of the
raee of the Canaanites, made a league with them;
and Eleazar the high priest, along with the eouneil
of elders, swore to hold them as friends and allies
and to contrive * no iniquity against them, and the
people ratified the oaths. So the envoys, having
attained their end by guile, returned to their own
people ; but Joshua, having marched into the foot-
hills of Canaan and learnt that the Gabaonites lived
not far from Jerusalem and were of the stoek of the
Canaanites, sent for their magistrates and upbraided
them for this fraud. When these alleged that they
had no other means of salvation save that, and that
they had therefore perforee had recourse to it, Joshua
convoked the high priest Eleazar and the eounceil ;
and, aeting upon their judgement that they should
be made publie slaves,? so as to avoid violation
of the oath, he appointed them to those funetions.
Thus did these people, when eonfronted with eala-
mity, find protection and security for themselves.
(17) But the king of the Jerusalemites,¢ indignant
that the Gabaonites should have passed over to the
’ “*THewers of wood and drawers of water for the con-
gregation,”’ Jos. ix, 27.
¢ Named Adonizedek, Jos. x. 1.
27
59
60
61
62
JOSEPHUS
᾿Ιησοῦν τοὺς TaBawvitas Kat τοὺς τῶν πλησίον
ἐθνῶν παραιαλέσαντος βασιλέας συνάρασθαι τῷ
κατ᾽ αὐτῶν πολέμῳ, ὡς τούτους τε εἶδον παρόντας
σὺν αὐτῷ, τέσσαρες δὲ ἦσαν, οἱ Ἰ'αβαωνῖται καὶ
στρατοπεδευσαμένους ἐπί τινι πηγῇ τῆς πόλεως
οὐκ ἄπωθεν παρασκευάζεσθαι πρὸς πολιορκίαν,
ἐπεκαλοῦντο σύμμαχον ᾿Ιησοῦν" ἐν τούτοις γὰρ ἦν
αὐτοῖς τὰ πράγματα, ὡς ὑπὸ μὲν τούτων" ἀπολεῖ-
σθαι προσδοκᾶν, ὑπὸ δὲ τῶν ἐπ᾽ ὀλέθρῳ τοῦ Χανα-
ναίων γένους στρατευσάντων σωθήσεσθαι διὰ τὴν
γενομένην φιλίαν ὑπολαμβάνειν. καὶ ᾿Ιησοῦς παν-
στρατιᾷ σπεύσας ἐπὶ τὴν βοήθειαν καὶ δι᾿ ἡμέρας
καὶ νυκτὸς ἀνύσας ὄρθριος προσμίγνυσι τοῖς
πολεμίοις καὶ τραπεῖσιν εἵπετο διώκων διὰ χωρίων
ἐπικλινῶν, Βήθωρα καλεῖται. ἔνθα καὶ τὴν τοῦ
θεοῦ συνεργίαν ἔμαθεν ἐπισημήναντος αὐτοῦ βρον-
ταῖς τε καὶ κεραυνῶν ἀφέσει καὶ χαλάζης καταφορᾷ
μείζονος τῆς συνήθους" ἔτι γε μὴν καὶ τὴν ἡμέραν
αὐξηθῆναι πλέον, ὡς ἂν μὴ καταλαβοῦσα νὺξ
ἐπίσχῃ τὸ τῶν Ἑβραίων πρόθυμον, συνέπεσεν,
ὥστε καὶ λαμβάνει τοὺς βασιλέας ᾿Ιησοῦς ἔν τινι
κρυπτομένους σπηλαίῳ κατὰ Makyida καὶ κολάζει
πάντας. ὅτι δὲ τὸ μῆκος τῆς ἡμέρας ἐπέδωκε τότε
καὶ τοῦ συνήθους ἐπλεόνασε, δηλοῦται διὰ τῶν
> f > ~ e ~ f
ἀνακειμένων ἐν TH ἱερῷ γραμμάτων.
(18) Κατεστραμμένων δ᾽ οὕτως τῶν περὶ τοὺς
βασιλέας, ot τοὺς ᾿αβαωνίτας πολεμήσοντες ἐστρά-
τευσαν, ἐπανήει πάλιν τῆς Navavaias ἐπὶ τὴν
1M: τῶν τοιούτων RO: τῶν οἰκείων SPL (Lat. suis),
α Bibl. Beth-horon ; the pass was the scene of many later
28
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 58-62
side of Joshua, called upon the kings of the neigh- i οΥ
bouring nations to join him in a campaign against aia
them ; whereat the Gabaonites, having seen these The |
: : : engthened
monarchs come with him, four in number, and en- day.
camp by a spring not far from their city, preparing 27 * 1"
to besiege them, appealed to Joshua for aid. For
such was their case, that from their countrymen
they could await but destruction, while from those
who had taken the field for the extermination of the
Canaanite race they looked for salvation, thanks to
the alliance which had been concluded. Joshua,
with his whole army, sped to their assistance and,
marching all day and night, at early dawn fell upon
the foe, routed them and followed in pursuit down
the slopes of the region called Béthéra.? There too
he was given to know of God’s co-operation, mani-
fested by thunder-claps, the discharge of thunder-
bolts and the descent of hail of more than ordinary
magnitude. Aye and moreover it befell that the
day was prolonged, to the end that night should
not overtake them and check the Hebrews’ ardour ;
insomuch that Joshua both captured the kings, who
were hiding in a cave at Macchida,? and punished all
their host. That the length of the day was increased
on that occasion and surpassed the customary
measure, is attested by Scriptures that are laid up
in the temple.°
(18) Having thus overthrown that league of kings
who had set out to war against the Gabaonites,
Joshua remounted into the hill-country of Canaan ;
battles, notably of the rout of a Roman legion at the opening
of the Jewish War (8.d.1i. 5186).
δ Bibl. Makkedah ( Makkedah), xx Maxnid, Jos. x. 10, 16:
perhaps el- Mughar (“ the cavern ’’) S.W. of Ikron.
¢ Cf. ili. 38, iv. 303 with notes.
29
JOSEPHUS
> \ 9 “- ‘ ‘ ~ ᾽ 9 ~ ’
opeunv ᾿Ιησοῦς καὶ πολὺν τῶν ἐν αὐτῇ φόνον
> 7 \ ~ A 3
ἐργασάμενος καὶ λείαν λαβὼν παρῆν εἰς τὸ ἐν
4 ¢ ἴα a ~
63 Παλγάλοις στρατόπεδον. τοῦ δὲ περὶ τῆς τῶν
ΔΝ Ul 3 ~ , ~ ~ 9 ‘
βραίων ἀρετῆς λόγου πολλοῦ φοιτῶντος εἰς τοὺς
; \ ~
περιοίκους κατάπληξις εἶχε τοὺς ἀκούοντας TO τῶν
3 ~ 9 \
ἀπολωλότων πλῆθος, καὶ στρατεύουσιν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς
€ \ f a “- yw νὰ “ A
ot περὶ Λίβανον ὄρος βασιλεῖς ὄντες Χαναναῖοι Kat
¢ A ~ ᾽
οἱ ἐν τοῖς πεδίοις τῶν Navavatwy [Ταλαιστίνους
/ , 1 A 7 /
προσλαβόντες στρατοπεδεύουσι' πρὸς ηρώθῃ πόλει
᾿αλιλαίας τῆς ἄνω Kedd > πό [αλιλαί
αλιλαίας τῆς ἄνω Kedéons οὐ πόρρω: LVadtAaiwv
3 3 \ Α ~ \ ~ ‘ ~
640° ἐστὶ καὶ τοῦτο TO χωρίον. τοῦ δὲ στρατοῦ
Α ὡς >
παντὸς ὁπλιτῶν μὲν ἦσαν μυριάδες τριάκοντα,
9 -
μύριοι δ᾽ ἱππεῖς καὶ ἅρματα δισμύρια. κατα-
“ Α ~ ~ 4
πλήττει δὲ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν πολεμίων αὐτόν τε
>| ~ ‘ \ 2] ᾽ \ i A % ,
ησοῦν καὶ τοὺς ᾿Ισραηλίτας καὶ πρὸς τὴν ἐλπίδα
~ ,
τοῦ κρείττονος εὐλαβεστέρως εἶχον δι᾿ ὑπερβολὴν
65 τοῦ δέους. τοῦ θεοῦ δ᾽ ἐξονειδίσαντος αὐτοῖς τὸν
; \ to ἢ . ἢ ’ a 6 ,
φόβον καὶ 7 πλέον τῆς παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ βοηθείας
ποθοῦσιν, ὑποσχομένου τε νικήσειν τοὺς ἐχθροὺς
καὶ κελεύσαντος τούς τε ἵππους ἀχρήστους ποιῆσαι
\ 4 4 7” Α 4
Kal τὰ ἅρματα πυρῶσαι, θαρσαλέος πρὸς τὰς ὑπο-
~ ~ , + ae,
σχέσεις τοῦ θεοῦ γενόμενος ἐξώρμησεν ἐπὶ τοὺς
‘ 9
πολεμίους, καὶ διὰ πέμπτης ἡμέρας ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς
\
ἐλθὼν συνάπτει, Kal καρτερὰ μάχη γίνεται Kal
’ A 3
φόνος κρείττων πίστεως παρὰ τοῖς ἀκροωμένοις.
66
ἷ
διώκων δ᾽ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἐξῆλθε καὶ πᾶν τὸ στρά-
1 veneruntque Lat. MOD LeLat.
α The Greek, here and throughout, has “ Palestinians.”’
» Jos. xi. 5, “at the waters of Merom ”’ (Lxx Mappwyv), com-
30
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 62-66
there he made great carnage of the inhabitants and Defeat ofa
host of
captured booty, and so returned to the camp at Canaanites
Galgala. The fame of the Hebrews’ valour being 2nd
now mightily noised abroad among the neighbouring in Galilee.
peoples, consternation seized them on hearing of 205% 45
those multitudes of slain; and there set off to war
against them the kings of the region of Mount
Libanus, who were Canaanites, and the Canaanites
of the plains, joined by the Philistines,* and estab-
lished their camp at Bérothe,® a city of upper Galilee,
not far from Kedese,® another place within the
Galilean area. Their entire army amounted to
800,000 men-at-arms, 10,000 horsemen, and 20,000
chariots.? This host of enemies dismayed both
Joshua himself and the Israelites, and in the excess
of their fear they scarce durst hope for success.
But God rebuked them for their terror and for erav- xi.
ing aught beyond His aid, promising them victory
over their foes and bidding them put their horses
out of action and to burn the chariots. Emboldened
by these promises of God, Joshua set forth against
the enemy, and on the fifth day ὁ came upon them
and engaged them: a fierce combat ensued and a
carnage such that the tale of it would outrnn belief.
Advancing very far in pursuit, Joshua destroyed the
a
.
inonly but incorreetly (G. A. Smith) identified with the small
lake //uleh, north of the Lake of Tiberias. The site of the
battle is unknown ; Josephus seems to identify it with one
of the towns which he fortified during the war with Rome and
which he calls elsewhere Mero(th) or Ameroth (δι), ii. 573,
iii. 39, Veta 188).
¢ Kedesh Naphtali, N.W. of the lake //uleh.
4 The numbers are imaginary : Scripture speaks only of
‘“mueh people, even as the sand that is upon the seashore
in multitude, with horses and chariots very many.”
¢ Amplification.
31
JOSEPHUS
τευμα τῶν ἐχθρῶν. πλὴν ὀλίγων διέφθειρε, καὶ οἱ
67 βασιλεῖς πάντες ἔπεσον, ὥστε τῶν ἀνθρώπων
ἐπιλελοιπότων πρὸς τὸ κτείνεσθαι τοὺς ἵππους
᾿Ιησοῦς αὐτῶν ἀνήρει καὶ τὰ ἅρματα ἐνεπίμπρα,
τήν τε χώραν ἐπ᾽ ἀδείας διεπορεύετο μηδενὸς
τολμῶντος εἰς μάχην ἐπεξελθεῖν, ἀλλὰ πολιορκίᾳ
τὰς πόλεις αἱρῶν καὶ πᾶν ὅ τι λάβοι φονεύων.
68 (10) "Eros δὲ πέμπτον ἤδη παρεληλύθει καὶ
Χαναναίων οὐκέτ᾽ οὐδεὶς ὑπολέλειπτο πλὴν εἰ μή
τινες ὀχυρότητι τειχῶν διέφυγον. ᾿Ιησοῦς δ᾽ ἐκ
τῶν Day dA ἀναστρατοπεδεύσας εἰς τὴν ὄρειον"
ἱστᾷ τὴν ἱερὰν σκηνὴν κατὰ Σιλοῦν πόλιν, ἐπιτή-
δειον γὰρ ἐδόκει τὸ χωρίον διὰ κάλλος, ἕ ἕως οἶκο-
09 δομεῖν ναὸν αὐτοῖς τὰ πράγματα παράσχῃ ." καὶ
χωρήσας ἐντεῦθεν ἐ ἐπὶ Σικίμων σὺν ἅπαντι τῷ λαῷ
βωμόν τε ἵστησιν ὅπου προεῖπε δΙωυσῆς καὶ
νείμας τὴν στρατιὰν ἐπὶ μὲν τῷ Lapilet ὄρει τὴν
ἡμίσειαν ἵστησιν, ἐπὶ δὲ τῷ ᾿Πβήλῳ" τὴν ἡμίσειαν,
ἐν ᾧ καὶ ὁ βωμός, καὶ τὸ Λευιτικὸν καὶ τοὺς
70 ἱερέας. θύσαντες δὲ καὶ ἀρὰς ποιησάμενοι καὶ
ταύτας ἐπὶ τῷ βωμῷ γεγραμμένας καταλιπόντες
εἰς τὴν Σιλοῦν ἀνέζευξαν.
1 ὀρεινὴν SPE.
Σ παράσχοι Niese. 8 Γηβήλῳ ML.
1 ἘΣ; βωμός ἐστι (conj. ἔστη Niese) codd.
-----.-.--- —
@ Seripture makes no such exception: “they smote them
until they left them none remaining ἡ (Jos. xi. 8).
δ A calculation based apparently on Jos, xiv. 7 and 10,
where Caleb declares that he was 40 years old when sent
out as a spy and that he is now 85. Allowing 40 years for
the wanderings, this gives 5 vears for the wars of Joshua.
Tradition, based on that same passage (together, it would
32
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 66-70
whole of the enemy’s army, save for a few 7—the
kings all fell—in such wise that, when there were no
more men to be killed, he slew their horses and burnt
thechariots. He thenoverran the country unmolested,
none daring to come out to give him battle; the cities
too he captured by siege and massacred every creature
that he eaught.
(19) A fifth year had now passed away ὃ and there Erection
was no longer any Canaanite left, save for sueh as °f the
tabernacle
had eseaped through the solidity of their walls. So at Shiloh
Joshua moved his camp up from Galgala into the hill Ὁ ΕΘΕΘΕΕ
country and set up the haly tabernacle at the city at Shechem
“ Jos, Xviil. 1.
of Silo,° since that spot, by its beauty, seemed meet
for it, until cireumstanees should permit them to
build a temple. Proceeding thence to Sikima,? with viii. 30
all the people, he ereeted an altar at the spot fore- (“** '* 8).
ordained by Moses,’ and, dividing his army, posted
one half of it on mount Garizin and the other half
on Hébél,’ whereon also stood the altar, along with
the Levites and the priests. After saerifieing and
pronouncing impreeations,? which they also left
graven upon the altar, they returned to Silo,
seem, with Deut. ii. 14, which restricts the wanderings to
38 years) assigned 7 years to the conquest (Weill).
¢ Greek ** Silous’’?: Heb. Shiloh, rxx Σηλώ.
ἀ Bibl. Shechem, Lxx Σίκιμα or Σύχεμ, mod. Nablus.
Scripture places this episode earlier, inimediately after the
conquest of Ai—unnaturally, because northern Valestine
had not then been conquered. Shechem is not inentioned in
the Biblical account and there is reason to think that ‘in
order to oppose Samaritan claims, the whole scene of the
ceremony has (there) been transported from Shechem to
Gilgal ’ (G. A. Cooke, Camb. Bible, on Jos. viii. 30).
5 al, ἿΥ. 305.
7 Bibl. Ebal, rxx Ταιβάλ : in of. iv. Le. Boudh.
9 Preseribed in Deut. xxvii. ff. (A. iv. de.).
33
7]
ἘΞ
ἣν.
ΓΟ
73
74
“ὃ
JOSEPEUS
(20) ᾿Ιησοῦς δ᾽ ἤδη γηραιὸς ὧν καὶ τὰς τῶν
Χαναναίων πόλεις ὁρῶν οὐκ εὐαλώτους ὑπό τε
τῆς τῶν χωρίων ἐν οἷς ἦσαν ὀχυρότητος καὶ τῆς
τῶν τειχῶν ἰσχύος, ἃ τῇ φυσικῇ τῶν πόλεων
, / 1 ’ὔ \
πλεονεξίᾳ προσπεριβαλλόμενοι' προσεδόκων τοὺς
πολεμίους ἀφέξεσθαι πολιορκίας δι᾿ ἀπόγνωσιν τοῦ |
“- 4 X 2 3 > , ~ e ~ ς ba! ~
λαβεῖν, Kat yap ἐπ ὀλέθρῳ TH ἑαυτῶν ot Χαναναῖοι
μαθόντες τοὺς ᾿Ισραηλίτας ποιησαμένους τὴν ἔξοδον
τὴν ἀπ᾽ Αἰγύπτου πρὸς τῷ τὰς πόλεις καρτερὰς
ποιεῖν ἐκεῖνον ἅπαντ᾽ ἦσαν τὸν χρόνον, συναγαγὼν
ι Ἁ > ‘ ~ 3 , ’ὔ
τὸν λαὸν εἰς τὴν Σιλοῦν ἐκκλησίαν παρήγγειλε.
καὶ σπουδῇ συνδραμόντων τά τε ἤδη κατωρθωμένα
\
Kal Tas γεγενημένας πράξεις, ὡς εἰσὶν ἄρισται καὶ
τοῦ θείου τοῦ παρασχόντος αὐτὰς ἀξιαι καὶ τῆς
ἀρετῆς τῶν νόμων οἷς κατακολουθοῦσιν ἔλεγε,
βασιλεῖς τε τριάκοντα καὶ ἕνα τολμήσαντας αὐτοῖς
εἰς χεῖρας ἐλθεῖν κεκρατῆσθαι δηλῶν, καὶ στρατιὰν
ὅση ποτὲ κατελπίσασα τῆς αὐτῶν δυνάμεως εἰς
μάχην συνῆψεν ἅπασαν διαφθαρεῖσαν, ὡς μηδὲ
Ἁ > “ ¢ A ~ \ ld
γενεὰν αὐτοῖς ὑπολελεῖφθαι. τῶν δὲ πόλεων
᾽ f e Ἁ e / Ἁ “a ‘ ~
ἐπειδήπερ at μὲν ἑαλώκεσαν, πρὸς as δὲ det
. \ \ ~
χρόνου καὶ μεγάλης πολιορκίας διὰ τὴν τῶν τει-
χῶν ὀχυρότητα καὶ τὴν ἐπὶ ταύτῃ τῶν οἰκητόρων
πεποίθησιν, ἠξίου τοὺς ἐκ τῆς περαΐας τοῦ ᾽ΪΙορ-
δάνου συνεξορμήσαντας αὐτοῖς καὶ τῶν κινδύνων
συναραμένους ὄντας συγγενεῖς ἀπολύειν ἡδὴ πρὸς
τὰ οἰκεῖα, “χάριν αὐτοῖς ὧν συνέκαμον ὁμο-
λογοῦντας, ἕνα τε κατὰ φυλὴν ἀρετῇ προύχειν
μαρτυρηθέντα πέμπειν, Ol τὴν γῆν ἐκμετρησάμενοι
1 προσεπιβαλλόμενοι ROE.
6
@ Or perhaps “ over-confident of (defeating) their forces.”
» ** Threc men for each tribe,” Jos. le.
34
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 71-75
(20) Joshua, being now old and seeing that the Joshua's
cities of the Canaanites were not lightly to be taken, fhe ate
by reason both of the strength of the sites on whieh 3¢ Sich.
they stood and of the solidity of the walls with which
the inhabitants had crowned the natural advantages
of their towns, reekoning that their enemies would
refrain from besieging what they despaired of eap-
turing—for the Canaanites, since they heard that it
was for their destruetion that the Israelites had made
their exodus from Egypt. had spent all that time in
fortifying their eities—Joshua, I say, ealled his xviii. 1,
people together to Silo and summoned an assembly.
Thither they sped with alaerity, and he spoke to
them of the successes already achieved and the
exploits aeeomplished, saying how fine they were
and worthy of the Deity who had vouehsafed them
and of the excellenee of those laws which they were
following : he recalled how one and thirty kings whi xii. 24,
had dared to close with them had been defeated,
and how that vast army whieh once, over- zeontilent xi. 1 ff.
in its strength,? had joined battle with them, had
been entirely destroyed, insomuch that not one
family of theirs had survived. Of the cities too some
had been taken, but seeing that for the capture of
others there was need of time and great siege-works,
owing to the strength of their ramparts “and the
confidence whieh this inspired in their inhabitants,
he deemed it right that those from beyond Jordan xxii. 1.
who had come to take part in their eampaign and
had shared their dangers as kinsmen, should now
be dismissed to their homes with an expression of
thanks for their aid in the task. “ Furthermore,” xviii. 4.
said he, “* we should send, oue from eaeh tribe,” men
of approved virtue, to measure out the land faith-
35
76
11
78
JOSEPHUS
πιστῶς Kal μηδὲν κακουργήσαντες' δηλώσουσιν
ἡμῖν ἀδόλως αὐτῆς τὸ μέγεθος.
(21) Kat ᾿Ιησοῦς μὲν τούτους ποιησάμενος τοὺς
λόγους συγκάταινον ἔσχε τὸ πλῆθος καὶ ἄνδρας
τοὺς ἐκμετρησομένους τὴν χώραν αὐτῶν ἐξέπεμψιε
παραδοὺς αὐτοῖς τινας γεωμετρίας ἐπιστήμονας,
οὕς τἀληθὲς οὐκ ἔμελλε λήσεσθαι διὰ τὴν τέχνην,
ἐντολὰς δοὺς ἀποτιμήσασθαι τῆς τε εὐδαίμονος ἰδίᾳ
τὸ μέτρον γῆς καὶ τῆς ἧσσον ἀγαθῆς. ἡ γὰρ
φύσις τῆς Χαναναίων γῆς τοιαύτη τίς ἐστιν, ὡς
ἰδοι τις ἂν πεδία μεγάλα καὶ καρποὺς ene
ἱκανώτατα Kal συγκρινόμενα μὲν ἑτέρᾳ γῇ πανευδαί-
μονα νομισθησόμενα, τοῖς δ᾽ “εριχουντίων χωρίοις
παραβαλλόμενα καὶ τοῖς “Ιεροσολυμιτῶν τὸ μηδὲν
ἀναφανησόμενα: καίτοι παντελῶς ὀλίγην αὐτῶν
εἶναι τὴν γῆν συμβέβηκε καὶ ταύτης ὀρεινὴν τὴν
nv, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπερβολὴν εἰς καρπῶν ἐκτροφήν τε
SE με ἔα
καὶ κάλλος οὐκ ἀπολέλοιπεν ἑτέρᾳ. καὶ διὰ τοῦτο
τιμητοὺς μᾶλλον ἢ μετρητοὺς τοὺς κλήρους εἶναι
δεῖν ὑπέλαβε, πολλάκις ἑνὸς πλέθρου κἂν χιλίων
2 , 4 e \ bd ς /
avragiov γενομένου. οἱ δὲ ἄνδρες ot πεμφθέντες,
δέκα δὲ ἢ ἦσαν, περιοδεύσαντες καὶ τιμησάμενοι τὴν
γῆν ἐν ἑβδόμῳ μηνὶ παρῆσαν. πρὸς αὐτὸν εἰς
Σιλοῦντα πόλιν, ἔνθα τὴν σκηνὴν ἑστάκεσαν.
1 Niese: ἐκμετρησόμενοι. . . κακουργήσοντες codd.
« The representatives of the tribes (§ 75), excluding the
two (Reuben and Gad) for whieh complete provision had
already been made on the east of Jordan. In this account
of the division of the land Josephus departs from Scripture
and presents a simpler, possibly an older, narrative. In
Joshua, after a review of the allotment of land to the 23 tribes
beyond Jordan (chap. xiii.), we are given a preliminary
allotment αὐ Gilgal (xiv. 6) to Judah, Ephraim and the rest
80
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 75-79
fully and without fraudulence and honestly to report
to us what are its dimensions.”
(21) Having delivered this speech and won the
Mission of
the
assent of the people thereto, Joshua sent out men measurers
to measure the country, attaching to them eertain of the land,
expert surveyors, from whom by reason of their
skill the truth would not be hid, instructions being
given them to assess separately the extent of the
favoured land and of that whieh was less fertile.
for the nature of the land of Canaan is such that
one may see plains, of great area, fully fitted for
bearing crops, and whieh compared with another
district might be deemed altogether blest, yet when
set beside the regions of the people of Jericho and
Jerusalem would appear as naught. Aye, though
the territory of these folk happens to be quite
diminutive and for the most part mountainous,
yet for its extraordinary produetiveness of erops and
for beauty it yields to no other. And that was
why Joshua held that the allotments should be fixed
rather by valuation than by measurement, a single
acre being often worth as much as a thousand. So
the men who had been sent, ten® in number, having
compassed the land and valued it, in the seventh
month ὃ returned to him to the eity of Silo, where
the tabernacle had been set up.
of Manasseh (xv.-xvii.); then from Shiloh emissaries are
sent out (3 from each tribe or 21 in all) to measure out the
land for the remaining seven tribes, and the allotment for
these tribes follows (xviii.-xx.). In Josephus there is no
preliminary allotment at Gilgal: the apportionment for
the 94 tribes all takes place at Shiloh.
δ Not in Scripture, which instead has a reference to the
‘seven portions ’’ into which the land was divided by the
emissaries (see last note).
37
Jos. xviii. &
xviii. 9.
80
8]
83
84
JOSEPHUS
(22) Kat ᾿Ιησοῦς *KAcalapdv τε Kat τὴν γερου-
σίαν σὺν tots φυλάρχοις παραλαβὼν νέμει tats
ἐννέα φυλαῖς καὶ τῶν διανασσητῶν τοῖς ἡμίσεσι,
κατὰ μέγεθος ἑκάστης τῶν φυλῶν τὴν μέτρησιν
ποιησάμενος. κληρώσαντος δὲ αὐτοῦ, ἡ μὲν ᾿Ιούδα
λαχοῦσα πᾶσαν αἱρεῖται τὴν ταῦ; πξρίεὺ ᾿Ιδουμαίαν
παρατείνουσαν μὲν ἄχρι τῶν Ἱεροσολύμων τὸ δ᾽
εὖρος. EWS τῆς Σοδομίτιδος λίμνης καθήκουσαν' ἐν
δὲ τῷ κλήρῳ τούτῳ πόλεις ἦσαν ᾿Ασκάλων καὶ
‘ala. Σεμεωνὶς δέ, δευτέρα γὰρ ἦν, “ἔλαχε THs
᾿Ιδουμαίας τὴν ΠΕ τε καὶ τῇ ᾿Αραβίᾳ
πρόσορον οὖσαν. βενιαμῖται δὲ τὴν ἀπὸ ᾿Ιορδάνου
ποταμοῦ ἔλαχον ἄχρι θαλάσσης μὲν τὸ μῆκος, τὸ
δὲ πλάτος “Ἱεροσολύμοις ὁριζομένην καὶ Βεθήλοις"
στενώτατος" δὲ ὁ κλῆρος οὗτος ἦν διὰ τὴν τῆς
γῆς ἀρετήν" Ἱεριχοῦντα γὰρ καὶ τὴν “‘lepogo-
λυμιτῶν πόλιν ἔλαβον. ἡ δ᾽ ᾿Εφραίμου" φυλὴ τὴν
ἄχρι Ιαζάρων ἀπὸ ᾿Ιορδάνου ποταμοῦ μηκυνο-
μένην ἔλαχεν, εὐρεῖαν δὲ ὅσον ἀπὸ Βεθήλων εἰς
τὸ μέγα τελευτᾷ πεδίον, τῆς Te Mavacayridos οἱ
ἡμίσεις ἀπὸ μὲν ΤΣ ὩΣ μέχρι Δώρων πόλεως,
πλάτος δὲ ἐπὶ Ἰθηθησάνων, ἣ νῦν Σκυθόπολις
1 στενότατος codd. 2 ᾿μῴφρὰν R.
8 δὲ Bernard (Lat, vers.).
α It is ditheult to see what part the lot played in the matter
beyond determining the order of conferment of territories
already allocated in advance proportionate to the size of the
various tribes; there can have been no choice on the part
ot the tribes. In rabbinical tradition the Urim and Thummiry
are said to have been used for the purpose.
> Length? and “ breadth ”’ in this description indicate
the longer and shorter dimensions of the lots, regardless of
their orientation.
‘ The lower end of the Dead Sea.
38
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 80-84
(22) Then Joshua, taking to him Eleazar and the
council of elders, along with the tribal chiefs, distri-
buted all between the nine tribes and the half-tribe
of Manasseh, making his measurements proportional
to the magnitude of each tribe. When, then, he
Allotment
of the land
between the
ὩΣ tribes.
Jos. XViil.
10.
had east lots,? that of Judah obtained for its lot the xv. 1.
whole of upper Idumaea, extending (in length) to
Jerusalem and in breadth? reaching down to the
lake of Sodom’; within this allotment were the
cities of Asealon and Gaza. That of Simeon, being
the second, obtained the portion of Idumaea border-
ing on Egypt and Arabia. The Benjamites obtained
the region whieh in length stretches from the river
Jordan to the sea® and in breadth is bounded by
Jerusalem and Bethel. This lot was the narrowest
of all by reason of the excellenee of the soil, for
Jericho and the city of the Jerusalemites fell to
their portion. The tribe of Ephraim obtained the
land reaching in length from the river Jordan to
Gazara ® and in breadth from Bethel right up to
the great plain.’ The half-tribe of Manasseh had
from the Jordan to the eity of Dora? and in breadth
as far as Béthésana,”’ now called Seythopolis. After
@ Jos. xviii. 12 ‘ westward ”’ (literally “ sea-ward ”’; Lxx
ἐπὶ tiv θάλασσαν): the western border actually lay well
inland.
¢ So Jos. xvi. 5 Lxx (notin Heb. text). Gazara is the Greek
form of the Heb. Gezer (Jos. ib. 10), now identified as Tell
Jezar, some 18 miles N.W. of Jerusalem, on the Philistine
border. " The plain of Esdraelon.
9 Heb. Dor (Lxx Awp), Jos. xvii. 113 a maritime town [6
niles S. of Carmel (mod. Tanturah).
’ dich. Beth-shean (1xx Badodvy, mod, Beisan, midway
between Mt. Gilboa and the Jordan ; of the real or supposed
Seythian invasion which gave it its other name nothing is
known.
VOL. V D 39
xix. 1.
xviii. 11.
xvi. 5,
xvii. 1.
χίχ, 17.
JOSEPHUS
καλεῖται, καὶ μετὰ τούτους ᾿Ισαχαρὶς Κάρμηλόν
τε τὸ ὄρος καὶ τὸν ποταμὸν τοῦ μήκους ποιησαμένη
τέρμονα, τὸ δὲ ᾿Ιταβύριον ὄρος τοῦ πλάτους.
Ζαβουλωνῖται δὲ τὴν μέχρι Levyoapidos, καθ-
ἤκουσαν δὲ περὶ Κάρμηλον καὶ θάλασσαν ἔλαχον.
85 τὴν δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ KappyAov κοιλάδα προσαγορευο-
μένην, διὰ τὸ καὶ τοιαύτην εἶναι, ᾿Ασηρῖται φέρον-
ται πᾶσαν τὴν ἐπὶ Σιδῶνος τετραμμένην" "Λρκη
δὲ πόλις ὑπῆρχεν αὐτοῖς ἐν τῇ μερίδι ἡ καὶ
86 ᾿᾿κδείπους. τὰ δὲ πρὸς τὰς ἀνατολὰς τετραμμένα
μέχρι Δαμασκοῦ πόλεως καὶ τῆς Γαλιλαίας τὰ
καθύπερθεν Νεφθαλῖται παρέλαβον ἕως τοῦ “Λιβάνου
ὄρους καὶ τῶν τοῦ ᾿Ιορδάνου πηγῶν, αἵ τὴν ὁρμὴν
ἐκ τοῦ ὄρους ἔχουσιν [ἐκ τοῦ καθήκοντος τοῖς
ὅροις κατὰ τὰ βόρεια πόλεως “ApKys παροικούσης]."
87 Δανῖται δὲ τῆς κοίλης ὅσα πρὸς δυόμενον τέτραπται
τὸν ἥλιον Aayxdvovow ᾿Αζώτῳ καὶ Δώροις ὁριζό-
μένοι, ᾿Ιάμνειάν τε πᾶσαν καὶ [ὑττὰν an’ ᾽Λκκα-
ρῶνος ἕως τοῦ ὄρους, ἐξ οὗ ἡ ᾿Ιούδα ἦρκτο φυλή.
88 (99) Kat ἕξ μὲν ἔθνη τῶν υἱέων τοῦ Χαναναίου
φέροντα τὴν ἐπωνυμίαν διεῖλεν οὕτως ᾿Ιησοῦς καὶ
τὴν γῆν ταῖς ἐννέα καὶ τῇ ἡμισείᾳ φυλαῖς ἔδωκε
89 νέμεσθαι" τὴν γὰρ ᾿Λμορῖτιν καὶ αὐτὴν οὕτως ἀφ᾽
ἑνὸς τῶν Χαναναίου παίδων καλουμένην λΙωυσῆς
ἤδη “προειληφὼς νε!εμήκει ταῖς δυσὶ φυλαῖς καὶ
τῷ ἡμίσει: τοῦτο δὲ καὶ πρότερον δεδηλώκαμεν ὃ
1 MUI: τέρματα rell. 2 om. Lat,
3 Niese: δεδηλώκειμεν (-wrxet, -wxeev) codd.,
α Mount Tabor; the town of that Dae is mentioned
among the borders of Issachar in Jos, xix. 22.
υ The sea of Galilee.
40
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 84-89
these came Issachar, with mount Carmel and the
river for its boundaries in length and mount
Itabyrion ? as limit of its breadth. They of Zabulon
obtained the land whieh reaches to the (lake of)
Genesar ὃ and descends well-nigh to Carme] and the
sea. The region beginning at Carmel, the Vale as xi
it is called from its nature, was won by the men of
Aser, all of it, that is to say, that faced towards
Sidon; to their portion fell the city of Arce, also
ealled Ecdipus.¢ The territory to the eastward up xi
to the eity of Damascus, with upper Galilee, was
occupied by the men of Nephthali, as far as mount
Libanus and the sources of the Jordan, which spring
ix. 10
Ἐ
from that mountain.¢ The Danites obtained those xix.
parts of the valley which face the setting sun with
Azotus® and Dora for boundaries; they had all
Jamnia,f Gitta’ (and) from Akkaron?’ to the
mountain-range where the tribe of Judah began.
(23) Thus did Joshua divide six of the nations that
bore the names of the sons of Canaan and gave their
land to the nine and a half tribes for their possession ;
for Amoritis, likewise so called after one of the
children of Canaan, had already of yore been taken
and apportioned by Moses to the two and a half
tribes, as we have previously related. But the
¢ Heb. Achzib (Jos. xix. 29), mod. ez Z7b, called Medippa,
B.J.i. 257, on the coast midway between Carmel and Tyre.
ἀ The mss. add some unintelligible words, omitted by the
Latin version and perhaps a gloss: (?) “‘ from the part where
it descends to the boundary to the north of the adjacent city
of Arce.”
¢ Heb. Ashdod.
Web. Jabnecl (Jos. xv. 11) or Jabneh, mod. Yebnah,
another city in the Philistine plain,
σ Gath. + ikron, tiv. 166 ff,
41
Amoritis
and
unassigned
territory.
90
91
92
93
JOSEPHUS
τὰ δὲ περὶ Σιδῶνα Kat ᾿Λρουκαίους καὶ ᾿Λμαθαίους
καὶ ᾿ΑΛριδαίους" ἀδιακόσμητα ἦν.
(9.) ᾿Ιησοῦς δέ, τοῦ γήρως ἐμποδίζοντος ἤδη
,
πράττειν ὅσα καὶ νοήσειε, τῶν τε μετ᾽ αὐτὸν τὴν
ἡγεμονίαν παραλαβόντων ἀμελῶς προστάντων τοῦ
κοινῇ συμφέροντος, παρήγγειλέ te? φυλῇ ἑκάστῃ
τοῦ γένους τῶν Χαναναίων μηδὲν ὑπολιπεῖν ἐν τῇ
κατακεκληρωμένῃ ail τὴν γὰρ ἀσφάλειαν αὐτοῖς
καὶ τὴν φυλακὴν τῶν πατρίων ἐθῶν ἐν μόνῳ. τούτῳ
καὶ ΔΙωυσῆν αὐτοῖς εἶναι προειπεῖν καὶ τοῦτ᾽ αὐ-
τὸς" πεπεῖσθαι: καὶ τοῖς Λευίταις δὲ τὰς ὀκτὼ
καὶ τριάκοντα πόλεις ἀποδιδόναι: προειλήφεισαν
γὰρ ἤδη κατὰ τὴν ‘Apopaiav τὰς δέκα. τούτων
τρεῖς ἀπονέμει τοῖς φυγάσιν οἰκεῖν ἐν αὐταῖς, πολλὴ
γὰρ ἦν πρόνοια τοῦ μηδὲν ὧν ΔΙωυσῆς διέταξε
παραλιπεῖν, τῆς μὲν οὖν ᾿Ιούδα φυλῆς Ἕβρωνα,
Σίκιμα δὲ τῆς “Edpaiu, τῆς Νεφθαλίτιδος δὲ
ἱκεδέσην: ἔστι δὲ τῆς καθύπερθεν ] αλιλαίας τοῦτο
τὸ χωρίον. νέμει δὲ καὶ τῆς λείας ὅσα ἦν ἔτι
λοιπά, πλείστη δ᾽ ἐγεγόνει, καὶ μεγάλους πλούτους
περιεβέβληντο καὶ κοινῇ πάντες καὶ κατ᾽ ἰδίαι
ἕκαστος χρυσοῦ τε καὶ ἀργύρου καὶ ἐσθήτων καὶ
τῆς ἄλλης ἐπισκευῆς ἕνεκα, τετραπόδων τε πλήθους
ὅσον οὐδὲ ἀριθμῷ μαθεῖν ἢ ἣν προσγενομένου.
(25) Mera δε" ταῦτα συναγαγὼν εἷς ἐκκλησίαν
τὸν στρατὸν τοῖς ὑπὲρ τὸν ᾿Ιόρδανον κατὰ τὴν
᾿Αμοραίαν ἱδρυμένοις, συνεστράτευον δ᾽ αὐτοῖς
1 ᾿Αραδαίους 60Πη]. Niese. 2 oni re at. et. pr.
3 Naber: αὐτοὺς codd, 4 ROE: δὴ rell.
4« Cf. the list of the tl sons of Canaan (Chananaeus)
previously given in uf. 1. 139 f., to which Josephus is here
referring. ‘The countries of 7 of these have now been assigned :
42
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 89-93
regions about Sidon, with those of the Arueaeans,
Amathaeans and Aridaeans, remained unassigned.*
(2+) Joshua, now that age impeded him from Cities of
. . Levites and
earrying out his own designs and also because those of refuge :
who after him took over the command showed them- division of
telves careless guardians of the common weal, eee
ttraitly charged each tribe to leave no remnant of
the raee of the Canaanites within their allotted
territory, since their seeurity and the maintenance
of their ancestral institutions hung upon that alone :
this Moses had already told them? and of this he
was himself persuaded. They were also to render xxi. 1.
up to the Levites those eight and thirty eities—for
these had already received the other ten in the
Amorite country.© Of these cities, he assigned x* 1.
three for fugitives to dwell in—for he took strict
eare to negleet none of the ordinances of Moses—
to wit Hebron belonging to the tribe of Judah,
Sikima? to Ephraim and Kedese ὁ to Nephthali, this
last being a place in upper Galilee. He also distri- ¢f xxii. 8.
buted what yet remained of the spoils, of which
there was a vast mass; and all, collectively and
individually, found themselves endowed with great
riches, gold, silver, apparel and equipment of every
kind, over and above such a multitude of cattle 7
as was past numbering.
(25) Thereafter, having collected his army in Joshuas
assembly, he addressed to those who had their settle- address to
ment beyond Jordan in Amoraea—of whom 50,000 the 23
tribes.
the 4 still outstanding are in Biblical nomenclature Zidon, een
Arkite, Hamathite and Arvadite (Gen. x. 15 ff.). Joshua
(xiii. 2-6) also enumerates the unconquered territories, in-
eluding that of the Philistines, not mentioned by Josephus.
b iv. 191 f. 6 ive 67, 172. 4 Shechein.
¢ Kedesh. ’ lit. ‘* four-footed (beasts).”
43
2
bem
2
δι
90
97
JOSEPIHUS
“ ‘
πεντακισμύριοι ὁπλῖται, ἔλεξε τάδε- “ ἐπεὶ ὁ θεός"
πατὴρ καὶ δεσπότης τοῦ ‘EBpaiwy γένους, γῆν
τε κτήσασθαι ταύτην ἔδωκε καὶ κτηθεῖσαν εἰς
ἅπαν ἡμετέραν φυλάξειν ὑπέσχηται, συνεργίας δὲ
τῆς παρ᾽ ὑμῶν κατ᾽ ἐντολὴν τὴν ἐκείνου δεομένοις
ἑαυτοὺς εἰς ἅπαντα προθύμους ἐδώκατε, δίκαιον
ὑμᾶς μηδενὸς ἔτι δυσκόλου περιμένοντος ava-
παύσεως ἤδη τυχεῖν φειδοῖ τῆς προθυμίας ὑμῶν,
ἵν᾽ εἰ καὶ πάλιν δεήσειεν ἡ ἡμῖν. αὐτῆς ἄοκνον ἔχωμεν
εἰς τὰ κατεπείξοντα καὶ μὴ τοῖς νῦν καμοῦσαν
αὖθις βραδυτέραν. χάριν τε οὖν ὑμῖν ὧν ᾿συνήρασθε
κινδύνων καὶ οὐχὶ νῦν μόνον ἀλλ᾽ εἰς ἅπαν οὕτως
ἕξομεν, ὄντες ἀγαθοὶ μεμνῆσθαι τῶν φίλων καὶ
παρὰ τῇ διανοίᾳ κρατεῖν ὅσα παρ᾽ αὐτῶν ἡμῖν
ὑπῆρξεν, ὅτι τε τὴν ἀπόλαυσιν τῶν ὑπαρχόντων
ὑμῖν ἀγαθῶν δι᾿ ἡμᾶς ἀνεβάλεσθε καὶ πονήσαντες"
εἰς ἃ νῦν εὐνοίᾳ θεοῦ κατέστημεν ἔπειθ᾽ οὕτως
ἐκρίνατε αὐτῶν μεταλαμβάνειν. γέγονε δὲ πρὸς
τοῖς ὑπάρχουσιν ἀγαθοῖς ἐκ τῶν σὺν ἡμῖν πόνων
πλοῦτος ἄφθονος, λείαν τε πολλὴν ἐπαξομένοις καὶ
χρυσὸν καὶ ἄργυρον, καὶ τὸ τούτων ἔτι πλεῖον, ἡ
παρ᾽ ἡμῶν" εὔνοια καὶ πρὸς ὃ τι βουληθείητε κατ᾽
ἀμοιβὴν πρόθυμον. οὔτε γὰρ ὧν ΔΙωυσῆς προεῖπεν
ἀπελείφθητε καταφρονήσαντες εξ ἀνθρώπων ἀπ-
ελθόντος οὔτ᾽ ἔστιν οὐδὲν ἐφ᾽ ᾧ μὴ χάριν ὑμῖν
οἴδαμεν. χαίροντας οὖν ὑμᾶς ἐπὶ τὰς κληρουχίας
ἀπολύομεν καὶ παρακαλοῦμεν μηδένα τῆς πρὸς
ἡμᾶς συγγενείας _ Opov ὑπολαμβάνειν, μηδ᾽ ὅτι
μεταξὺ ποταμὸς οὗτός ἐστιν ἑτέρους ἡμᾶς νομίσητε
1 θεὸς καὶ MSPL. 2 ROL: συμπονήσαντες SP.
MSI " : παρ ἡμῖν Τὰ O: vester Lat.
α 7,6. in catile.
4.4
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 93-97
men-at-arms had taken part in their eampaign—
the following words: “‘ Seeing that God, the Father
and Lord of the Hebrew race, has given us to win
this land and, being won, has promised to preserve
it to us for ever, and seeing that, when at His behest
we besought your assistance, ye offered your ready
services for all, it is but just, when no further arduous
task awaits us, that ye should now obtain repose,
husbanding your devotion, to the end that, should
we again have need of it, we may find it alert to
meet those future emergencies and not so worn by
the toils of to-day as to respond more sluggishly
hereafter. We therefore tender you our thanks for
having shared those perils with us, and not to-day
only but for ever shall we be grateful; for we are
apt to remember our friends and to keep in mind
services which they have rendered to us, even how
for our sakes ye deferred the enjoyment of your
goodly possessions and resolved that, only after
toiling for the end whereto by the grace of God we
have now attained, would ye then at last partake of
them. Yet, to add to those goods that ye possess,
ye have by your labours with us won wealth in
abundanee: ye will take with you rich booty,? gold
and silver and, what is more than all, our goodwill
and readiness to serve and requite you in whatsoever
ye may desire. For ye have in nowise shirked those
behests of Moses, nor disdained his authority now
that he has passed away, nor is there aught for which
we do not aceord you gratitude. We therefore let
you joyfully depart to your heritages, and we entreat
you not to suppose that the kinship which unites us
owns any boundary, nor, because this river runs
between us, to regard us as strangers and not as
45
JOSEPHUS
\ 3 Le , ig 7ὔ A « , ᾽
καὶ οὐχὶ “EBpatovs. “Λβράμου γὰρ ἅπαντές ἐσμεν
“ “- Δ
οἵ τ ἐνθάδε κἀκεῖ. κατοικοῦντες, θεὸς τε εἷς, ὃς
τούς τε ἡμετέρους προγόνους καὶ τοὺς ὑμῶν αὐτῶν
98 παρήγαγεν εἰς τὸν βίον' οὗ τῆς θρησκείας ἐπι-
μελεῖσθε καὶ πολιτείας, ἣν αὐτὸς διὰ Mavoeos
διέταξε, φυλακὴν ἐ ἔχετε τὴν πᾶσαν, ὡς ἐμμενόντων
μὲν τούτοις καὶ τοῦ θεοῦ παρέξοντος εὔνουν εἶναι
καὶ σύμμαχον ἑαυτόν, ἐκτραπέντων. δὲ εἰς ἑτέρων
ἐθνῶν μίμησιν Drala δ ἢ ἀο εν δι τὸ γένος ὑμῶν.
A
~ γ \ > ied \ > / \ ~
99 ταῦτα εἰπὼν καὶ καθ ἕνα τοὺς ἐν τέλει καὶ κοινῇ
100
101
102
TO πλῆθος αὐτῶν ἀσπασάμενος αὐτὸς μὲν ὑπέμεινε,
προύπεμπε δ᾽ αὐτοὺς ὁ λαὸς οὐκ ἀδακρυτὶ καὶ
μόλις ἀλλήλων ἀπελύθησαν.
(96) Διαβᾶσα δὲ τὸν ποταμὸν Hate “Ῥουβηλὶς
φυλὴ καὶ Vadis καὶ ὅσοι τῶν Mavaconra@y αὐτοῖς
συνείποντο βωμὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς ὄχθης ἱδρύονται τοῦ
᾿Ιορδάνου, μνημεῖον τοῖς ἔπειτα yernooperors,"
σύμβολον" τῆς πρὸς τοὺς πέραν κατοικησομένους"
οἰκειότητος. ἀκούσαντες δὲ οἱ πέραν βωμὸν ἱδρῦσ-
θαι τοὺς ἀπολυθέντας οὐ μεθ᾽ ἧς ἐκεῖνοι γνώμης
ἀνέστησαν αὐτόν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ νεωτερισμῷ καὶ ξενικῶν
εἰσαγωγῇ θεῶν, οὐκ ἤθελον ἀπιστεῖν, ἀλλὰ περὶ
τὴν θείαν" Genoa τὴν διαβολὴν πιθανὴν νομί-
ζοντες ἐν ὅπλοις ἦσαν, ὡς ἐπ᾿ ἀμύνῃ τῶν τὸν
βωμὸν ἱδρυσαμένων περαιωσόμενοι. τὸν ποταμὸν
καὶ κολάσοντες αὐτοὺς τῆς παρατροπῆς τῶν πατρίων
ἐθῶν. οὐ γὰρ ἐδόκει τὴν συγγένειαν αὐτοὺς λογύ-
ζεσθαι καὶ τὸ ἀξίωμα τῶν τὴν αἰτίαν εἰληφότων,
λ γενησόμενον Niese.
2 σύμβολον before τῆς om. E Lat. (probably a gloss, ef.
§ 112).
3 κατῳκημένους SVE. 4 θείων RO,
40
JEWISH: ANTIQUITIES, δ΄. 971-103
Hebrews. For we are all of Abraham's stock, whether
living here or there, and it is one God who brought
our forefathers and yours into existenee. To the
worship of Him pay ye heed, and of that polity,
which He Himself has instituted through Moses,
observe ye every precept, in the assurance that,
while ye remain faithful to these, God also will show
Himself your gracious ally, but if ye turn aside to xxii. 6.
imitate other nations He will turn away from your
race.” Having thus spoken and bidden farew ell, to
the officers one by one, and to their whole company
in general, he himself remained ; but the people
escorted them on their way not without tears, and
hardly were they parted from one another.
(26) Having then crossed the river, the tribe of They erect
Rubel with that of Gad and all those of Wilanasseh ara
who accompanied them erected an altar on the bank Jordan:
embassy and
of the Jordan, as a memorial to future generations expostula-
of their relationship to the inhabitants on the other pr οὗ |
side. But those beyond the river,? having heard Jos. xxii. 10,
tell that the migrants had ereeted an altar, not
with the purpose which had led them to set it up,
but with designs of sedition and the introduction of
strange gods, were loth to distrust the report ;
nay, ‘dec ming this calumny concerning divine wor-
ship credible, they sprang to arms, with intent to
cross the river and be avenged on those that had
erected the altar and to punish them for this per-
version of the rites of their fathers. Tor they held
that they should take no account of their kinship or
of the rank of those thus ineriminated, but of the
@ je. on the west; “beyond the river” from the point
of view of those in trans-Jordania. In Scripture “ beyond
the river’ invariably refers to the eastern side of the Jordan.
47
JOSEPHUS
ἀλλὰ τὸ τοῦ θεοῦ βουλητὸν καὶ ᾧ τρόπῳ τιμώμενος
\ ¢ A > , 3 > ~
103 χαίρει. καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐστράτευσαν ὑπ᾽ ὀργῆς, ἐπέσχε
104
105
106
107
δ᾽ αὐτοὺς ᾿Ιησοῦς Kat ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς ’HAealapos καὶ
ἡ γερουσία λόγοις συμβουλεύοντες ἀπόπειραν
αὐτῶν τῆς γνώμης λαβεῖν πρῶτον, ἔπειτ᾽ ἂν
κακοήθη μάθωσι τὴν διάνοιαν αὐτῶν τότε τοῖς
ὅπλοις χωρεῖν ἐπ᾿ αὐτούς. πέμπουσιν οὖν πρε-
σβευτὰς πρὸς αὐτοὺς Φινεέσην τὸν υἱὸν ᾿Ελεαζάρου
καὶ δέκα σὺν αὐτῷ τῶν ἐν τιμῇ παρὰ τοῖς 'Ββραίοις
μαθησομένους,. τί καὶ φρονήσαντες τὸν βωμὸν ἐπὶ
τῆς ὄχθης τοῦ ποταμοῦ διαβάντες ἔστησαν. ὡς
δὲ περαιωσαμένων καὶ πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἀφικομένων
ἐκκλησία συνελέγη, στὰς Φινεέσης μείζω μὲν
αὐτοὺς ἁμαρτεῖν ἔλεγεν ἢ ὥστε λόγοις ἐπιτιμη-
θέντας νενουθετῆσθαι πρὸς τὰ μέλλοντα" πλὴν οὐ
πρὸς τὸ μέγεθος τῆς παρανομίας ἀπιδόντας εὐθὺς
ἐφ᾽ ὅπλα καὶ τὴν ἐκ χειρῶν τιμωρίαν ὁρμῆσαι,
πρὸς δὲ τὸ συγγενὲς καὶ τὸ τάχα καὶ λόγοις ἂν
σωφρονῆσαι σκοπήσαντας οὕτω ποιήσασθαι τὴν
πρεσβείαν, “wa τὴν αἰτίαν μαθόντες ὑφ᾽ ἧς
προήχθητε τὸν βωμὸν κατασκευάσαι μήτε προπετεῖς
δοκῶμεν ὅπλοις μετιόντες ὑμᾶς κατὰ λογισμὸν
ὅσιον ποιησαμένους τὸν βωμόν, καὶ; δικαίως
ἀμυνώμεθα τῆς διαβολῆς ἐλεγχθείσης ἀληθοῦς. οὐ
γὰρ ἠξιοῦμεν ὑμᾶς πείρᾳ τῆς τοῦ θεοῦ γνώμης
ἐντὸς γεγενημένους καὶ νόμων ὧν αὐτὸς ἡμῖν
δέδωκεν ἀκροατὰς ὑπάρχοντας, διαζευχθέντας ἡμῶν
καὶ παρόντας εἰς τὸν ἴδιον κλῆρον, ὃν κατὰ χάριν
τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ τῆς ἐκείνου περὶ ἡμᾶς" προνοίας
Ved. pr.: kare (καὶ ἔτι, εἰς.) codd.
2 ὑμᾶς edd.
48
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 102-107
will of God and the fashion in whieh He delights to
be honoured. So, moved by indignation, they pre-
pared to take the field; but Joshua and Eleazar
the high priest and the elders restrained them,
counselling them first to test their brethren’s mind
by a parley , and, should they find their intent mis-
chievous, then and then only to proceed to hostilities.
They sent therefore ambassadors to them, Phinees,
son of Eleazar, and with him ten others highly
esteemed among the Hebrews, to discover what they
eould have meant by erecting that altar on the river-
bank after they had passed | over. So, the embassy
having erossed the river and reached these people,
an assembly was convened, and Phineces arose and
said that their sin was too grave to be met by a
verbal reprimand and an admonition for the future ;
howbeit, they themselves had not wished to look at
the enormity of the erime so as to rush instantly to
arms and violent measures, but, looking rather to
their kinship and to the possibility that words might
suffice to bring them to reason, they had under fren
this embassy. ‘‘ We are here,” said he, “ἴῃ order
that, having learnt what reason indueed you to
build this Alea: we may on the one hand not be
deemed precipitate in bearing arms against you,
should ye have had some pious motive in erecting
it, and on the other that we may take righteous
vengeance, should the accusation prove true. For
we could not conceive that ye, with your experience
of instruction in the will of God, ye who had been
hearers of those Jaws whieh He Himself has given
us, onee parted from us and entering on your own
heritage, which by the grace of God ‘and is provi-
deat eare for us has fallen to your lot, eould have
τ
Xxii.
12.
108
109
110
11]
JOSEPEUS
ἐλάχετε, λήθην λαβεῖν αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν σκηνὴν Kat
τὴν κιβωτὸν καταλιπόντας καὶ βωμὸν ὃς ἡμῖν
πάτριος ξενικοὺς θεοὺς ἐπιφέρειν τοῖς Χαναναίων
κακοῖς προσκεχωρηκότας. ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲν ἀδικεῖν δό-
cere μετανοήσαντες καὶ μὴ περαιτέρω μανέντες,
νόμων δὲ πατρίων αἰδῶ καὶ μνήμην λαβόντες. ἂν
δ᾽ ἐπιμένητε, τοῖς ἡμαρτημένοις, οὐ περιστησόμεθα'
τὸν ὑπὲρ τῶν νόμων πόνον, ἀλλὰ περαιωσάμενοι
τὸν ᾿Ιόρδανον τούτοις BonOnaopev Kal πρὸ αὐτῶν;
τῷ θεῷ, μηδὲν ὑμᾶς “Χαναναίων διαφέρειν ὑπο-
λαμβάνοντες ἀλλ᾽ ὁμοίως ἐκείνοις “διαφθείροντες.
μὴ γὰρ “νομίσητε τῷ διαβεβηκέναι τὸν ποταμὸν καὶ
τῆς τοῦ θεοῦ δυνάμεως ἔξω γεγονέναι: πανταχοῦ
δ᾽ ἐν τοῖς τούτου ἐστὲ καὶ ἀποδρᾶναι τὴν ἐξουσίαν
αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν ἀπὸ ταύτης δίκην ἀδύνατον. εἰ δ᾽
οἴεσθε τὴν ἐνθάδε παρουσίαν ὑμῖν ἐμπόδιον εἶναι
τοῦ σωφρονεῖν, οὐδὲν κωλύει πάλιν τὴν γῆν ἡμᾶς"
ἀναδάσασθαι καὶ ταύτην ἀνεῖναι μηλόβοτον. ἀλλ᾽
εὖ ποιήσετε σωφρονήσαντες καὶ ἐπὶ νεαροῖς μετα-
τιθέμενοι. τοῖς ἁμαρτήμασι. καὶ παρακαλοῦμεν
ὑμᾶς πρὸς παίδων καὶ γυναικῶν μὴ παρασχεῖν
ἡμῖν ἀνάγκην ἀμύνασθαι. ὡς οὖν τῆς ὑμετέρας
αὐτῶν σωτηρίας καὶ τῶν φιλτάτων ὑμῖν ἐν τῇδε
τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ κειμένης οὕτω βουλεύεσθε, λόγοις
ἡττηθῆναι συμφέρειν ὑπολαμβάνοντες ἢ πεῖραν
ἔργων καὶ πολέμου περιμένειν.
(27) Γοσαῦτα τοῦ Φινεέσου διαλεχθέντος οἱ
προεστῶτες τῆς ἐκκλησίας καὶ τὸ πλῆθος αὐτὸ πᾶν
ἤρξαντο περὶ τῶν ἐγκεκλημένων αὐτοῖς ἀπολογεῖ-
1 παραιτησόμεθα SPE.
2 ante omnia Lat.: πρὸς (= προσέτι) αὐτῷ Hudson.
3 ὑμᾶς codd.
50
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 107-111
straightway forgotten Him and, abandoning the
tabernacle and the ark and the altar of our fathers,
introduced some strange gods and gone over to the
vices of the Canaanites. Howbeit ye shall be in no
wise held guilty, if ye repent and carry this mad-
ness no farther, but show that ye revere and are
mindful of the laws of your fathers. Should ye,
however, persist in your errors, we shall shun no
toil in defence of those laws, but, crossing the Jordan,
shall rally in support of them, aye and of God on
their behalf, deeming you in no wise different from
the Canaanites but destroying you in like manner
with them. For think not that by crossing the river
ye have also passed beyond God's power: nay,
everywhere. ye are within His domain and eseape
from His authority and His vengeance is impossible.
But if ye regard your coming hither a hindrance to
sober living, there is nothing to prevent us? from
making a τ ΤΠ ΣΟ οἵ the land and abandoning
this district to the grazing of sheep. Howbeit ye
will do well to return to sanity and to change your
ways while your sins are fresh. And we entreat you
in the name of your children and wives not to con-
strain us to resort to foree. Let, then, the thought
that the salvation of your own sole es and of them
that are dearest to you hangs upon this assembly
govern your deliberations, and reckon it more profit-
able to be defeated by words than to await the
trial of deeds and of way,”
(27) After this discourse of Phinees, the presidents ΤῊΣ belles
protes
their
innocence.
of the assembly and the whole multitude themselves
began to diselaim the crimes wherewith they were
¢ Text a little doubtful: perhaps “ἢ and, furthermore, of
God himself.” 6 The mss. have * you.”
51
Jos.
xxii, 21.
JOSEPHUS
σθαι, Kat μήτε συγγενείας τῆς πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἀπο-
στήσεσθαι μήτε κατὰ νεωτερισμὸν ἀναστῆσαι τὸν
Ε12 βωμὸν λέγειν, ἀλλὰ θεόν τε ἕνα γινώσκειν τὸν
“βραίοις ἅπασι κοινὸν καὶ τὸν πρὸ τῆς σκηνῆς
βωμὸν χάλκεον, ᾧ τὰς θυσίας ποιήσειν" τὸν μέντοι
γε νῦν ἀνασταθέντα, δι᾿ ὃν καὶ ὕποπτοι γεγόνασιν,
οὐ κατὰ θρησκείαν ἱδρῦσθαι, “᾿ σύμβολον δὲ ὅπως
εἴη καὶ τεκμήριον εἰς τὸν αἰῶνα τῆς πρὸς ὑμᾶς
οἰκειότητος καὶ ἀνάγκη τοῦ σωφρονεῖν καὶ τοῖς
πατρίοις ἐμμένειν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐχὶ παραβάσεως ἀρχήν,
113 ὡς ὑπονοεῖτε. μάρτυς δ᾽ ἡμῖν τοῦ ἐπὶ τοιαύτῃ τὸν
βωμὸν αἰτίᾳ κατασκευάσαι γένοιτο ὁ θεὸς ἀξιό-
χρεως, ὅθεν ἀμείνονα περὶ ἡμῶν ἔχοντες ὑπόληψιν
μηδὲν καταγινώσκετε τούτων, ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἐξώλεις
εἶναι δίκαιοι πάντες ὅσοι τοῦ ᾿Λβράμου γένους
ὄντες νεωτέροις ἐπιχειροῦσιν ἔθεσι καὶ τοῦ συνήθους
τρόπου παρηλλαγμένοις.᾿
114 (98) Ταῦτα εἰπόντας ἐπαινέσας ὁ Φινεέσης
παρῆν πρὸς ᾿Ιησοῦν καὶ τὰ παρ᾽ αὐτῶν ἀνήγγειλε
τῷ λαῷ. ὁ δὲ χαίρων, ὅτι μηδεμία στρατολογεῖν
αὐτοὺς ἀνάγκη μέλλει μηδ᾽ εἰς αἷμα καὶ πόλεμον
ἐξαγαγεῖν κατὰ ἀνδρῶν συγγενῶν, χαριστηρίους
115 ὑπὲρ τούτων τῷ θεῷ θυσίας ἐπιτελεῖ. καὶ διαλύσας
μετὰ ταῦτα τὸ πλῆθος εἰς τὰς ἰδίας κληρουχίας
᾿Ιησοῦς αὐτὸς ἐν Σικίμοις διῆγεν. ἔτει δ᾽ ὕστερον
εἰκοστῷ ὑπέργηρως ὧν μεταπεμψάμενος τοὺς ἐπ᾽
ἀξιώματος μάλιστα τῶν πόλεων καὶ τὰς ἀρχὰς
καὶ τὴν γερουσίαν" καὶ τοῦ πλήθους ὅσον ἦν ἐφικτὸν
1 ἀποστήσασθαι Weill. 2 ὅπλα KO.
3 τὰς γερουσίας ML.
52
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VW. 111-115
charged, saying that neither would they renounce 4
their kinship to their brethren, nor had they ereeted
the altar with revolutionary intent: nay, they re-
cognized but the one God, owned by all Hebrews
alike, and the brazen altar before the tabernacle
whereon the sacrifices should be offered. As for
that which they had now set up and whieh had
brought suspicion upon them, they had not erected
it for worship: “nay,” said they, “ but as a symbol
and token for eternity of our kinship with you, and
an obligation to think soberly and to abide by the
laws of our fathers, in no wise as a beginning of
transgression, aS ye suspect. And that such was
our motive in building this altar be God our all-
sufficient witness! Wherefore, have a better opinion
of us and cease to accuse us of any of those crimes,
for which all would justly deserve to be extirpated
who, being of the stock of Abraham, embark on
new- -fangled ways that are perversions of our cus-
tomary practice.’
(28) Phinees, having commended them for this Jos. xxii. 30.
speech, returned to Joshua and reported their
answer to the people. And Joshua, rejoicing that
there was to be no need to levy troops or to lead
them to bloodshed and battle against kinsmen,
offered sacrifices of thanksgiving to God for these
mercies. ‘Thereafter, having dismissed the multi-
tude to their several provinces, Joshua himself abode xxiv. 1.
at Sikima. Twenty years later,” in extreme old Address of
age, having sent for the chicf notables of the cities, jon"
» before his
with their magistrates and elders, and assembled death.
Os. xi.
as many of the people as could be collected, he, xxiy,
@ Perhaps read, “ἢ had they renounced.”
ἘΦ 5, ΧΈῪΠΙ 1. attersmany daysy
110
}17
11s
110
JOSEPAUS
αὐτῷ συναγαγών, ἐπεὶ παρῆσαν, Tas τε εὐεργεσίας
τοῦ θεοῦ ἁπάσας ἀνεμίμνησκεν αὐτούς, πολλαὶ δὲ
ἦσαν τοῖς ἐκ ταπεινοῦ σχήματος εἰς τοῦτο δόξης
καὶ περιουσίας προελθοῦσι, φυλάττειν τε τὴν τοῦ
θεοῦ προαίρεσιν οὕτως ἔχουσαν πρὸς αὐτοὺς παρ-
εκάλει καὶ τῇ εὐσεβείᾳ' ye μόνῃ φίλον αὐτοῖς
διαμενεῖν" τὸ θεῖον: αὐτῷ γὰρ καλῶς ἐ ἔχειν ἀπιέναι
μέλλοντι τοῦ ζῆν παραίνεσιν αὐτοῖς τοιαύτην κατα-
λιπεῖν κἀκείνους ἠξίου διὰ μνήμης ποιήσασθαι τὴν
παρακέλευσιν.
(90) Καὶ ὁ μὲν τοσαῦτα πρὸς τοὺς παρόντας δια-
λεχθεὶς τελευτᾷ βιοὺς ἑκατὸν ἔτη καὶ δέκα, ὧν
ΔΙωυσεῖ μὲν ἐπὶ διδασκαλίᾳ τῶν χρησίμων συν-
διέτριψε τεσσαράκοντα, στρατηγὸς δὲ μετὰ τὴν
ἐκείνου τελευτὴν. γίνεται πέντε καὶ εἴκοσιν, ἀνὴρ
μήτε συνέσεως ὧν ἐνδεὴς μήτε τοῦ τὰ νοηθέντα
πρὸς τοὺς πολλοὺς σαφῶς ἐξενεγκεῖν ἄπειρος, ἀλλ᾽
ἐν ἀμφοτέροις ἄκρος, πρός τε τὰ ἔργα καὶ τοὺς
κινδύνους εὔψυχος καὶ μεγαλότολμος, πρυτανεῦσαί
τε τὰ κατὰ τὴν εἰρήνην δεξιώτατος καὶ πρὸς
ἅπαντα καιρὸν τὴν ἀρετὴν ἡρμοσμένος. θάπτεται
δὲ ἐν πόλει Θαμνᾶ τῆς ᾿φραίμου φυλῆς. θνήσκει
δὲ ὑπ᾽ αὐτὸν τὸν καιρὸν καὶ ᾿Βλεάζαρος ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς
Φινεέσῃ τῷ παιδὲ τὴν ἱερωσύνην καταλιπών, καὶ
1 Text doublful; for καὶ τῇ edo. SP read τιμῇ πάσῃ
χρωμένους καὶ εὐσεβείᾳ.
3 I: om. ROSP: ἢ γε Niese.
3 Niese: διαμένειν codd.
α Or perhaps “ to observe God’s will, so benevolent towards
them.”
51
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES,.\2 711553119
on their coming, recalled to them all the bene-
factions of God—and many had they been to folk
who from low estate had advanced to that pitch of
glory and affluence—and exhorted them to keep
God’s goodwill unchanged towards them,? for by
piety " ‘alone could they retain the friendship of the
Deity. It behoved him, he said, on the eve of
departure from life, to leave them such admonition,
and he besought them to bear his exhortation in
their memory.
(29) And so. after this address to the assembled
company, he died, having lived one hundred and ten
years; of which he had passed forty in the com-
pany of Moses receiving profitable instruction, and
after his master’s death had been commander-in-
chief for five-and-twenty.6 A man” not wanting
either in intelligence or in skill to expound his ideas
to the multitude with lucidity, nay in both respects
supreme, in action and perils he was stout-hearted
and greatly daring, in peace-time a most dexterous
director of affairs, adapting himself admirably to
every occasion. He was buried in the city of Thamna®
of the tribe of Ephraim. About the same time died
also Eleazar the high priest, leaving the priesthood
δ Text doubtful. Some MSS. read “ by showing Him
every honour and that piety,”’ ete.
¢ fhe duration of Joshua’s command is not stated in
Scripture, But, according to M. Weill, the figure here given
(25 vears) is found also in the Samaritan C ΤΠ Δ τοῖς: while
tabbinieal tradition (Neder Olam Rabba xii.) extends the
period to 25 years.
4 Cf. the previous brief eharacter-sketeh in 4. iii. 49.
¢ Hleb. ‘Timnath-serah, identified by tradition with
Thamna (mod, Tibneh) in mount Ephraim and the seat of
a toparchy in Roman times (B.J. ii. 567, iii. 55).
VOY E 55
Death of
Joshua and
of Eleazar.
JOS. XXIV.
29,
xxiv. 33,
JOSEPHUS
μνημεῖον αὐτῷ Kat τάφος ἐν Τ᾿αβαθᾷ πόλει τυγ-
χάνει.
120 (ii. 1) Mera δὲ τὴν τούτων τελευτὴν Φινεέσης
/ A ‘ ~ “- , > 3 3
προφητεύει κατὰ τὴν τοῦ θεοῦ βούλησιν ἐπ᾽ ἐξ-
, ~ ἐᾷ , ,ὔ a? 7 ~
wreia τοῦ Ναναναίων γένους τῇ Ιούδα φυλῇ παρα-
σχεῖν τὴν ἡγεμονίαν" καὶ γὰρ τῷ λαῷ διὰ σπουδῆς
ἦν μαθεῖν τί καὶ τῷ θεῷ δοκεῖ. καὶ προσλαβοῦσα
τὴν Σεμεωνίδα, ἐφ᾽ ᾧτε ἐξαιρεθέντων τῶν ἐκείνης
ὑποτελῶν καὶ τοὺς ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ κληρουχίᾳ τοῦτο
ποιῶσιν * κ εἰ
121 (2) Χαναναῖοι δ᾽ ἀκμαζόντων αὐτοῖς κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον
“ ~ A
TOV καιρὸν τῶν πραγμάτων στρατῷ μεγάλῳ κατὰ
Ζεβέκην αὐτοὺς ὑπέμενον τῷ βασιλεῖ τῶν Ζεβε-
κηνῶν ᾿Αδωνιζεβέκῳ τὴν ἡγεμονίαν ἐπιτρέψαντες"
τὸ δὲ ὄνομα. τοῦτο σημαΐνει LeBexnvaav κύριος"
ἀδωνὶ γὰρ τῇ Ἑβραίων διαλέκτῳ κύριος γίνεται".
ἠλπιζόν τε κρατήσειν τῶν ἸΙσραηλιτῶν διὰ τὸ
122 τεθνάναι ᾿Ιησοῦν. συμμίξαντες δὲ αὐτοῖς ᾿Ισραη-
λῖται ταῖς δυσὶ φυλαῖς αἷς προεῖπον ἐμαχέσαντο
λαμπρῶς καὶ κτείνουσι μὲν αὐτῶν ὑπὲρ μυρίους,
τρεψάμενοι δὲ τὸ λοιπὸν καὶ διώκοντες αἱροῦσι
\ 3 / “a > \ e 3 3 ~
τὸν ᾿Αδωνιζέβεκον, ὃς ἀκρωτηριασθεὶς ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν
123 φησιν, “᾿ ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ εἰς τὸ πᾶν apa λήσεσθαι θεὸν
wv AA (ὃ Ag Δ \ ὃ ~ A € ὃ ΤΩ
ἔμελλον, τάδε πεπονθὼς ἃ κατὰ δυοῖν Kat ἐβδομὴ
1 ‘Text of clause uncertain. Niese indicates a lacuna:
Dindorf instead alters καὶ προσλαβοῦσα above to προσλαβούσῃ.
2 λέγεται E.
¢ Heb. “‘ in Gibeah (or ‘ the hill’) of Phinehas his son ”
in the mss. of the Lxx the name appears as Γαβαάθ, Vasa, etc.:
site unidentified.
> Lacuna in the Greek.
56
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 119-123
to his son Phinees; his monument and tomb are in
the city of Gabatha.?
(ii. 1) Now after the death of these leaders,
Phinees prophetically announced, in accordance with
the will of God, that, for the extermination of the
Canaanite race, the tribe of Judah should be given
the command ; for the people were keenly desirous
to learn what was God’s good pleasure. So this
tribe, having enlisted the aid of Simeon, on the con-
dition that, once the Canaanites tributary to Judah
had been destroyed, they would do the same to
those within the lot of Simeon (advanced to battle).®
(2) But the Canaanites, who at that time were in
a flourishing condition, awaited them with a large
army at Zebeké,° having entrusted the command to
the king of the Zebekénians, Adonizebek ¢—this
name signifies “lord of the Zebekénians,”’ for addnz
in the speech of the Hebrews means “ lord “—and
they were hoping to defeat the Israelites, since
Joshua was dead. However the Israelites of the
two tribes which I mentioned, having Joined battle
with them, fought brilliantly, with the result that
they slew of the enemy upwards of ten thousand,
and having put the rest to rout pursued them and
captured Adonizebek, who, with hands and feet
mutilated by his captors, exclaimed: ‘‘ Nay then I
was not destined for ever to escape God's eye, having
now suffered the fate which I scrupled not of yore
© Heb, Bezel ** 3 -site unidentified:
4 Heb. Adoni-bezek, The form is suspected and it is
thought by some critics that we have in this story in Judges
another version of the defeat of Adoni-zedek, King of
Jerusalem, narrated in Joshua x., where, however, Lxx has
Adoni-bezek as here.
57
The tribe
of Judah,
with
Simeon,
takes the
lead against
the
Canaanites.
da.i.-1.
Defeat of
Adonizebek
and siege of
Jerusalem.
Jd. i, 4,
JOSEPHUS
κοντα βασιλέων πρᾶξαι πρότερον οὐκ ἐνετράπην.
134. καὶ ζῶντα μὲν κομίζουσιν ἕως “Ἱεροσολύμων,
τελευτήσαντα δὲ γῇ θάπτουσι. καὶ διεξήεσαν
αἱροῦντες τὰς πόλεις, πλείστας τε λαβόντες ἐπο-
λιόρκουν ἹἹεροσόλυμα' καὶ τὴν μὲν κάτω λαβόντες
σὺν χρόνῳ πάντας ἔκτεινον τοὺς ἐνοικοῦντας,
χαλεπὴ δ᾽ ἦν ἢ καθύπερθεν αὐτοῖς αἱρεθῆναι τειχῶν
ὀχυρότητι καὶ φύσει τοῦ χωρίου.
125 (3) Ὅθεν μετεστρατοπέδευσαν εἰς Χεβρῶνα' καὶ
ταύτην ἑλόντες κτείνουσι πάντας" ὑπελείπετο δὲ
τῶν γιγάντων ἔτι γένος, ot διὰ σωμάτων
μεγέθη καὶ μορφὰς οὐδὲν τοῖς ἄλλοις ἀνθρώποις
παραπλησίας παράδοξον ἦσαν θέαμα καὶ δεινὸν
ἄκουσμα. δείκνυται δὲ καὶ νῦν ἔτι τούτων ὀστᾶ
126 μηδὲν τοῖς ὑπὸ πύστιν᾽ ἐρχομένοις ἐοικότα. καὶ
τοῦτο μὲν τοῖς Λευίταις ἐξαίρετον γέρας ἔδοσαν
μετὰ καὶ τῶν δισχιλίων πηχῶν, τὴν δὲ γῆν Σ Χαλέβῳ
δωρεὰν ἔδοσαν κατὰ ΔΙωυσέος ἐντολάς: οὗτος
ἣν τῶν κατασκόπων εἷς ὧν ἔπεμψε Δίωυσῆς εἰς
197 τὴν Χαναναίαν. διδόασι δὲ καὶ τοῖς ᾿Ιοθόρου τοῦ
δΜαδιανίτου ἀπογόνοις, Μωυσέος γὰρ ἦν γαμβρός,
γῆν ἵνα νέμοιντο᾽ τὴν γὰρ πατρίδα καταλιπόντες
ἡκολουθήκεσαν' ἐκείνοις καὶ συνῆσαν αὐτοῖς ἐπὶ τῆς
ἐρήμου.
1285 (4) ἪἫ δὲ ᾿ἸΙούδα φυλὴ καὶ Σεμεωνὶς τὰς μὲν
κατὰ τὴν ὀρεινὴν τῆς Navavatas πόλεις εἷλον, τῶν
1 Νεβρῶνα RO. 2 RO: τὸ τῶν rell.
3 Cocceii: πίστιν codd. 4 ML: ἠκολούθησαν rell.
4 “70” according to Jd. i. 7, but some mss. of Lxx read
εἰ “Ο +9
foe
> The burial is not mentioned in Scripture.
© According to Jd. i. 8 the whole city was captured and
58
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 123-128
to inflict on two and seventy? kings.’’ They brought
him yet alive to Jerusalem, and at his death gave
him sepulture.?’ Then they overran the district,
taking the towns, and after capturing very many of
them laid siege to Jerusalem. The lower town they
mastered in time and slew all the inhabitants ; but
the upper town proved too difficult to carry through
the solidity of its walls and the nature of the site.°
(3) So they moved their eamp to Hebron, took
that town and massacred all therein. Howbeit
there remained yet a race of giants,* w ho, by reason
of their huge frames and figures in no wise like to
the: rest: of mankind, were an amazing spectacle and
a tale of terror to the ear. Their bones are shown to
this day, bearing no resemblance to any that have
come within men’s ken. This town they gave toi.
the Levites as a ehoice boon, along with the ναοὶ of
two thousand cubits¢; but οἱ the rest of the land
they made, in accordanee with the behests of Moses,
a present to Caleb, who was one of the spies whom
Moses had sent into Canaan. They gave also to the
descendants of Jethro the Madianitc, the father-in-
law of Moses, territory for habitation ; for, quitting
their native country, they had follow ed the Hebrews
and companied with them in the wilderness.
(4) The tribes of Judah and Simeon also captured
the cities in the hill-country of Canaan, and among
destroyed—an incorrect statement contradicted by other
passages of Scripture. The distinction drawn by Josephus
between upper and lower town is an attempt to harmonize
Jd. i. 8 with i. 21 and Jos. xv. 63.
* The “sons of Anak” driven out by Caleb, Jd. i. 203
for their stature ef. the description given by the spies in
Numb, xiii. 33 (4. iii. 305).
- 5 As prescribed by Moses, AAV. OF
59
Capture οἱ
Hebron.
Jd. i, 10.
i. 16.
129
190
131
132
JOSEPHUS
δ᾽ ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ καὶ πρὸς θαλάσσῃ ᾿Ασκάλωνά τε
"Αζωτον. διαφεύγει δ᾽ αὐτοὺς Γάζα καὶ
᾿Ακκάρων: πεδίων γὰρ ὄντων καὶ πολλῆς ἁρμάτων
εὐπορίας κακῶς ἐποίουν τοὺς ἐπελθόντας. καὶ
αἵδε μὲν al φυλαὶ μεγάλως ἐκ τοῦ πολεμεῖν εὐ-
δαιμονήσασαι ἀνεχώρησαν εἰς τὰς ἑαυτῶν πόλεις
καὶ κατατίθενται τὰ ὅπλα.
(5 ) Βενιαμῖται δέ, τούτων γὰρ ἦν “Ἱεροσόλυμα,
τοῖς οἰκήτορσιν αὐτῶν συνεχώρησαν. φόρους τελεῖν.
,
καὶ οὕτως παυσάμενοι πάντες οἵ μὲν τοῦ κτείνειν
οἱ δὲ κινδυνεύειν ἐργάζεσθαι τὴν γῆν εὐσχόλουν.
τὸ δ᾽ αὐτὸ καὶ αἱ λοιπαὶ φυλαὶ τὴν Βενιαμῖτιν
μιμησάμεναι ἐποίουν καὶ τοῖς τελουμένοις ἀρκού-
μενοι φόροις ἐπέτρεπον τοῖς Χαναναίοις ἀπολέμοις
εἶναι.
(6) ‘H δ' ᾿Εφραίμου' πολιορκοῦσα Βήθηλα τέλος
οὐδὲν ἄξιον τοῦ χρόνου καὶ τῶν πόνων ηὕρισκε
τῆς πολιορκίας, οἱ δὲ καίπερ ἀχθόμενοι τῇ καθέδρᾳ
προσεκαρτέρουν. ἔπειτα συλλαβόντες τινὰ τῶν ἐν
τῇ πόλει προελθόντα" ἐπὶ κομιδῇ τῶν ἀναγκαίων
πίστεις ἔδοσαν αὐτῷ παραδόντι τὴν πόλιν σώσειν
αὐτόν τε καὶ τοὺς συγγενεῖς αὐτοῦ: κἀκεῖνος
ἐπὶ τούτοις ὥμνυε τὴν πόλιν αὐτοῖς ἐγχειριεῖν"
καὶ ὃ μὲν οὕτως προδοὺς σώζεται μετὰ τῶν
οἰκείων, οἱ δὲ ἀποκτείναντες ἅπαντας τοὺς ἐν-
οικοῦντας εἶχον τὴν πόλιν.
(7) Kai μετὰ ταῦτα πρὸς μὲν τοὺς πολεμίους
μαλακῶς εἶχον οἱ ᾿Ισραηλῖται, τῆς δὲ γῆς καὶ τῶν
1 'Εφρὰν RO. 2 Niese: προσελθόντα codd.
8 Dindorf: ἐγχειοεῖν codd.
60
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 128-132
those in the plain and on the sea-board, Asealon and Further
Azotus. But Gaza and Akkaron eseaped them ; for, eae
being situated in the plain and blest with an abun- tbe,
dance of chariots, they sorely handled their assail- 17%’
ants.? So these two tribes, greatly enriched by their
warfare, retired to their own cities and laid down
their arms.
(5) The Benjamites, within whose lot lay Jeru- General
salem, permitted its inhabitants to pay them tribute ; With the
and thus all reposing, these from slaughter and those Ganaanites
from peril, were at leisure to till the soil. The other j, ὁ δι΄
tribes, imitating that of Benjamin, did the same and,
contenting themselves with the tributes paid to them,
suffered the Canaanites to live in peace.
(6) The tribe of Ephraim, in besieging Bethel, Capture of
could attain no result proportionate to the time and aed
the toil expended upon the siege ; yet, for all their Jd. i. 22.
annoyance, they persevered in the blockade. After-
wards, having caught one of the inhabitants of the
town who had gone out in search of provisions, they
gave him their word that, if he would betray the
eity, they would spare the lives of him and his kin ;
and he on these terms swore to deliver it into their
hands. So he by such treason saved himself with
his family, while they, having massacred all the
inhabitants, occupied the town.
(7) Thereafter the Israelites relaxed the struggle Peace
leads to
against their enemies and devoted themselves to ¢orruption
Jd, ii, 11.
@ Josephus here differs from both Biblical] texts, presenting
a sort of compromise between them. According to the Heb.
(Jd. i. 18 f.) Judah took Gaza, Ashkelon and Ekron, but
failed to drive out the inhabitants of the valley because of
their chariots of iron (Ashdod or Azotus is not mentioned) :
according to the Lxx he could take neither Gaza, Ascalon,
Akkaron, nor Azotus.
61
13
134
135
13
.)
6
ΚΙ
JOSEPHUS
ταύτης ἔργων ἐπεμελοῦντο. τῶν δὲ κατὰ τὸν
πλοῦτον αὐτοῖς ἐπιδιδόντων ὑπὸ τρυφῆς καὶ ἡδονῆς
τοῦ κόσμου ὠλιγώρουν τῆς πολιτείας καὶ! τῶν
νόμων οὐκέτ᾽ ἦσαν ἀκριβεῖς ἀκροαταί. παρ-
οξυνθὲν δ᾽ ἐπὶ τούτοις τὸ θεῖον ἀναιρεῖ, πρῶτον μὲν
ὡς φείσαιντο παρὰ τὴν αὐτοῦ γνώμην τῶν Nava-
ναίων, ἔπειθ᾽ ὡς ἐκεῖνοι χρήσοιντοῦ πολλῇ κατ᾽
αὐτῶν ὠμότητι καιροῦ λαβόμενοι. οἱ δὲ καὶ “πρὸς
τὰ παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ δυσθύμως εἶχον. καὶ πρὸς τὸ
πολεμεῖν ἀηδῶς, πολλά τε παρὰ τῶν Χαναναίων
λαβόντες καὶ πρὸς τοὺς πόνους ἤδη διὰ τὴν τρυφὴν
ἐκλελυμένοι. καὶ συνέβαινεν ἤδη τὴν ἀριστο-
κρατίαν διεφθάρθαι, καὶ τὰς γερουσίας οὐκ ἀπ-
εδείκνυσαν οὐδ᾽ ἀρχὴν ἄλλην οὐδεμίαν τῶν πρότερον
νενομισμένων, ἦσαν δὲ ἐν τοῖς ἀγροῖς ἡδονῇ τοῦ
κερδαίνειν προσδεδεμένοι. καὶ διὰ τὴν πολλὴν
ἄδειαν στάσις αὐτοὺς πάλιν καταλαμβάνει δεινὴ
καὶ προήχθησαν εἰς τὸ πολεμεῖν ἀλλήλοις ἐκ
“ Δ τον,
τοιαύτης αἰτίας.
(8) Λευίτης ἀνὴρ τῶν δημοτικωτέρων τῆς
᾿Εφραίμου" κληρουχίας ὧν καὶ ἐν ἐκείνῃ κατοικῶν
ἄγεται γύναιον ἀπὸ βηθλέμων, τῆς δὲ ᾿Ιούδα
φυλῆς τοῦτ᾽ ἔστι τὸ χωρίον. ἐρῶν δὲ σφόδρα
τῆς γυναικὸς καὶ τοῦ κάλλους αὐτῆς ἡττημένος
ἠἡτύχει τῶν παρ᾽ ἐκείνης οὐχ ὁμοίων πειρώμενος.
ἀλλοτρίως δ᾽ αὐτῆς ἐχούσης καὶ διὰ τοῦτο μᾶλλον
1
τῆς πον. καὶ trs. Niese: καὶ τῆς πολιτείας codd.
2 Bekker: χρήσαιντο codd. 3 vl, ’Edpar, Eqpavov.
¢ The remarks on political corruption are an amplification
of Seripture.
δ In Scripture this episode forms an appendix to the book
of Judges. Josephus has transposed it (along with another
62
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 132-137
the soil and to labours thereon. And as their riches
increased, under the mastery of luxury and voluptu-
ousness, they recked little of the order of their eon-
stitution and no longer hearkened diligently to its
laws. Ineensed thereat. the Deity warned them by
oraele, first that they had aeted contrary to His will
in sparing the Canaanites, and next that those foes,
seizing their oceasion, would treat them with great
ΠΗ] πεῖς. But ie Israelites, while despondent
at this message from God, were yet ill-disposed for
warfare, for they had won much from the Canaanites
and luxury had by now unnerved them for fatigues.
Aye, even that aristocracy of theirs was now becom-
ing corrupted: no more did they appoint couneils
of elders or any other of those magistracies before-
time ordained by law, but lived on their estates,
enslaved to the pleasures of luere.* And so, by
reason of this gross listlessness, grave discord again
assailed them and they were launched into eal
war through the following cause.
(8) °A Levite of the lower ranks, of the province
of Ephraim and residing therein, married a woman
of Bethlehem, a place belonging to the tribe of
Judah. Being deeply aramioured of his wife and
captivated by her beauty, he was unfortunate in
meeting with no like return from her. And, whereas
she held herself aloof and he thereby only became
appendix) to an earlier date, to the period before the judges :
perhaps, as has been suggested, to allow time for the tribe
of Benjamin to recover itself before it furnished the nation
with its first king. ‘ Itisineredible,” writes Dr. G. ἧς Moore
(Int. Crit. Comm, Ὁ. 405), “* that the tribe of Benjamin was
almost exterminated only a generation or two before the
time of Saul; but the events related in these chapters
probably fall in a much earlier period .. .”
63
Jd. ii. 14,
The Levite
of Ephraim
and the
outrage on
his wife.
24. χίχ. 1.
138
JOSEPHUS
ἐκκαιομένου τῷ πάθει μέμψεις συνεχεῖς αὐτοῖς
ἐγίνοντο, καὶ τέλος ἡ ἡ γυνὴ πρὸς αὐτὰς βαρυνομένη
καταλιποῦσα τὸν ἄνδρα πρὸς τοὺς γονεῖς παρα-
γίνεται μηνὶ τετάρτῳ. χαλεπῶς δὲ φέρων ὁ ἀνὴρ
ἐπὶ τῷ ἔρωτι ἧκε πρὸς τοὺς πενθεροὺς καὶ δια-
λυσάμενος τὰς μέμψεις καταλλάττεται πρὸς αὐτήν.
καὶ τέτταρας μὲν ἡμέρας αὐτόθι' διαιτᾶται φιλο-
φρονουμένων αὐτὸν τῶν γονέων, τῇ δὲ πέμπτῃ
δόξαν ἀπιέναι πρὸς αὑτὸν περὶ δείλην ἔξεισι"
βράδιον γὰρ ἀπέλυον οἱ γονεῖς τὴν θυγατέρα καὶ
Τῆς ἡμέρας τριβὴν ἐποιοῦντο. θεράπων δ᾽ αὐτοῖς
εἷς εἵπετο καὶ ὄνος ἦν αὐτοῖς, ἐφ᾽ ἧς ὠχεῖτο τὸ
139 γύναιον. γενομένων δ᾽ αὐτῶν κατὰ “Ιεροσόλυμα,
σταδίους δ᾽ ἐληλύθεσαν ἤδη τριάκοντα, συνεβού-
λευεν ὁ θεράπων καταχθῆναί που, μὴ καί τι τῆς
Ἁ b) Ἂ « ’ ’, 7 i
νυκτὸς αὐτοὺς ὁδεύοντας καταλάβῃ δύσκολον καὶ
ταῦτα οὐδὲ πόρρω πολεμίων ὄντας, τοῦ καιροῦ
πολλάκις ἐπισφαλῆ καὶ ὕποπτα ποιοῦντος καὶ τὰ
140 φίλα. τῷ δ᾽ οὐκ ἤρεσεν ἡ γνώμη παρ᾽ ἀλλοφύλοις
14]
ἀνδράσι ᾿ξενοῦσθαι, Χαναναίων γὰρ ἣν ἡ πόλις,
ἀλλὰ προελθόντας εἴκοσι στάδια εἰς οἰκείαν ἠξίου
κατάγεσθαι πόλιν, καὶ κρατήσας τῇ γνώμῃ παρὴν
εἰς άβαν φυλῆς τῆς Βενιαμίτιδος non? ὀψίας
οὔσης. καὶ μηδενὸς ἐπὶ ξενίαν τῶν κατὰ τὴν
ἀγορὰν αὐτὸν παρακαλοῦντος πρεσβύτης ἐξ ἀγροῦ
κατιὼν τῆς μὲν ᾿Εφραιμίτιδος φυλῆς ὧν ἐν δὲ τῇ
Γάβη διαιτώμενος συντυγχάνων αὐτῷ, τίς τε ὧν
1 SPL: πρὸς αὐτόθι ROM: προσαυτόθι Niese.
2. δὲ SPE.
* A misreading of Scripture. In Jd. xix. 2 the woman
returns to her father’s house ‘t and was there the space of
four months.”’
64
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 137-141
the more ardent in his passion, quarrels were con-
tinually arising between them, and at last the
woman, utterly weary of them, left her husband and
in the fourth month? rejoined her parents. But
her husband, in sore affliction through love of her,
visited her parents, redressed her grievanees and
was reconciled to her. For four days more he abode
there, kindly treated by her parents, but on the
fifth, having resolved to return to his home, he set
off towards evening; for the parents were loth to
part with their daughter and let the day slip away.
A single servant accompanied them, and they had
an ass on whieh the woman rode. Now when they
were come over against Jerusalem, having already
gone thirty furlongs,” the servant counselled them
to lodge somewhere, lest, journeying by night, some
misadventure should befall them, above all when
they were not far from foes, that hour oft rendering
perilous and suspeet even the offices of friends.
The Levite, however, misliked the thought of seek-
ing shelter with aliens—for the city was in Canaanite
hands ‘—preferring rather to proeeed twenty fur-
longs further and to lodge in a town of the Hebrews ;
and, his counsel prevailing, he arrived at Gaba,? in
the tribe of Benjamin, when evening had now fallen.
No one in the market-place offering him hospitality,
an old man returning from the fields, who though of
the tribe of Ephraim was residing in Gaba, fell in
with him and asked who he was and why he was
> Gr. “ stades ᾽" (about 4 mile). Bethlehem is 5 miles S.
of Jerusalem: elsewhere the distance is reekoned as only
‘90 stades *’ (A. vii. 312). ¢ Cf. § 124 (note).
4 Heb. Gibeah, usually identified with Tell el-Ful, c.
4 miles N. of Jerusalem ; in BJ, v. 51 described as “ Gabath
Saul . . . about 30 stades from Jerusalem.”
65
142
143
144
wt
14:
146
JOSEPHUS
w \ > Δ > ἡ ,ὔ , "
ἤρετο καὶ dL ἃς αἰτίας στελλόμενος σκότους ἤδη
Ἁ \ A ~ € ~ / ς Ἁ /
τὰ πρὸς τὸ δεῖπνον αὑτῷ λαμβάνοι. ὁ δὲ Λευίτης
μὲν ἔφησεν εἶναι, γύναιον δὲ παρὰ τῶν γονέων
ἄγων πρὸς αὑτὸν ἀπιέναι, τὴν δ᾽ οἴκησιν ἐδήλου
τυγχάνειν ἐν τῇ ᾿Εφραΐμου κληρουχίᾳ. ὁ δὲ
πρεσβύτης καὶ διὰ συγγένειαν. καὶ διὰ τὸ τὴν
αὐτὴν φυλὴν νέμειν καὶ διὰ τὴν συντυχίαν παρ᾽
αὑτὸν ξενισθησόμενον ἦγε. νεανίαι δέ τινες τῶν
Γαβαηνῶν ἐπὶ τῆς ἀγορᾶς τὸ γύναιον θεασάμενοι
καὶ τὴν εὐπρέπειαν θαυμάσαντες, ἐπεὶ παρὰ τῷ
πρεσβύτῃ κατηγμένην ἔμαθον καταφρονήσαντες τῆς
δ
ἀσθενείας καὶ τῆς ὀλιγότητος ἧκον ἐπὶ τὰς θύρας.
τοῦ δὲ πρεσβύτου παρακαλοῦντος ἀπαλλάττεσθαι
καὶ μὴ προσφέρειν βίαν μηδὲ ὕβριν, ἠξίουν αὐτὸν
παρασχόντα τὴν ἕένην “πραγμάτων ἀπηλλάχθαι.
συγγενῆ δὲ" λέγοντος καὶ Λευίτην᾽ τοῦ πρεσβύτου
Ἁ 3 ~
καὶ δράσειν αὐτοὺς δεινὰ ὑφ᾽ ἡδονῆς εἰς TOUS νόμους
> ~
ἐξαμαρτάνοντας ὠλιγώρουν τοῦ δικαίου Kal κατ-
’ὔ 3 {A ᾿ > ? Ψ ‘ > i
εγέλων, ἠπείλουν δὲ ἀποκτείνειν αὐτὸν ἐμποδίζοντα
~ 3 ’ ~ 2 3
ταῖς ἐπιθυμίαις αὐτῶν. εἰς δ ἀνάγκην περι-
ηγμένος καὶ μὴ βουλόμενος τοὺς ξένους περιιδεῖν
¢
ὑβρισθέντας, τῆς ἑαυτοῦ θυγατρὸς αὐτοῖς παρ-
εχώρει, πληρώσειν τε τὴν ἐπιθυμίαν αὐτοὺς λέγων
νομιμώτερον δίχα τῆς εἰς τοὺς ξένους ὕβρεως αὐτός
τε μηδὲν ἀδικήσειν ovs ὑπεδέξατο τούτῳ τῷ
2 ~ ~ ~
τρόπῳ νομίζων. ws δ᾽ οὐδὲν τῆς σπουδῆς THs
VAN \ / ᾽ , > > + oF ,
ἐπὶ τὴν ξένην ἐνεδίδοσαν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐνέκειντο ταύτην
~ ~ \ 4 ~
παραλαβεῖν ἀξιοῦντες, ὁ μὲν ἱκέτευε μηδὲν τολμᾶν
1 Dindorf: ἀπεῖναι codd.
2 ws συγγενῆ δὲ RO: ws δὲ cuyyer re rell.
a Aevirey E,
4 Dindorf: δὲ codd.
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 141-146
setting off, when it was dark already, taking pro-
visions for his supper. He replied that he was a
Levite and that he was escorting his wife from her
parents back to his own home, informing him that
he had his abode in the province of Ephraim. There-
at the old man, because of their common stock, and
because they belonged to the same tribe and beeause
chance had thus brought them together, took him
as his guest to his own home. But some of the young
men of Gaba, who had seen the woman in the
market-place and admired her comeliness, when
they learnt that she lodged with the old man, scorn-
ing the feebleness of these few,* came to the doors ;
and when the old man bade them begone and not
to resort to violence and outrage, they required
him to hand over his woman guest if he wished to
avoid trouble. The old man replying that he? was
a kinsman and a Levite and that they would be
guilty of a dreadful crime in violating the laws at
the beck of pleasure, they recked little of righteous-
ness, mocked at it, and threatened to kill him if
he thwarted their lusts. Driven to such a pass and
unwilling to suffer his guests to be abused, he offered
the men his own daughter, declaring that it would
be more legitimate for them thus to gratify their
lust than by doing violenee to his guests, and for
his part thinking by this means to avoid wronging
those whom he had received. But they in no
wise abated their passion for the stranger, being
insistent in their demands to have her, and while
he was yet imploring them to perpetrate no iniquity,
4 Gr. ‘ their feebleness and fewness ” (cf. B./. iii. 317).
> 4,6. the husband. One ms. reads ‘‘ that she (the Levite’s
wife) was ἃ kinswoman”’ ete.
67
ef, Rix 190.
ΧΙΧ. 22,
147
148
149
150
15]
JOSEPHUS
παράνομον, οἱ δ᾽ ἁρπασάμενοι καὶ προσθέμενοι
μᾶλλον τῷ βιαίῳ τῆς ἡδονῆς a ἀπήγαγον πρὸς αὑτοὺς
τὴν γυναῖκα καὶ δι᾽ ὅλης νυκτὸς ἐμπλησθέντες τῆς
ὕβρεως ἀπέλυσαν περὶ ἀρχομένην ἡμέραν. ἡ δὲ
τεταλαιπωρημένη τοῖς συμβεβηκόσι παρῆν ἐπὶ τὴν
ξενίαν καὶ ὑπὸ λύπης ὧν ἐπεπόνθει καὶ τοῦ μὴ
τολμᾶν ὑ ὑπ᾽ αἰσχύνης εἰς ὄψιν ἐλθεῖν Tavopl, τοῦτον
γὰρ μάλιστα τοῖς “γεγενημένοις ἔχειν ἀνιάτως
ἐλογίζετο, καταπεσοῦσα τὴν ψυχὴν ἀφίησιν. ὁ δὲ ᾿
ἀνὴρ αὐτῆς οἰόμενος ὕπνῳ βαθεῖ κατεσχῆσθαι τὴν
γυναῖκα καὶ μηδὲν σκυθρωπὸν ὑφορώμενος ἀν-
ἐγείρειν ἐπειρᾶτο παραμυθήσασθαι διεγνωκώς, ὡς
οὐκ ἐξ ἑκουσίου γνώμης αὑτὴν παράσχοι τοῖς
καθυβρίσασιν, ἀλλ᾽ ἁρπασαμένων ἐπὶ τὴν ξενίαν
ἐλθόντων αὐτῶν." ὡς δὲ τελευτήσασαν ἔμαθε,
σωφρονισθεὶς" πρὸς τὸ μέγεθος τῶν κακῶν ἐπι-
θέμενος τῷ κτήνει νεκρὰν τὴν γυναῖκα κομίζει
πρὸς αὑτόν, καὶ διελὼν αὐτὴν κατὰ μέλος εἰς μέρη
δώδεκα διέπεμψεν εἰς ἑκάστην φυλήν, ἐντειλάμενος
τοῖς κομίζουσι λέγειν τοὺς αἰτίους τῆς τελευτῆς
τῇ γυναικὶ καὶ τὴν παροινίαν τῆς φυλῆς ὃ
(9) Οἱ δ᾽ ὑπό τε τῆς ὄψεως καὶ τῆς ἀκοῆς τῶν
βεβιασμένων κακῶς διατεθέντες, πρότερον οὐδενὸς
τοιούτου πεῖραν εἰληφότες, ὑπ᾽ ὀργῆς ἀκράτου
καὶ δικαίας εἰς τὴν Σιλοῦν συλλεγέντες καὶ πρὸ
τῆς σκηνῆς ἀθροισθέντες εἰς ὅπλα χωρεῖν εὐθὺς
ὥρμηντο καὶ χρήσασθαι τοῖς [αβαηνοῖς ὡς πολε-
μίοις. ἐπέσχε δ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἡ γερουσία πείσασα μὴ
1 ἀλλ΄... αὐτῶν om. Lat.
2 conj. (οΥ ὃ 956): σωφρόνως (σωφρονῶν SP) codd.
ὃ τῆς φυλῆς RK: ταῖς φυλαῖς rell.
68
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 146-151
they seized® the woman and, yielding still more to
the force of their lust, carried her off to their homes
and then, after sating their lewdness all night long,
let her go towards the break of day. She, outworn
with her woes, repaired to the house of her host,
where, out of grief at what she had endured and not
daring for shame to face her husband—since he
above all, she deemed, would be inconsolable at her
fate—she succumbed and gave up the ghost. But
her husband, supposing his wife to be buried in deep
sleep and suspecting nothing serious, tried to arouse
her, with intent to console her by recalling how she
had not voluntarily surrendered herself to her
abusers, but that they had come to the lodging-
house and carried her off. But when he found that
she was dead, chastened before the enormity of the
wrong, he laid the dead woman upon his beast, bore
her to his home and then, dividing her limb by limb
into twelve pieces, sent one to each tribe, enjoining
the bearers to state who they were who had caused
the death of his wife and to recount the debauchery
of the tribe.®
(9) The Israelites, sorely moved by the spectacle The |
and the tale of these deeds of violence, the like of ἐν ee
which they had never known before, in intense and pues
righteous wrath assembled at Silo® and, mustering of the
before the tabernacle, were impatient to rush straight se es
to arms and to treat these people of Gaba as enemies.
But they were restrained by the elders, who urged
4 In Scripture, the Levite himself surrenders the woman.
> Sc. of Benjamin. ‘* One to each tribe ”’ is not in Scrip-
ture (“‘ sent her throughout all the borders of Israel’); were
that meant, one might expect the number to be eleven,
Benjamin being excluded.
¢ In Scripture, the tribes assemble at Mizpah.
69
152
153
154
155
JOSEPHUS
δεῖν ὀξέως οὕτως πρὸς τοὺς ὁμοφύλους ἐκφέρειν
πόλεμον πρὶν ἢ λόγοις διαλεχθῆναι περὶ τῶν ἐγ-
κλημάτων, τοῦ νόμου μηδ᾽ ἐπὶ τοὺς ἀλλοτρίους ἐφ-
ιέντος δίχα πρεσβείας καὶ τοιαύτης πρὸς τὸ μετα-
νοῆσαι πείρας τοὺς δόξαντας ἀδικεῖν στρατιάν'
ἀγαγεῖν' καλῶς οὖν ἔχειν τῷ νόμῳ πειθομένους
πρὸς τοὺς PaBanvous ἐξαιτοῦντας τοὺς αἰτίους
ἐκπέμψαι καὶ παρεχομένων μὲν ἀρκεῖσθαι τῇ
τούτων κολάσει, καταφρονησάντων δὲ τότε τοῖς
ὅπλοις αὐτοὺς ἀμύνασθαι. πέμπουσιν οὖν πρὸς
τοὺς Γαβαηνοὺς κατηγοροῦντες τῶν νεανίσκων τὰ
περὶ τὴν γυναῖκα καὶ πρὸς τιμωρίαν αἰτοῦντες τοὺς
δράσαντας μὲν οὐ νόμιμα, γενομένους δὲ δικαίους
ἀντ᾽ αὐτῶν ἐκείνων ἀποθανεῖν. οἱ δὲ [Γαβαηνοὶ
οὔτε τοὺς νεανίσκους ἐξέδοσαν καὶ δεινὸν ἀλλοτρίοις
ὑπακούειν προστάγμασιν ἡγοῦντο πολέμου φόβῳ,
μηδενὸς ἀξιοῦντες εἶναι χείρους ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις
μήτε διὰ πλῆθος μήτε δι᾽ εὐψυχίαν. ἦσαν δὲ ἐν
παρασκευῇ μεγάλῃ μετὰ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων φυλετῶν,
συναπενοήθησαν γὰρ αὐτοῖς ὡς ἀμυνούμενοι"
βιαζομένους.
(10) Ὡς δὲ τοιαῦτα τοῖς ᾿Ισραηλίταις τὰ παρὰ
τῶν VaBanvav ἀπηγγέλθη, ὅρκους ποιοῦνται
μηδένα σφῶν ἀνδρὶ Bev Ἰαμίτῃ δώσειν πρὸς γάμον
θυγατέρα στρατεύσειν τε ἐπ᾽ αὐτούς, μᾶλλον αὐτοῖς
du’ ὀργῆς ὄντες ἢ τοῖς Χαναναίοις" τοὺς προγόνους
1 στρατείαν ROSL. 2 μετὰ καὶ Dindorf: καὶ codd.
3 ex Lat. Niese: ἀμυνόμενοι codd. 4 ed. pr.: - οἷς codd.
* Or, with other mss., “ἃ campaign.”
> This advice of the elders, not mentioned in Scripture,
is added to show that they conformed to the Mosaic law
(Deut. xx. 10; 4. iv. 296).
70
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 151-155
that they ought-not so hurriedly to make war on
their brethren, ere they had parleyed with them
concerning their grievanees, the law not permitting
them to lead an army? even against aliens without
having sent an embassy and made other attempts
of this nature to bring the supposed wrongdoers to
repentanee.? It therefore behoved them, in obedi-
ence to the law, to send envoys to the Gabaenians
to demand the surrender of the culprits and, should
they deliver them up, to be content with punishing
these individuals ; but, should they flout this de-
mand, then to retaliate on them by resort to arms.
So they sent an embassy to Gaba to accuse the xx. 12
young men of the woman’s fate and to require the
surrender for punishment of those that had done
thus lawlessly and who for those very deeds deserved
to die. But the people of Gaba refused to surrender
the youths and seorned to bow to the behests of
others through fear of war, holding themselves to be
inferior in arms to none whether in numbers or valour.
So they proceeded to make great preparations along
with the rest of their tribe, w who joined them in their
desperate undertaking in the belief that they were
repelling aggressors.
(10) Now when word was brought to the Israelites Civil Nar
of this response from the men of Gaba, they took Benjamites
an oath that not one among them would give his {0180 οἵ
daughter to a man of Benjamin and that they would Jd. xxi. 1.
mareh against them, being more indignant against
them than were our forefathers, as we are told, ** 17.
¢ Or perhaps (taking αὐτῶν ἐκείνων as maseulines) ‘* who
deserved to die in lieu of their own people’: the balance
of clauses (μὲν... δὲ, . .) favours this. ‘Phe lawlessuess
of the deed warranted wholesale destruction, but at least the
culprits should suffer.
VOL. V F 71
JOSEPHUS
~ 4
156 ἡμῶν παρειλήφαμεν “γενομένους. παραχρῆμά τε
ἐξῆγον ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς τὸ στρατόπεδον μυριάδας τεσ'
σαράκοντα ὁπλιτῶν: καὶ Bemapit@v τὸ ὁπλιτικὸϊ
ἦν ὑπὸ δισμυρίων καὶ πεντακισχιλίων καὶ ἐξα-
κοσίων, ὧν ἦσαν εἰς πεντακοσίους ταῖς λαιαῖς
΄“ “-ἢ ~ Ὁ A ,
157 τῶν χειρῶν σφενδονᾶν ἄριστοι, ὥστε Kal μάχης
~ ~ 3 ;
πρὸς τῇ Γαβᾷ γενομένης τρέπουσι τοὺς ᾿Ισραηλίτας
~ ~ >
ot βενιαμῖται ἄνδρες τε πίπτουσιν ἐξ αὐτῶν εἰς
, 4 ’ , ΝΟ ΓΜ μὰ)
δισμυρίους καὶ δισχιλίους, ἐφθάρησαν δὲ ἴσως ἂν
A , > 4 \ > A > “ A f
Kal πλείονες, εἰ μὴ νὺξ αὐτοὺς ἐπέσχε καὶ διέλυσε
~ ’ >
158 μαχομένους. καὶ Ob μὲν Βενιαμῖται χαίροντες ἀν-
εχώρουν εἰς τὴν πόλιν, ot δ᾽ ᾿Ισραηλῖται κατα-
f
πεπληγότες ὑπὸ τῆς ἥττης εἰς TO στρατόπεδον.
~ > ] / 7 , ἐ ~
τῇ δ᾽ ἐπιούσῃ πάλιν συμβαλόντων ot Ἐενιαμῖται
“ \ ~ 3 ~ >
κρατοῦσι Kat θνήσκουσι τῶν ᾿Ισραηλιτῶν ὀκτα-
, \ A [4 A ,
κισχίλιοι καὶ μύριοι, καὶ δείσαντες τὸν φόνον"
3
169 ἐξέλιπον τὸ στρατόπεδον. παραγενόμενοι δὲ εἰς
[ἡ
Βέθηλα πόλιν ἔγγιστα κειμένην καὶ νηστεύσαντες
κατὰ τὴν ὑστεραίαν τὸν θεὸν ἱκέτευον διὰ Φινεέσου
~ > ~ ~ ~ A
τοῦ ἀρχιερέως παύσασθαι τῆς ὀργῆς τῆς πρὸς
αὐτοὺς καὶ ταῖς δυσὶν αὐτῶν ἥτταις ἀρκεσθέντα
δοῦναι νίκην καὶ κράτος κατὰ τῶν πολεμίων. ὁ
4 \ > f ~ Ἁ “
δὲ θεὸς ἐπαγγέλλεται ταῦτα διὰ Φινεέσον προ-
φητεύσαντος.
f A
160 (11) Ilowjoavres οὖν τὴν στρατιὰν δύο μέρη τὴν
A e f 4 7
μὲν ἡμίσειαν προλοχίζουσι νυκτὸς περὶ τὴν πόλιν,
¢ 3 ~
οἱ δ᾽ ἡμίσεις συνέβαλον τοῖς Βενιαμίταις ὑπεχώρουν
> S ~ A
TE ἐγκειμένων, Kal ἐδίωκον ot Ἰβενιαμῖται (Kat)
+-onr La Lat:
4“ Heb. 26,000 Benjamites +700 inhabitants of Gibeah:
LXx 25,000 (or 23,000) +700. In Josephus the preposition
7)
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 156-160
against the Canaanites. And forthwith they led χα: 15-
out against them their host of 400,000 men-at-arms ;
the forees of the Benjamites numbered but some
25,600 among whom were 500° expert in using
the sling with the left hand. And so, a battle
ensuing near Gaba, the Benjamites routed the
Israelites, and there fell of these 22,000 men ; indeed
perchanee yet more would have perished, had not
night ehecked them and parted the combatants.
The Benjamites then withdrew, exultant, to the
town, the Israelites, crest-fallen at their defeat, to
their camp. On the morrow, when they renewed
the attack, the Benjamites were again victorious :
18,000 of the Israelites perished, and daunted by
this carnage they abandoned their encampment.
Repairing to Bethel, the city nearest at hand,° and
having fasted on the morrow, they besought God,
through Phinees the high priest, to abate his anger
against them and, eontent with their two defeats,
to vouchsafe them victory and the mastery over
their foes. And God promised them their petitions
through the mouth of Phinees, His interpreter. Ὁ
xx, 26.
(11) So, dividing their army in two, they set half Defat
in ambush around the town @ under eover of night ;
the other half then engaged the Benjamites and
before their onset retired. ‘The Benjamites pursued
ὑπό, if genuine, seems to mean “ about’? and perhaps
indicates acquaintance with variant readings in Scripture.
> Heb. (with some mss. of txx) 700: other mss. of Lxx
omit the number.
¢ Bethel is some 8 miles N. of the traditional site of Gibeah
(Tell el-F'ul): Shiloh, the seat of the tabernacle (8 150), lay
considerably farther north.
¢ This battle seene, like others, recalls Thucydides : with
προλοχίζειν περὶ τὴν πόλιν ef. Thue. ii. 81, with πασσυδί (§ 161)
Vili. 1, with περιστάντες κατηκόντισαν (8 162) vii. 84.
13
of the
Benjamites ¢
reprisals
of the
Israelites.
Jd. xx, 29.
161
163
164
165
JOSEPHUS
τῶν ᾿Ιβραίων ὑποφευγόντων ἠρέμα Kat ἐπὶ πολὺ
θελόντων εἰς ἅπαν αὐτοὺς ἐξελθεῖν' ἀναχωροῦσιν
εἵποντο, ὡς καὶ τοὺς ἐν τῇ πόλει πρεσβύτας καὶ
νέους ὑπολειφθέντας δι᾿ ἀσθένειαν συνεκδραμεῖν"
αὐτοῖς πασσυδὶ βουλομένους γειρώσασθαι τοὺς
πολεμίους. ὡς δὲ πολὺ Τῇ" πόλεως ἀπέσχον,
ἐπαύσαντο μὲν φεύγοντες οἱ Ἑβραῖοι, ἐπιστρα-
φέντες δ᾽ ἵστανται πρὸς μάχην καὶ τοῖς ἐν ταῖς
ἐνέδραις οὖσι τὸ σημεῖον αἰρουσιν ὃ συνέκειτο.
οἱ δ᾽ ἐξαναστάντες μετὰ βοῆς ἐπήεσαν τοῖς πολε-
μίοις. οἱ δὲ ἅμα τε ἡπατημένους αὑτοὺς ἤσθοντο
καὶ ἐν ἀμηχανίᾳ συνεστήκεσαν, καὶ εἴς τι κοῖλον
συνελαθέντας καὶ φαραγγῶδες χωρίον περιστάντες
κατηκόντισαν, ὥστε πάντας διαφθαρῆναι πλὴν
ἑξακοσίων. οὗτοι δὲ συστραφέντες καὶ πυκνώ-
σαντες ἑαυτοὺς καὶ διὰ μέσων ὠσάμενοι τῶν πολε-
μίων ἔφυγον ἐπὶ τὰ πλησίον ὄρη, καὶ κατασχόντες
ἱδρύθησαν. of δ᾽ ἄλλοι πάντες περὶ δισμυρίους
ὄντες καὶ πεντακισχιλίους ἀπέθανον. οἱ δ᾽ ᾿Ισραη-
λῖται τὴν τε VaBav ἐμπιπρᾶσι καὶ τὰς γυναῖκας
καὶ τῶν ἀρρένων τοὺς μὴ ἐν ἀκμῇ διεχρήσαντο,
τάς τε ἄλλας τῶν Ἰ]βενιαμιτῶν πόλεις ταὐτὰ δρῶσιν"
οὕτως τε ἦσαν παρωξυμμένοι," ὡς καὶ ᾿Ιάβησον τῆς
[ ᾿αλαδίτιδος οὖσαν, ὅτι μὴ συμμαχήσειεν αὐτοῖς
κατὰ τῶν “βενιαμιτῶν, πέμψαντες μυρίους καὶ
δισχιλίους ἐκ τῶν τάξεων ἐκέλευσαν ἀνελεῖν. καὶ
φονεύουσι τὸ μάχιμον τῆς πόλεως οἱ πεμφθέντες
σὺν τέκνοις καὶ γυναιξὶ πλὴν τετρακοσίων παρ-
θένων. ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ὑπ᾽ ὀργῆς προήχθησαν, τῷ
1 protrahere (3 ἐξελεῖν) Lat., omisso ἐπὶ πολύ aut εἰς ἅπαν.
2 ed. pre: διεκδραμεῖν δι’ ἀσθένειαν codd.
3 παρωργισμένοι MSPL.
1:
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 160-165
and, as the Hebrews fell back little by little to a
great distance, wishing them to come out® to a
man, they followed their retreating foe, in such wise
that even the old men and lads who had been left in
the town as incompetent sallied out also, eager as a
united body to crush the enemy. But when they
were now remote from the town, the Hebrews stayed
their flight and, turning, stood their ground for
battle, while they raised the concerted signal for
their friends in ambush ; and these, emerging with
a shout, fell upon the enemy. The Benjamites, from
the moment when they saw themselves entrapped,
were in a hopeless plight: driven into a rugged
hollow, they were there shot down by the darts of
the Hebrews who stood around them, with the result
that all perished save 600. These, rallying and
closing up their ranks, pushed through the enemy’s
midst, fled for the neighbouring hills, and there, on
gaining them, established themselves ; all the rest,
in number about 25,000, perished. The Israclites xx. 46.
burnt Gaba and made away with the women and
males under age ; the other cities of the Benjamites
they treated in like manner. Moreover, so exasper- xxi. 8.
ated were they that, forasmuch as the town of Jabesh
in Gilead had not aided them in battle against the
Benjamites, they sent thither 12,000 men from their
ranks, with orders to destroy it. This detachment
massacred all of military age in the town, along with
the children and all the women save 4.00 who were un-
married. To such lengths did their rage carry them,
¢ Or, with the Latin, “ wishing to draw them out.”
15
100
107
---
168
169
JOSEPHUS
κατὰ τὴν γυναῖκα πάθει προσλαβόντες Kal TO κατὰ
τὴν ἀναίρεσιν τῶν ὁπλιτῶν.
(12) Μίετάνοια δ᾽ αὐτοὺς λαμβάνει τῆς τῶν
Πενιαμιτῶν συμφορᾶς καὶ νηστείαν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς προ-
ἔθεντο, καίτοι δίκαια παθεῖν αὐτοὺς ἀξιοῦντες εἰς
τοὺς νόμους ἐξαμαρτάνοντας, καὶ τοὺς διαφυγόντας
αὐτῶν ἑξακοσίους διὰ πρεσβευτῶν ἐκάλουν" καθ-
ἱδρυντο γὰρ ὑπὲρ πέτρας τινὸς ‘Pods καλουμένης
κατὰ τὴν ἔρημον. ot δὲ πρέσβεις ὡς οὐκ ἐκείνοις
τῆς συμφορᾶς μόνοις γεγενημένης ἀλλὰ καὶ av-
τοῖς τῶν συγγενῶν ἀπολωλότων ὀδυρόμενοι πράως
ἔπειθον φέρειν καὶ συνελθεῖν εἰς ταὐτὸ καὶ μὴ
παντελῆ τῆς Βενιαμίτιδος φυλῆς ὄλεθρον τό γε ἐπ᾽
> ~ , {( ~ , ¢ am. 33
αὐτοῖς καταψηφίσασθαι. συγχωροῦμεν δὲ ὑμῖν,
ἔλεγον, “hv amaons τῆς φυλῆς “γῆν καὶ λείαν
ὅσην ἂν ayew δυνηθῆτε" ΚΟ δὲ τῶν καθ᾽ ἑαυτοὺς
θεοῦ ψήφῳ γεγονότων καὶ κατ᾽ ἀδικίαν τὴν αὐτῶν
γνωσιμαχήσαντες κατήεσαν εἰς τὴν πάτριον φυλὴν
πειθόμενοι τοῖς προκαλουμένοις. οἱ δ᾽ ᾿Ισραη-
λῖται γυναῖκας αὐτοῖς τὰς τετρακοσίας ἔδοσαν
παρθένους τὰς ᾿Ϊαβίτιδας, περὶ δὲ τῶν διακοσίων
ἐσκόπουν, ὅπως κἀκεῖνοι γυναικῶν εὐπορήσαντες
παιδοποιῶνται. γεγενημένων δ᾽ αὐτοῖς ὅρκων
ὥστε μηδενὶ Βενιαμίτῃ συνοικίσαιξ θυγατέρα πρὸ
τοῦ πολέμου, οἱ μὲν ὀλιγωρεῖν συνεβούλευον τῶν
ὁμωμοσμένων. ὡς ὑπ᾽ ὀργῆς ὀμόσαντες οὐ “γνώμῃ
καὶ κρίσει, τῷ δὲ θεῷ μηδὲν ἐναντίον ποιήσειν εἰ
1 Niese: δυνηθείητε codd. 2 edd.: συνοικῆσαι codd.
¢ Gr. translation of Heb. Rimmon (=“t pomegranate ’’) ;
usually identified as modern Rammun, a few miles E. of
Bethel, but a more likely site, mueh nearer to Gibeah, has
been proposed (Burney, Judges, Ὁ. xxi).
76
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 165-169
because, in addition to what they had suffered on
the woman's account, they had further suffered the
slaughter of their men-at-arms.
(12) Howbeit they were smitten with remorse for
the Benjamites’ calamity and they ordained a fast
on their behalf, while yet maintaining that they had
justly suffered for their sin against ‘the laws ; and
they summoned by ambassadors those 600 of them
who had escaped and established themselves on
a rock called Rhoa? in the wilderness. These
envoys, deploring a calamity which had struck
not the Benjamites only but themselves, in that
the victims were their kinsmen, urged them to bear
it patiently, to come and join them, and not, so
far as in them lay, to pronounce sentence of total
extinction upon the tribe of Benjamin. “ We grant
you, said they, “ the territory of the whole tribe
and of booty ® as much as ye can carry off.” And
the Benjamites, recognizing with contrition that
their misfortunes were due to God’s decree and to
their own iniquity, came down again into the tribe
of their fathers, in compliance with this invitation.
The Israelites gave them for wives those 400 virgins
from Jabesh,° and then deliberated concerning the
remaining 200 men, how they too might be provided
with wives and beget children. Now, whereas they
had before the war made oath to give no Benjamite
a daughter of theirs in wedlock, some were of opinion
that they should disregard those oaths as having
been sworn under the sway of passion, without re-
fexion or judgement; that they would be doing
nothing in opposition to God, could they so save a
δ i.e. cattle. © §$ 165.
77
Reconcilia-
tion with
the
ee :
how brides
were found
for them.
Ja. xxl,
co: gen I
xxi. 18.
2, 6
JOSEPHUS
φυλὴν ὅλην κινδυνεύουσαν ἀπολέσθαι σῶσαι duvn-
θεῖεν, τάς τε ἐπιορκίας οὐχ ὅταν ὑπὸ ἀνάγκης
/ \ BY \ > - > > itd
γένωνται χαλεπὰς εἶναι καὶ ἐπισφαλεῖς, ἀλλ ὅταν
170 ἐν κακουργίᾳ τολμηθῶσι. τῆς δὲ γερουσίας πρὸς
τὸ τῆς ἐπιορκίας ὄνομα σχετλιασάσης ἔφη τις
τούτοις τε γυναικῶν εὐπορίαν ἔχειν εἰπεῖν καὶ τήρη-
σιν τῶν ὅρκων. ἐρομένων δὲ τὴν ἐπίνοιαν, “ ἡμῖν,
εἶπεν, ἡ τρὶς τοῦ ἔτους εἰς Lido συνιοῦσιν ἕπονται
17) Kara 1 πανήγυριν αἱ γυναῖκες καὶ αἵ θυγατέρες. τού-
των κατὰ ἁρπαγὴν ἐφείσθω γαμεῖν Βενιαμίτας ἃς
av’ δυνηθεῖεν ἡμῶν οὔτε προτρεπομένων οὔτε
κωλυόντων. πρὸς δὲ τοὺς πατέρας αὐτῶν δυσ-
χεραίνοντας καὶ τιμωρίαν λαμβάνειν ἀξιοῦντας
φήσομεν αὐτοὺς αἰτίους φυλακῆς ἀμελήσαντας
τῶν θυγατέρων, ὅτι δὲ δεῖ τῆς ὀργῆς ἐπὶ Βενια-
pitas ὑφεῖναι" χρησαμένους αὐτῇ καὶ θᾶττον ἀμέ-
172 τρως. KaL οἱ μὲν τούτοις πεισθέντες ψηφίζονται
τὸν dua THs “ἁρπαγῆς γάμον Tots Βενιαμίταις.
ἐνστάσης δὲ τῆς ἑορτῆς οὗ μὲν διακόσιοι κατὰ δύο
καὶ τρεῖς πρὸ τῆς πόλεως ἐνήδρευον παρεσομένας
τὰς παρθένους ἔν τε ἀμπελῶσι καὶ χωρίοις ἐν
173 οἷς λήσειν ἔμελλον, αἱ δὲ μετὰ παιδιᾶς οὐδὲν ὑφ-
ορώμεναι τῶν μελλόντων ἀφυλάκτως ὥδευον" οἱ
δὲ σκεδασθεισῶν εἴχοντο ἐξαναστάντες. καὶ οὗτοι
μὲν οὕτως γαμήσαντες ἐπ᾽ ἔργα τῆς γῆς ἐχώρησαν
1 ἂν 5660]. Naber. 2 Bekker: ἀφεῖναι RO, ἐφεῖναι rell.
@ Jd. xxi. 19 “* Behold there is πὰ feast (hag) of
the LORD from year to year (lit. * ‘from days to days,”’ Lxx ἀφ᾽
ἡμερῶν εἰς ἡμέρα.) in Shiloh.” The hag here alluded to is
the oldest of Jewish festivals, the autumn vintage festival
of Sukkoth or “‘ Tabernaeles ’’; for its annual observanee at
Shiloh ef. 1 Sam. i. 3. Josephus refers back to those early
78
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 169-173
whole tribe in danger of extinction ; and that per-
juries were not grave or hazardous when they were
prompted by necessity, but only when rashly eom-
mitted with malieious intent. When the elders, how-
ever, protested at the mere mention of perjury, some-
one said that he eould suggest how to provide wives for
these men and yet to keep their oaths. On being
questioned concerning his plan, ““ When we meet,”’
he replied, “ three times a year? at Silo, we are ac-
companied to the festival by our wives and daughters.
Let the Benjamites be permitted to eapture as
their brides such of these maidens as they ean,
without either encouragement or hindrance on our
part. And if their parents make an ado and demand
punishment, we will tell them that they have but
themselves to blame for neglecting to proteet their
daughters, and that we must abate that resent-
ment against the Benjamites, in which already in
the past ὃ we had been immoderate.”” The assembly
assenting thereto deeided accordingly to permit the
Benjamites this marriage by capture. So, when the
festival came round, the 200, in twos and threes,
waited in ambush before the city for the eoming of
the maidens, in the vineyards and other places where
they would eseape their eye. Meanwhile the
damsels, playfully and with no suspicion of what
was on foot, eame all unguardedly along ; whereat
the men sprang out upon them and seized them as
they scattered. These Benjamites, thus wedded,
then betook themselves to the labours of the soil
days the keeping of the three great annual festivals, including
Passover and Pentecost.
ὃ θᾶττον = πρότερον, as elsewhere (with connotation of
precipitancy ).
19
JOSEPHUS
\ /
και πρόνοιαν ἐποιήσαντο πάλιν εἰς τὴν TT pOTEpav
’ , δ a ΕΞ \ > ε
174 εὐδαιμονίαν ἐπανελθεῖν. ἘΒενιαμιτῶν μὲν οὖν ἢ
1τὸ
]
6
8
φυλὴ κινδυνεύσασα τελέως ἐκφθαρῆναι τῷ προειρη-
μένῳ τρόπῳ κατὰ τὴν ᾿Ισραηλιτῶ ῶν σοφίαν σώζεται,
ἤνθησέ τε παραχρῆμα καὶ ταχεῖαν εἴς τε πλῆθος
καὶ τὰ ἄλλα πάντα ἐποιήσατο τὴν ἐπίδοσιν. οὗτος
μὲν οὖν ὁ πόλεμος οὕτως παύεται.
(iii. 1) Ὅμοια δὲ τούτοις παθεῖν καὶ τὴν Δανιν'
συνέβη φυλὴν ἐξ αἰτίας τοιαύτης εἰς τοῦτο προ-
αχθεῖσαν. τῶν ᾿Ισραηλιτῶν ἐκλελοιπότων ἤδη τὴν
ἐν τοῖς πολέμοις ἄσκησιν καὶ πρὸς τοῖς ἔργοις
ὄντων τῆς γῆς Χαναναῖοι καταφρονήσαντες αὐτῶν
συνεποιήσαντο δύναμιν, οὐδὲν μὲν αὐτοὶ πείσεσθαι
προσδοκῶντες, ὡς δὲ βεβαίαν τὴν τοῦ ποιήσειν
κακῶς τοὺς ᾿Εβραίους ἐλπίδα λαβόντες ἐπ᾽ ἀδείας
τὸ λοιπὸν οἰκεῖν τὰς πόλεις ἠξίουν. ἅρματά τε
οὖν παρεσκευάζοντο καὶ τὸ ὁπλιτικὸν συνεκρότουν
αἵ τε πόλεις αὐτῶν συνεφρόνουν καὶ τῆς ᾿Ιούδα
φυλῆς τὴν ᾿Ασκάλωνα καὶ ᾿Ακκαρῶνα παρεσπά-
σαντο ἄλλας τε πολλὰς τῶν ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ καὶ
Δανίτας εἰς τὸ ὄρος ἠνάγκασαν συμφυγεῖν οὐδὲ
ὀλίγον αὐτοῖς ἐπιβατὸν τοῦ πεδίου καταλιπόντες.
οἱ δ᾽ οὔτε πολεμεῖν ὄντες ἱκανοὶ γῆν τε οὐκ ἔχοντες
ἀρκοῦσαν πέμπουσιν ἐξ αὐτῶν πέντ TE ἄνδρας εἰς
τὴν μεσόγειον κατοψομένους γῆν, εἰς ἣν μετοική-
σαιντο. οἱ δ᾽ οὐ πόρρω τοῦ Λιβάνου ὄρους καὶ
ἐλάσσονος ᾿Ιορδάνου τῶν πηγῶν κατὰ τὸ μέγα
1 Niese: Δάνην (Διανὴν) codd.
* Contrast § 128 (note), where we are told that Akkaron
80
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 173-178
and devoted their efforts to the recovery of their
former prosperity. This, then, was the way in
which the tribe of Benjamin, when in danger of
complete extinction, was saved through the sagacity
of the Israelites; and instantly it flourished and
made rapid advance both in numbers and in all
beside. And thus ended this war.
Jd.-fin,
(iii. 1) But like sufferings also befell the tribe of The Danites
Dan, the cause which brought it to this pass being
as follows. Now that the Israelites had abandoned
the exercise of warfare and were given up to their
labours on the land, the Canaanites, holding them in
contempt, built up an army, not from expectation
of any injury to themselves. but, being now confident
of doing mischief to the Hebrews, they counted on
henceforth inhabiting their cities in security. So
they proceeded to equip chariots and levy troops,
their cities unanimously combined, and from the
tribe of Judah they wrested Ascalon, Akkarin?@ and
many other cities of the plain, while they forced the
Danites to flee in a body to the hills, leaving them
not the smallest foothold on the plain. These, in-
capable of fighting and not having land to suffice
them, sent five of their number into the interior to
look for a region whither they could migrate. The
envoys, having advanced to a spot not far from mount
Libanus and the sources of the lesser® Jordan, over
had never been conquered; here Josephus conforms to
the Hebrew text of Scripture (Jd. i. 18) which names Ekron
among the captured cities.
* Here Josephus omits the unedifying story of Micah
and his images, which in Scripture is mixed up with this
expedition of the Danites (Jd. xvii. f.).
© The course of the Jordan north of the modern lake of
HIuleh. Cf. BJ. iii. 509 f.
81
forced to
migrate
northwards.
Jd. 1. 34.
xviii. 1 ἢ
7.1}.
19
180
IS
—
182
JOSEPHUS
πεδίον Σιδῶνος πόλεως ὁδὸν ἡμέρας μιᾶς" προ-
ελθόντες καὶ “κατασκεψάμενοι. γῆν ἀγαθὴν καὶ πάμ-
φορον “σημαίνουσι τοῖς αὑτῶν: οἱ δ᾽ ὁρμηθέντες
στρατῷ κτίζουσιν αὐτόθι πόλιν Δάνα ὁμώνυμον
τῷ ᾿Ιακώβου παιδὶ φυλῆς δ᾽ ἐπώνυμον τῆς αὐτῶν.
(2) Τοῖς δ᾽ ᾿Ισραηλίταις προύβαινεν ὑπό τε
ἀπειρίας τοῦ πονεῖν τὰ κακὰ καὶ ὑπὸ τῆς περὶ τὸ
θεῖον ὀλιγωρίας" μετακινηθέντες γὰρ ἅπαξ τοῦ
κόσμου τῆς πολιτείας ἐφέροντο «πρὸς τὸ κα
ἡδονὴν καὶ βούλησιν ἰδίαν βιοῦν, ὡς καὶ τῶν ἐπι-
χωριαζόντων παρὰ τοῖς Χαναναίοις ἀναπίμπλασθαι
κακῶν. ὀργίζεται τοίνυν αὐτοῖς ὁ θεὸς καὶ ἣν
σὺν πόνοις μυρίοις εὐδαιμονίαν ἐκτήσαντο, ταύτην
ἀπέβαλον διὰ τρυφήν. στρατεύσαντος γὰρ ἐπ᾽ av-
τοὺς Χουσαρσάθου" τοῦ τῶν ᾿Ασσυρίων βασιλέως,
πολλούς τε τῶν παραταξαμένων ἀπώλεσαν καὶ
πολιορκούμενοι κατὰ κράτος ἡἠρέθησαν, εἰσὶ δ᾽ ot
διὰ φόβον ἑκουσίως αὐτῷ “προσεχώρησαν, φόρους
τε τοῦ δυνατοῦ μείζονας. ἐπιταγέντες ἐτέλουν καὶ
ὕβρεις παντοίας ὑπέμενον ἕως ἐτῶν ὀκτώ, μεθ᾽ ἃ
τῶν κακῶν οὕτως ἠλευθερώθησαν.
(3 3) Τῆς ᾿Ιούδα φυλῆς τις Keviaos ὄνομα dpa-
στήριος ἀνὴρ καὶ TO φρόνημα γενναῖος, χρησθὲν
1 trium dierum Lat. 2 SP: ἀπὸ rell.
3 RO: Chusasartho Lat.: Χουσάρθου rell.: similar vl. in
§ 183.
4 So we must translate, carrying on the force of the pre-
ceding mippw. The translation ** advanced in one day’s march
to... over against the great plain of the city of 5.᾽ is
precluded by distance (upwards of 100 miles); a difficulty
which is scarcely met by the reading of the Latin version,
** three days’ march.”
ὑ Bibl. “ Cushan-rishathaim (Lxx Χουσαρσαθαίμ) king of
82
JEMSSE ANTIQUITIES, V. 178-182
against the great plain, within a day’s march of the
city of Sidon,? and having inspeeted a land good
and wholly fertile, reported this to their brethren ;
and they, setting forth with an army, founded there
a city called Dan(a) after the name of the son of
Jacob, which was also the name of their own tribe.
(2) But the state of the Israelites went from bad
to worse through their loss of aptitude for toil and
their neglect of the Divinity. For, having once parted
from the ordered course of their constitution, they
drifted into living in accordance with their own
pleasure and eaprice, and thus became contaminated
with the vices current among the Canaanites. So
God was wroth with them, and al] that prosperity
which they had won with myriad labours they now
through idle luxury cast away. [or Chusarsathus,
king of the Assyrians,’ having marched upon them,
they lost multitudes in battle, and were besieged
and carried by storm, whilst some in terror volun-
tarily surrendered to him, paid tribute beyond
their means at his behest, and underwent indignities
of every kind for eight years, after which they were
delivered from their miseries on this wise.
(3) A man of the tribe of Judah, Keniaz¢® by
name, vigorous and noble-hearted, being warned by
>
Aram-naharaim,” 7@.e. ‘of Aram of the two rivers,”’ alias
Mesopotamia. The personal name =** Cushan of double-
dyed villainy,” a Biblical distortion of some older form.
¢ Bibl. ‘“ Othniel the son of Kenaz, Caleb’s younger
brother.”’ Josephus has replaced the son by the father ;
similarly in the so-called Biblical Antiquities of Philo
(c. αὐ. 100) Cenez figures as the first judge and a person of
considerable importance (ed. M. R. James, p. 146 note).
The compiler of the Greek summary of the contents of
A. v. mentions Othniel but reverses the relationship (ἡ διὰ
Kevitouv τοῦ ᾿Αθνιήλον παιδὸς αὐτοῖς ἐλευθερία γενομένη).
83
9g
Israel
under the
ASsyrians
Jd, iil. 3.
iii, 8.
Their
deliveranea
by RKeniaz.
Jd. ili, 9
JOSEPHUS
- ~ 3 /
αὐτῷ μὴ περιορᾶν ἐν τοιαύτῃ τοὺς ᾿Ισραηλίτας
> rae ’ 3 3 > ; > é 3 Ἂ
ἀνάγκῃ κειμένους ἀλλ᾽ εἰς ἐλευθερίαν αὐτοὺς
“A ~ ͵ Ὶ /
ἐξαιρεῖσθαι τολμᾶν, παρακελευσάμενος; συλλαμβά-
“A “-Ὄ 3 / > εν
νεσθαι τῶν κινδύνων αὐτῷ τινάς, ὀλίγοι δ᾽ ἦσαν
Ἔ - ~ \
ois αἰδὼς ἐπὶ τοῖς τότε παροῦσιν ἐτύγχανε καὶ
18) προθυμία μεταβολῆς, πρῶτον μὲν τὴν παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς
οὖσαν φρουρὰν τοῦ Νουσαρσάθου διαφθείρει, προσ-
γενομένων δὲ πλειόνων τῶν συναγωνιζομένων ἐκ
τοῦ μὴ διαμαρτεῖν περὶ τὰ πρῶτα THS ἐπιχειρήσεως,
μάχην τοῖς ᾿Ασσυρίοις συνάπτουσι καὶ πρὸς τὸ
παντελὲς αὐτοὺς ἀπωσάμενοι περαιοῦσθαι τὸν
184 ᾿υὐφράτην ἐβιάζοντο. Kevialos δὲ ὡς ἔργῳ πεῖραν
186
18
<i
αὑτοῦ δεδωκὼς τῆς ἀνδραγαθίας γέρας ὑπὲρ αὐτῆς
λαμβάνει παρὰ τοῦ πλήθους ἀρχήν, ὥστε κρίνειν
τὸν λαόν. καὶ ἄρξας ἐπ᾽ ἔτη τεσσαράκοντα κατα-
στρέφει τὸν βίον.
Ω ry. 7 \ / / A “~
(iv. 1) Τελευτήσαντος δὲ τούτου πάλιν τὰ τῶν
᾿Ισραηλιτῶν ὑπὸ ἀναρχίας ἐνόσει πράγματα, καὶ
τῷ μὴ διὰ τιμῆς ἄγειν τὸν θεὸν μηδὲ τοῖς νόμοις
ὑπακούειν ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐκακοῦντο," ὡς καταφρονή-
σαντα αὐτῶν τῆς ἀκοσμίας τῆς κατὰ τὴν πολιτείαν
᾿Εγλῶνα τὸν Δίωαβιτῶν βασιλέα πόλεμον πρὸς
αὐτοὺς ἐξενεγκεῖν καὶ πολλαῖς μάχαις αὐτῶν
κρατήσαντα καὶ τοὺς" φρονήμασι τῶν ἄλλων δια-
φέροντας ὑποτάξαντα πρὸς τὸ παντελὲς αὐτῶν τὴν
δύναμιν ταπεινῶσαι καὶ φόρους αὐτοῖς ἐπιτάξαι
~ f > ς ~ 3 ¢ ~ é
τελεῖν. καθιδρύσας δ᾽ αὑτῷ ἐν “Ἰεριχοῦντι βασί-
λειον᾽ οὐδὲν τῆς εἰς τὸ πλῆθος κακώσεως παρέλιπεν
εἴς τε πενίαν αὐτοὺς κατέστησεν ἐπὶ ὀκτωκαίδεκα
" \ > κ ς \ mes wa 2.1
ἔτη. λαβὼν δ᾽ οἶκτον ὁ θεὸς τῶν ᾿Ισραηλιτῶν ἐφ
1 παρασκευασάμενος NIL,
2 ἐἑκακοῦτο KO. 3 τοῖς codd.
84
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 182-187
an oracle not to leave the Israelites to lie in such
deep distress, but to essay to vindicate their liberty,
after exhorting some others to share his hazards—
and few were they, who were filled with shame at
their present state and longed to alter it—began by
massacring the garrison of Chusarsathus that was
quartered upon them. Then, when larger numbers
rallied to his arms, seeing that he had not miscarried
at this opening of his enterprise, they joined battle
with the Assyrians and, having utterly repulsed
them, forced them to recross the Euphrates. Keniaz,
having thus given practical proof of his prowess,
received as his reward from the people rulership,
to act as judge of the nation. And after ruling for
forty years he ended his days.
(iv. 1) But after his death the affairs of the Israel-
ites again suffered through lack of government,
while their failure to render homage to God or to
obey the laws aggravated the evil yet more. So,
contemptuous of the disorder prevailing in their
state, glon, king of Moab, made war upon them
and, having defeated them in many battles and sub-
jeeted all who showed more spirit than the rest,
utterly humiliated their strength and imposed tribute
upon them. Then establishing his capital in Jericho,¢
he ruthlessly molested the people and reduced them
_ to penury for eighteen years. But God, taking pity
on the Israelites in their afHictions and moved by
4 Jd. iii, 13 “he possessed the city of palm-trees,”’ 7.¢.
Jericho, as the Targum (like Josephus) interprets the phrase.
This implies that Jericho did not- remain unbuilt and un-
fortified between the days of Joshua and of Ahab.
4 1 Lat. ed. pres + ταύτην ἀποδείξας rel.
85
[srael under
E lon, king
of Moab.
Jd. iii, 12.
188
189
190
191
192’
193
JOSEPHUS
οἷς ἔπασχον Kal Tals ἱκετείαις αὐτῶν ἐπικλασθεὶς
ἀπήλλαξε τῆς ὑπὸ τοῖς MwaBitats ὕβρεως. ἡἠλευ-
θερώθησαν δὲ τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ.
(2) THs Βενιαμίτιδος φυλῆς νεανίας ᾿Ιούδης μὲν
τοὔνομα Γήρα de’ πατρός, τολμῆσαί τε ἀνδρειό-
τατος καὶ τῷ σώματι πρὸς τὰ ἔργα χρῆσθαι
δυνατώτατος, τῶν χειρῶν τὴν ἀριστερὰν ἀμείνων
κἀπ᾽ ἐκείνης τὴν ἅπασαν ἰσχὺν ἔχων, κατῴκει
μὲν ἐν ‘leptyotvte καὶ αὐτός, συνήθης δὲ γίνεται
τῷ ᾿Εγλῶνι δωρεαῖς αὐτὸν θεραπεύων καὶ ὑπερχό-
μενος, ὡς διὰ τοῦτο καὶ τοῖς περὶ τὸν βασιλέα
προσφιλῆ τυγχάνειν αὐτόν. καί ποτε σὺν δυσὶν
οἰκέταις δῶρα τῷ βασιλεῖ φέρων ξιφίδιον κρύφα
τῷ δεξιῷ σκέλει περιδησάμενος εἰσήει πρὸς αὐτόν.
ὥρα δ᾽ ἦν θέρους καὶ τῆς ἡμέρας ἤδη μεσούσης
ἀνεῖντο αἱ φυλακαὶ ὑπό τε τοῦ καύματος καὶ πρὸς
ἄριστον τετραμμένων. δοὺς οὖν τὰ δῶρα τῷ
᾿Εγλῶνι ὁ νεανίσκος, διέτριβε δ᾽ ἔν τινι δωματίῳ
δεξιῶς πρὸς θέρος ἔχοντι, πρὸς ὁμιλίαν ἐτράπετο.
μόνοι δ᾽ ἦσαν τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ τοὺς ἐπεισιόντας
τῶν θεραπόντων ἀπιέναι κελεύσαντος διὰ τὸ πρὸς
Ιούδην ὁμιλεῖν. καθῆστο δ᾽ ἐπὶ θρόνου καὶ δέος
εἰσήει τὸν ᾿Ιούδην, μὴ διαμάρτῃ καὶ οὐ δῷ
καιρίαν πληγήν. ἀνίστησιν οὖν αὐτόν, ὄναρ εἰπὼν
ἔχειν, ἐκ προστάγματος αὐτῷ δηλῶσαι τοῦ θεοῦ.
καὶ ὁ μὲν πρὸς τὴν χαρὰν τοῦ ὀνείρατος ἀνεπή-
1 re codd.
2 ed. pr. Lat.: ἀπεῖναι codd. 5. Niese: μὴ codd.
α Heb. Ehud: txx "Awe.
86
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 137-193
their supplications, rid them of this oppression
under the Moabites; and their liberation fell on
this wise.
(2) A youth of the tribe of Benjamin, named Judes
Judes, son of Gera, of gallant daring and with (005
bodily powers that he was w vell able to make to serve Jd. ili. 16.
his ends, being superior with his left hand and there-
from deriving all his strength, was also himself
residing in Jericho ;® there he became familiar with
Eglon, courting and cajoling him with presents,
whereby moreover he endeared himself to those in
waiting on the king.? Now one day, when he with
two ° attendants was bringing gifts to the king, he
secretly girt a dagger about his right thigh and 50
went in fa him. it was summer-time and. the day
being at noon, the guards had been ποιεῖν δὴ both by
reason of the heat and because they were gone to
lunch. So the young man, having presented his
gifts to Eglon, who was lodged in a chamber well-
adapted for the summer, ‘fell into conversation,
They were alone, the king having ordered even
such henchmen as intruded to depart because he
was conversing with Judes. He was seated upon
a chair, and Judes was beset with fear lest he
should strike amiss and not deal a mortal blow. So
he made him arise by telling him that he had a
dream to disclose to him by commiandnvett of God.
The king, for joy at news of this dream, leapt up
> Seripture does not mention Ehud’s residence in Jericho
nor his attentions to E-glon.
¢ Jd. iii. 15 mentions a retinue, “‘ the people that bare the
present,” who were dismissed after offering it; has the
number “‘ two ”’ been extracted, through some misreading,
out of the deseription of the dagger, ‘ and it had two edges,”
ab. 16?
Vol. ¥ G 87
194
190
197
JOSEPHUS
ὃ ᾽ 4 ~ 0 / Ane δ᾽ ᾿] A ς | ὃ
ησεν ἀπὸ τοῦ θρόνου, πλήξας δ᾽ αὐτὸν ὁ ᾿Ιούδης
>’ A δὲ A \ ὃ > r 4 Μ
εἰς τὴν καρδίαν καὶ τὸ ξιφίδιον ἐγκαταλιπὼν ἔξεισι
/ 3 4
προσκλείσας" τὴν θύραν. ot Te θεράποντες ἠρέμουν,
¢ / ‘ /
εἰς ὕπνον τετραῴφθαι νομίζοντες τὸν βασιλέα.
€ ? > ’ ~ ¢ 4 ᾽ ,
(3) ‘O δ᾽ ᾿Ιούδης τοῖς ᾿Ιεριχουντίοις ἀποσημαί-
“ 4 ~ 3 , 3
νων κρυπτῶς παρεκάλει τῆς ἐλευθερίας ἀντιλαμ-
’
βάνεσθαι. οἱ δ᾽ ἀσμένως ἀκούσαντες αὐτοὶ τε
, \ > A 4
εἰς τὰ ὅπλα ἤεσαν καὶ διέπεμπον εἰς τὴν χώραν
τοὺς amoonpaivovtas κέρασιν οἰῶν' τούτοις γὰρ
“- ~ 4 ‘ ‘
συγκαλεῖν τὸ πλῆθος πάτριον. ot δὲ περὶ Tov
~ ‘ \ > ’ A
᾿Εγλῶνα πολὺν μὲν χρόνον ἠγνόουν τὸ συμ-
“- > 3 ς
βεβηκὸς αὐτῷ πάθος, ἐπεὶ δὲ πρὸς ἑσπέραν ἦν,
4 , ἢ A 4
δείσαντες μὴ τι νεώτερον εἴη περὶ αὐτὸν γεγονός,
~ > A ’ \ 4
εἰσῆλθον εἰς TO δωμάτιον καὶ νεκρὸν εὑρόντες ἐν
\
ἀμηχανίᾳ καθειστήκεσαν, Kal πρὶν τὴν φρουρὰν
~ A ~ 3 ~ ~
συστραφῆναι To τῶν ᾿Ισραηλιτῶν αὐτοῖς ἐπέρχεται
~ \ ~ ~
πλῆθος. καὶ of μὲν παραχρῆμα ἀναιροῦνται, ot
3 > A , « 3.ϑ " Ἁ (
δ᾽ εἰς φυγὴν τρέπονται ws ἐπὶ τὴν Muwafirw σω-
θησόμενοι, ἦσαν δὲ ὑπὲρ μυρίους. καὶ ᾿Ισραηλῖται
, mS , \ , ,
προκατειληφότες τοῦ ‘lopdavov τὴν διάβασιν διώ-
, ‘ A ‘
KOVTES ἔκτεινον Kal κατὰ τὴν διάβασιν πολλοὺς
αὐτῶν ἀναιροῦσι, διέφυγέ τε οὐδὲ εἷς τὰς χεῖρας
~ \ « { - ~
αὐτῶν. Kat ot μὲν ᾿Ιβραῖοι τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ
τῆς ὑπὸ τοῖς διωαβίταις δουλείας ἀπηλλάγησαν,
᾿Ιούδης δ᾽ ἐκ’ τῆς αἰτίας Ταύτης τιμηθεὶς τῇ τοῦ
πλήθους παντὸς ἡγεμονίᾳ τελευτᾷ τὴν ἀρχὴν
ἔτεσιν ὀγδοήκοντα κατασχών, ἀνὴρ καὶ δίχα τῆς
προειρημένης πράξεως ἐπαίνου δίκαιος τυγχάνειν.
1 MLE Lat.: σρουκλίνας rell.
2 6 ἐκ Dindorf ex Lat.: δὲ codd.
88
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 193-197
from his throne, whereat Judes smote him to the
heart and, leaving the dagger in his breast, went
forth, locking the door upon him. The henchmen
never stirred, supposing that the king had sunk
asleep.
(3) Judes meanwhile reported the matter secretly Defeat ot
to the men of Jericho 4 and exhorted them to assert Mos? ard
their liberty. And they, welcoming his news, them- Judes.
selves rushed to arms and sent heralds throughout paisa
the country to give the signal by the sounding of
rams’ horns, for it was customary to call their people
together by these instruments. Eglon’s courtiers ἐδ. 96.
remained long ignorant of his fate ; but, when even-
ing drew on, fearing that something extraordinary
might have befallen him, they entered the chamber
and, finding his corpse, stood there in helpless
perplexity ; and, before the garrison could be
mustered, the host of Israelites was upon them.
Some were massacred on the spot; the rest took
flight to seek safety in the land of Moab, in number
above ten thousand. But the Israelites, who had
betimes occupied the ford of the Jordan, pursued
and slew them: at the ford itself multitudes of
them were massacred, and not a man escaped their
hands. Thus were the Hebrews delivered from their
bondage to the Moabites. Judes himself, having
for this reason been honoured with the governorship
of the whole people, died after holding that office
for eighty years °—a man, even apart from the afore-
said exploit, deserving of a meed of praise. After
@ In Scripture he goes further afield and himself ‘* blew
the trumpet in the hill-country of Ephraim.”
δ Jd. iii. 30 “ and the land had rest four-score years,”
to which the Lxx adds “ and Aod judged them until he died "᾿ς;
in the Heb. there is no mention of his rulership.
89
JOSEPHUS
καὶ μετὰ τοῦτον Lavayapos ὁ ᾿Ανάθου παῖς
αἱρεθεὶς ἄρχειν ἐν τῷ πρώτῳ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἔτει
κατέστρεψε τὸν βίον.
198 (ν. 1) ᾿Ισραηλῖται δὲ πάλιν, οὐδὲν γὰρ ἐπὶ διδαχῇ
τοῦ κρείττονος ἐλάμβανον τῶν “πρότερον ἡτυχη-
μένων ὑπὸ; τοῦ μήτε σέβειν τὸν θεὸν μήθ᾽ ὑπ-
ακούειν τοῖς νόμοις, πρὶν 7 καὶ τῆς ὑπὸ ΔΙωαβίταις
ἀναπνεῦσαι δουλείας πρὸς ολίγον, ὑπὸ "A Birov®
199 τοῦ Navavatwy βασιλέως καταδουλοῦνται. οὗτος
\ > 9 ’, , ς ’, id > Ἂς ,
γὰρ ἐξ Λσώρου πόλεως ὁρμώμενος, αὕτη ὃ ὑπέρ-
κειται τῆς Σεμαχωνίτιδος λίμνης, στρατοῦ μὲν
ὁπλιτῶν τριάκοντα ἔτρεφε μυριάδας μυρίους δὲ
ἱππέας, τρισχιλίων δὲ ἁρμάτων ηὐπόρει. ταύτης
οὖν στρατηγῶν τῆς δυνάμεως Σισάρης τιμῆς πρώ-
τῆς παρὰ τῷ βασιλεῖ τυγχάνων συνελθόντας πρὸς
αὐτὸν τοὺς ᾿Ισραηλίτας ἐκάκωσε δεινῶς, ὥστε
αὐτοῖς ἐπιτάξαι τελεῖν φόρους.
200 (2) ἴκοσι μὲν οὖν ἔτη ταῦτα πάσχοντες ἤνυσαν
μήτε αὐτοὶ φρονεῖν ὑπὸ τῆς δυστυχίας ὄντες ἀγαθοὶ
καὶ τοῦ θεοῦ πλέον δαμάσαι᾽ θέλοντος αὐτῶν τὴν
ὕβριν διὰ τὴν περὶ αὐτὸν ἀγνωμοσύνην, ἵνα μετα-
θέμενοι τοῦ λοιποῦ σωφρονῶσιν' διδαχθέντες det
τὰς συμφορὰς αὐτοῖς ἐκ τῆς περιφρονήσεως τῶν
νόμων ὑπάρξαι, Δαβώραν. τινὰ προφῆτιν, μέλισσαν
δὲ “σημαίνει τοὔνομα κατὰ τὴν “Ἑβραίων γλῶσσαν,
201 ἱκέτευον δεηθῆναι τοῦ θεοῦ λαβεῖν οἶκτον αὐτῶν
1 + τε codd. 2 Jabid Lat.: ᾿Ιωαβεῖ Niese.
34 ἔτι ROE. 4 δὲ ins. Niese.
α Heb. Shamyar: txx Sapeydp (Σεμεγάρ, εἰς.).
δ Amplification.
¢ So Heb. and Josephus below (§ 209); here the mss. have
the Latinized form ’Apirovu (Avitus).
90
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 197-201
him Sanagar,? son of Anath, was elected ruler, but Sanagar
.Φ .Φ . Ss
died in the first year of his rule.? Ἔν ρὲ
(v. 1) Again, however, the Israelites, who had nae
learnt no lesson of wisdom from their previous mis- israef
fortunes, since they neither worshipped God nor (ppressed
obeyed the laws, ere they had enjoyed a brief respite king of ©
from their servitude to the Moabites, fell under the $3275,
yoke of Jabin,° king of the Canaanites. For this
monarch, issuing from the city of Asor,? situate
above the lake Semachonitis,° maintained an army of
300,000 foot and 10,000 horse, and was owner
of 3000 chariots.’ Accordingly the general of these
forces, Sisares,’ who held the first rank in the king’s
favour, so sorely afllicted the Israelites when they
joined battle with him, that he forced them to
pay tribute.
(2) Twenty years, then, did they pass in this Deborah
miserable plight, themselves incapable of being #2"
schooled by adversity, while God willed to tame volt.
their insolence yet more by reason of their in- —
gratitude towards Him, to the end that they might
change their ways and thenceforward be wise. But
when they had learned” that their calamities were
due to their contempt of the laws, they besought a
certain prophetess named Dabora‘—the name in
the Hebrew tongue means “ bee ’’—to pray God
¢ Bibl. Hazor;: identified by Garstang with Tell el-Gedah
about 5 miles S.W. of the southern end of the lake mentioned.
¢ The smaller lake N. of the lake of Galilee, el Huleh,
sometimes called the ‘* waters of Merom.”’
7 Imaginary figures (ef. § 64): Scripture mentions only
** 900 chariots of iron.”
9 Bibl. Sisera.
+ ‘Text and sentence division doubtful.
6 Bibl. Deborah (=** bee,” as correctly stated) ; Scripture
adds that ‘‘ she was judging Israel at that time.”
91
209
20-4
JOSEPHUS
καὶ μὴ περιιδεῖν ἀπολλυμένους αὐτοὺς ὑπὸ Χανα-
ναίων. ὃ δὲ θεὸς ἐπένευσε σωτηρίαν αὐτοῖς καὶ
στρατηγὸν αἱρεῖται Ἰθϑάρακον τῆς Νεφθαλίτιδος
ὄντα φυλῆς" βάρακος δέ ἐστιν ἀστραπὴ κατὰ τὴν
‘EBpaiwy γλῶσσαν.
(3) λιεταπεμψαμένη δ᾽ ἡ Δαβώρα τὸν Bdpaxoy
ἐπιλέξαντα τῶν νέων μυρίους ἐκέλευε χωρεῖν ἐπὶ
τοὺς πολεμίους" ἀποχρῆναι γὰρ τοσούτους τοῦ θεοῦ
προειρηκότος καὶ νίκην ἀποσημήναντος. Βαράκου
δὲ φαμένου οὐ στρατηγήσειν μὴ κἀκείνης αὐτῷ
συστρατηγούσης ἀγανακτήσασα, “ab μέν, ᾿ εἶπε,
γυναικὶ παραχωρεῖς ἀξιώματος ὃ ὃ σοὶ δέδωκεν ὁ
θεός, ἐγὼ δὲ οὐ παραιτοῦμαι.᾽᾽ καὶ συναθροί-
σαντες μυρίους ἐστρατοπεδεύσαντο πρὸς ᾽Ϊτα-
βυρίῳ ὄρει. ἀπήντα δ᾽ αὐτοῖς ὁ Σισάρης τοῦ
βασιλέως κελεύσαντος καὶ στρατοπεδεύονται τῶν
πολεμίων οὐκ ἄπωθεν. τοὺς δ᾽ ᾿Ισραηλίτας καὶ
τὸν Βάρακον καταπλαγέντας τὸ πλῆθος τῶν πολε-
μίων καὶ ἀναχωρεῖν διεγνωκότας ἡ Δαβώρα κατεῖχε
τὴν συμβολὴν ποιεῖσθαι κατ᾽ ἐκείνην κελεύουσα
τὴν ἡμέραν: νικήσειν γὰρ αὐτοὺς καὶ συλλήψεσθαι
τὸν θεόν.
(4) Nuvnecav οὖν καὶ προσμιγέντων ὄμβρος ἐπι-
γίνεται μέγας καὶ ὕδωρ πολὺ καὶ χάλαζα, τόν τε
ὑετὸν κατὰ πρόσωπον. ἤλαυνε τῶν Χαναναίων
ἄνεμος ταῖς ὄψεσιν αὐτῶν ἐπισκοτῶν, ws Tas
τοξείας ἀχρήστους αὐτοῖς εἶναι καὶ τὰς σφενδόνας:
οἵ τε ὁπλῖται διὰ τὸ κρύος χρῆσθαι τοῖς ξίφεσιν
1 συναριθμήσαντες KO.
* Tabor. > Amplification.
¢ Not mentioned in the Biblical narrative of the battle,
but derived apparently from the verse in the Song of
92
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 201-205
to take pity on them and not to suffer them to
be destroyed by the Canaanites. God thereupon
promised them salvation and ehose for general
Barak of the tribe of Nephthali; 6barak denotes
“lightning ” in the tongue of the Hebrews.
(3) Dabora then summoned Barak and charged him
to select ten thousand of the youth and to mareh
against the foe: that number would, she said,
suffice, God having prescribed it and betokened
victory. But Barak declared that he would not
take the eommand unless she shared it with him ;
whereto she indignantly replied, ‘ Thou resignest
to a woman a rank that God has bestowed on thee!
Howbeit I do not decline it.””. Then, having mustered
ten thousand, they pitched their camp on mount
Itabyrion.? Sisares thereupon went to meet them
at the king’s orders and his army encamped not far
from their foes. The Israelites and Barak were
dismayed at the multitude of the enemy and re-
solved to retire,’ but were restrained by Dabora,
who ordered them to deliver battle that very day,
for they wonld be vietorious and God would lend
them aid.
(4) So the forces met, and amidst the elash of
arms there came up a great tempest ° with torrents
of rain and hail; and the wind drove the rain in the
faces of the Canaanites, obscuring their vision, so
that their bows and their slings were of no serviee
to them, and their infantry by reason of the cold
eould make no use of their swords. But the Israel-
Deborah, ‘‘ They fought from heaven; the stars in their
courses fought against Sisera’’ (Jd. v. 90). ‘To this there
are parallels in rabbinic tradition. For a rather similar
scene, when the elements aided the enemy of the Jews,
of. BJ. vii. 317 ff.
Q3
ib. 6.
Victory of
srael:
ileath of
Sisara and
Javin.
Jd. iv. 15.
206
207
208
20y
210
JOSEPHUS
3 > A 3
οὐκ εἶχον. τοὺς ὃ ᾿Ισραηλίτας ἧττόν τε ἔβλαπτε
κατόπιν γινόμενος ὁ χειμὼν καὶ πρὸς τὴν ἔννοιαν
τῆς βοηθείας τοῦ θεοῦ θάρσος ἐλάμβανον, ὥστε
3 “-
εἰς μέσους ὠσάμενοι τοὺς πολεμίους πολλοὺς αὐτῶν
3 ~ ~
ἀπέκτειναν. καὶ ol μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν ᾿Ισραηλιτῶν, οἵ
3 4 ~ 3
δ᾽ ὑπὸ Ths οἰκείας ἵππου ταραχθέντες ἔπεσον, ὡς
Α ~ “ -
ὑπὸ τῶν ἁρμάτων πολλοὺς αὐτῶν ἀποθανεῖν.
[4 Α lon
Σισάρης δὲ καταπηδήσας τοῦ ἅρματος ὡς εἶδε τὴν
Ἁ A
τροπὴν γινομένην, φυγὼν ἀφικνεῖται παρά τινα
~ Lal 1 - 3 fA » “a ‘4
τῶν KeveXidwr' γυναῖκα, ᾿Ιάλην ὄνομα, ἣ κρύψαι
>
Te ἀξιώσαντα δέχεται καὶ ποτὸν αἰτήσαντι δίδωσι
4 4 » ¢ A 4 “~ 4
γάλα διεφθορὸς ἤδη. ὁ δὲ πιὼν τοῦ μέτρου
/ 3 a ’ὔ ς Ἁ 3 4
δαψιλέστερον εἰς ὕπνον τρέπεται. ἡ δὲ ᾿Ιάλη
ὔ κὰν 3 ’
κοιμωμένου σιδήρεον ἧλον ἐλάσασα σφύρῃ κατὰ
τοῦ στόματος καὶ τοῦ χελυνίου διέπειρε τὸ ἔδαφος
A A “A
καὶ Tots περὶ Tov Bapaxov μικρὸν ὕστερον ἐλθοῦσιν
ἐπεδείκνυε τῇ γῇ προσηλωμένον. καὶ οὕτως μὲν
ἡ νίκη αὕτη περιέστη κατὰ τὰ ὑπὸ Δαβώρας
3
εἰρημένα εἰς γυναῖκα. Βάρακος δὲ στρατεύσας
3 ’
Ἄσωρον ᾿Ιωαβείν᾽ τε ὑπαντιάσαντα κτεΐνει
καὶ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ πεσόντος καθελὼν εἰς ἔδαφος
aA ~ “~ 3
τὴν πόλιν στρατηγεῖ τῶν ᾿Ισραηλιτῶν ἐπ᾽ ἔτη
τεσσαράκοντα.
(vi. 1) Τελευτήσαντος δὲ Βαράκου καὶ Δαβώρας
κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρὸν μετὰ ταῦτα δΔίὶαδιανῖται
4 > ,ὔ Α »Ἥ
παρακαλέσαντες ᾿Αμαληκίτας τε καὶ Αραβας
Ἁ A
στρατεύουσιν ἐπὶ τοὺς ᾿Ισραηλίτας Kat μάχῃ τε
“--ὄ 4
νικῶσι τοὺς συμβαλόντας Kal τὸν καρπὸν δῃώσαν-
᾿ ἢ Κενετίδων ed. pr.
2 RO: διὰ τοῦ στόματος κατὰ rel),
3 ᾿Ιάβ(ε)ινον SP(E): Jabin Lat.
0:
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 306-910
ites were less hampered by the storm, which was at
their back, and they took courage at the thought of
this succour from God; and so, thrusting into the
midst of the foe, they slew multitudes of them.
Thus, some beneath the hand of the Israelites, others
discomfited by their own cavalry, the enemy fell,
many being erushed to death beneath the chariots.
But Sisares, having leapt from his chariot when he
saw that the rout was come, fled till he reached the
abode of a woman of the Kenites* named Iale ® 3
she, at his request to conceal him, took him in, and,
when he asked for drink, gave him milk that had
turned sour. And he, having drunk thereof im-
moderately, fell asleep. Then, as he slumbered,
Iale took an iron nail and drove it with a hammer
through his mouth and jaw, piercing the ground ;
and when Barak’s company? arrived soon after
she showed him to them nailed to the earth. Thus
did this vietory redound, as Dabora had foretold,°® to
a woman's glory. But Barak, marching upon Asor,
slew Jabin £ who encountered him and, the general
having fallen, razed the city to the ground ; he then ¢ v. 31.
held command of the Israelites for forty years.?
(vi. 1) Barakand Dabora having died simultaneously, Ravages
thereafter the Madianitcs, calling the Amalekites RO
and Arabians to their aid, marehed against the 34. vi 1.
Israelites, defeated in battle all who opposed them,
plundered the crops and carried off the cattle. This
2 Gr. “‘ Kenelides.” ® Bibl. Jael.
¢ ** already corrupt,”’ an aniplification of the Biblical text.
4 Barak himself, in Jd. iv. 22.
6 ire Pa area
! Or, according to some mss., Joabin.
? Scripture says merely ‘ And the land had rest forty
years.”
95
JOSEVELGS
0 ‘ λ , δε εὖ 1 =~ \ , > 9
2ll τες τὴν Λείαν ἐπῆγοντο. τοῦτο δὲ ποιούντων ἐπ
eke
214
tS
—
ps |
ἔτη ἑπτὰ εἰς τὰ ὄρη τῶν ᾿Ισραηλιτῶν ἀνεστάλη τὸ
πλῆθος καὶ τῶν πεδίων ἐξεχώρουν, ὑπονόμους τε
καὶ σπήλαια ποιησάμενοι πᾶν ὃ τι τοὺς πολεμίους
διέφυγεν ἐν τούτοις εἶχον φυλάττοντες. οἱ γὰρ
ΔΙαδιανῖται κατὰ ὥραν θέρους" στρατεύοντες τὸν
χειμῶνα γεωργεῖν τοῖς ᾿Ισραηλίταις, ἐπέτρεπον,
ὅπως ἔχωσι πεπονηκότων αὐτῶν εἰς ἃ βλάπτωσι,
λιμὸς δ᾽ ἣν καὶ σπάνις τροφῆς καὶ τρέπονται πρὸς
ἱκετείαν τοῦ θεοῦ σώζειν αὐτοὺς παρακαλοῦντες.
(2) Καὶ [εδεὼν ὁ ᾿Ιάσου παῖς, Mavacairidos
φυλῆς ἐν ὀλίγοις, δράγματα σταχύων φερόμενος
κρυπτῶς εἰς τὴν ληνὸν ἔκοπτε" τοὺς γὰρ πολεμίους
ἐδεδίει φανερῶς τοῦτο ποιεῖν ἐπὶ τῆς ἁλωος.
φαντάσματος δὲ αὐτῷ παραστάντος νεανίσκου
μορφῇ καὶ φήσαντος εὐδαίμονα καὶ φίλον. τῷ
θεῷ, ὑποτυχών τοῦτο γοῦν, ἐφη, ᾿ τεκμήριον
τῆς εὐμενείας αὐτοῦ μέγιστον τὸ ληνῷ με νῦν
ἀντὶ ἅλωος χρῆσθαι. θαρσεῖν δὲ παρακελευσα-
μένου καὶ “πειρᾶσθαι τὴν ἐλευθερίαν ἀνασώζειν,
ἀδυνάτως ἔχειν ἔλεγε᾽ τήν τε γὰρ φυλὴν ἐξ ἧς
ὑπῆρχε πλήθους ὑστερεῖν καὶ νέον αὐτὸν εἶναι καὶ
τηλικούτων πραγμάτων" ἀσθενέστερον. ὁ δὲ θεὸς
αὐτὸς ἀναπληρώσειν τὸ λεῖπον ἐπηγγέλλετο καὶ
νίκην παρέξειν ᾿Ισραηλίταις αὐτοῦ στρατηγοῦντος.
(3) Τοῦτ᾽ οὖν διηγούμενος ὁ [εδεὼν τισὶ τῶν
1 Niese {ἐγ xiii. J01): ὑπήγοντο codd.: ἀπήγοντο ed. pr.
ME Lat.: ἔτους rell.
3 Zonaras: τῇ codd. 4 πραγμάτων ἐπινοίας MSPL.
@ Bibl. Gideon (Lxx Tedewr) son of Joash (Twas).
PGi, one or tem. (cf. Alois 1S. 329,.¥e.270) = here
perhaps with a connotation of the pancity of numbers of the
tribe (§ 214).
96
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 211-215
being repeated for seven years, the more part of the
Israclites withdrew to the hills and forsook the
plains; and, making for themselves underground
passages and caverns, they secured therein all that
_had eseaped the enemy. For the Madianites, making
their invasions in the height of summer, permitted
the Israelites in winter to till the soil, that through
their labours they might have somewhat to ravage.
So there was famine and dearth of sustenanee, and
they turned in supplication to God, imploring Him
to save them.
(2) Now Gedeon, son of Jas,* one of the foremost?
among the tribe of Ἵ τως used to bring his
sheaves of corn and beat them out secretly in the
winepress ; for, because of the enemy, he feared to
do this openly on the threshing-floor. To him there
appeared a spectre in the form of a young man,
who pronounced him blessed and beloved of God,
whereto he made rejoinder: “Indeed, this is a signal
proof of his favour that I am now using a winepress
instead of a threshing-floor!’’ But when his visitor
bade him take courage and essay to regain liberty,
he replied that this was impossible, seeing that the
tribe © to which he belonged was lacking in numbers
and he himself but young and too feeble for exploits
so great. Howbeit God promised Himself to supply
what he lacked and to grant victory to the Israelites,
should he put himself at their head.@
(3) On recounting this matter to some of. his
¢ Jd. vi. 15 “" Behold, my family (Heb. “ thousand ”’) is the
poorest in Manasseh, and I am the least in my father’s house.”
¢ Josephus omits Jd. vi. 17-40, comprising (1) the reassur-
ing miracles performed for Gideon, (2) his destruction
of the altar of Baal, which earned for him the surname of
Jerubbaal.
Q7
The call te
Gideon.
{8 43511,
Selection of
his aripy
217
218
JOSEPHUS
νέων ETLOTEVETO, καὶ παραχρῆμα πρὸς τοὺς ἀγῶνας
ἕτοιμον ἦν τὸ στρατιωτικὸν' μυρίων ἀνδρῶν.
ἐπιστὰς δὲ κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους ὁ θεὸς τῷ [Γεδεῶνι
τὴν ἀνθρωπίνην φύσιν αὐτῷ φίλαυτον οὖσαν ἐδήλου
καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἀρετῇ διαφέροντας ἀπεχθανομένην,
ὅπως τε τὴν νίκην παρέντες τοῦ θεοῦ δοκεῖν vopt-
σουσιν" ἰδίαν ὡς πολὺς στρατὸς ὄντες καὶ πρὸς
τοὺς πολεμίους ἀξιόμαχος. ἵνα μάθωσιν οὖν βοη-
θείας τῆς αὐτοῦ τὸ ἔργον, συνεβούλευε περὶ
μεσοῦσαν τὴν ἡμέραν, ἐν ἀκμῇ τοῦ καύματος
ὄντος, ἄγειν τὴν στρατιὰν ἐπὶ τὸν ποταμὸν καὶ
τοὺς μὲν κατακλιθέντας καὶ οὕτως πίνοντας εὐ-
ψύχους ὑπολαμβάνειν, ὅσοι δ᾽ ἐσπευσμένως καὶ
μετὰ θορύβου πίνοντες τύχοιεν τούτους" δειλοὺς
νομίζειν καὶ καταπεπληγότας τοὺς πολεμίους.
ποιήσαντος δὲ τοῦ Τ᾿ εδεῶνος κατὰ τὰς ὑποθήκας
τοῦ θεοῦ, τριακόσιοι avdpes εὑρέθησαν ταῖς χερσὶ
μετὰ φόβου προσενεγκάμενοι τὸ ὕδωρ τεταραγ-
μένως, ἔφησέ τε ὁ θεὸς τούτους ἐπαγόμενον ἐπι-
χειρεῖν τοῖς πολεμίοις. ἐστρατοπεδεύοντο δὲ ὑπὲρ
τοῦ ᾿Ιορδάνου μέλλοντες εἰς τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν περαιοῦ-
σθαι.
(ay Dedecvos δ᾽ ἐν φόβῳ καθεστῶτος, καὶ γὰρ
νυκτὸς ἐπιχειρεῖν αὐτῷ ὁ θεὸς προειρήκει, τοῦ
1 στρατόπεδον ROE. 2 Niese: νομίζουσιν codd.
3 (after rovrous) δὴ (δὲ M) νομίζειν ὑπὸ δειλίας τοῦτο πάσχειν
MSP Suidas Glyeas.
4 In Jd. vil. 3 the army had already been reduced to:
10,000, by the dismissal, under divine orders, of 22,000
who were faint-hearted.
> Amplification (three words).
¢ Amplification (the hour). Or lay,
OS
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, ¥V. 215-218
young friends, Gedeon was trusted; and instantly
there was an army of 10,000 men ready for the
contest. But God, appearing to Gedeon in his
sleep,’ showed to him the proneness of human nature
to self-love and the hatred that it bore to those of
surpassing merit, and how, far from attributing the
victory to God, they would regard it as their own,
on the ground that they were a large army and a
match for their enemies. In order, therefore, that
they might learn that it was His aid that accom-
plished it, He counselled him towards midday, when
the heat was most intense,° to march his troops to
the river; and then such of them as knelt ὁ down
to drink, them he should deem the stalwarts, but all
who drank hurriedly and with trepidation, these he
should rank as cowards? and terrified of the foe.
Gedeon having then done in accordance with this
counsel of God, there were found 3800 men who
with fear and trembling raised the water in their
hands to their lips; and these God bade him
take with him to attack the enemy. So _ they
pitched their camp above the Jordan,’ with intent
to cross on the morrow.
(4) But Gedeon being terror-struck, having withal
been divinely ordered to attack by night, God, with
“ Some mss. read ‘‘ should deem that they had aeted this
way through cowardice.”
7 The correct interpretation of the confused verses, Jd. vii.
5, 6, is probably that the 300 men who lapped the water
with their tongues like dogs were those selected for battle,
while those who knelt to drink were rejected. Josephus,
taking the lapping to mean drinking ‘‘ with trepidation,”
implies that the 300 were chosen “‘ lest Israel vaunt them-
selves”? (Jd. vii. 2), 1.6. God could give victory even to a
cowardly army.
σ At En Harod (Jd. vii. 1), site uncertain.
99
a δε 81:
vi
Dream ofa
Madianite
soldier,
od, νἱῖ. 9.
JOSEPHUS
7 9 4 4 - 4 - 7
δέους αὐτὸν ἀπαγαγεῖν βουλόμενος κελεύει προσ-
λαβόντα ἕνα τῶν στρατιωτῶν πλησίον χωρεῖν
A ~ A > 9 ~ ‘ 3 7
ταῖς Νίαδιανιτῶν σκηναῖς: Tap αὑτῶν yap εκείνων
219 λήψεσθαι φρόνημα καὶ θάρσος. πεισθεὶς δὲ ἤει
τῷ
to
—
to
bo
Φ 4 A ¢€ ~ θ ᾽ὔ a f +}
ρουρὰν τὸν ἑαυτοῦ θεράποντα παραλαβών, Kat
- fa A ~
πλησιάσας σκηνῇ τινι καταλαμβάνει τοὺς ἐν αὐτῇ
\ 4 , ,, ~
ἐγρηγορότας καὶ τὸν ἕτερον ὄναρ διηγούμενον τῷ
~ ‘4 3 \ ~
συσκηνοῦντι, ὥστε ἀκούειν τὸν Tededmva. τὸ δὲ
ian > ~ 1m? , «2? > ,
τοιοῦτον HV" μᾶζαν ἐδόκει κριθίνην ὑπ᾽ εὐτελείας
\ ~
ἀνθρώποις ἄβρωτον διὰ τοῦ στρατοπέδου κυλιο-
~ QA ~
μένην τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως σκηνὴν καταβαλεῖν καὶ
~ ~ , ¢€ ΔΑ
τὰς τῶν στρατιωτῶν πάντων. ὁ δὲ σημαίνειν
» - ~ \ » » 7 [{ὲ
ὄλεθρον τοῦ στρατοῦ τὴν ὄψιν ἔκρινε, λέγων ὅθεν
~ ~ - 9 ~ ~
τοῦτ᾽ αὐτῷ συνιδεῖν ἐπῆλθε, πάντων τῶν σπερμάτων"
τὸ καλούμενον κρίθινον εὐτελέστατον ὁμολογεῖσθαι
~ >’ > - 4 \ 3 ~
τυγχάνειν, “τοῦ δ᾽ ᾿Ασιανοῦ παντὸς τὸ ᾿Ισραηλιτῶν
- 3 ͵ὔ ~ ‘4 @
ἔστιν ἰδεῖν ἀτιμότερον νῦν γεγενημένον ὅμοιον δὲ
- \ 7 4 A Ἁ A 3
τῷ κατὰ κριθὴν γένει. καὶ τὸ παρὰ τοῖς Iopan-
7 ~ ~ mam 9 «“ι ΕΙΣ \ Ά
λίταις νῦν μεγαλοφρονοῦν τοῦτ᾽ av εἴη Τ᾿ εδεὼν καὶ
4 ΄- / 3 \ Ss A ~
TO σὺν αὐτῷ στρατιωτικόν. ἐπεὶ οὖν THY μᾶζαν
\ Ὁ αὶ \ \ δ ἢ ,ὔ ,
φὴς ἰδεῖν Tas σκηνὰς ἡμῶν ἀνατρέπουσαν, δέδια
A ς \ ~ \ 3 ς “A / 9
μὴ ὁ θεὸς Γεδεῶνι τὴν Kal ἡμῶν νίκην ém-
νένευκε.᾽᾽
(5) Γεδεῶνα δ᾽ ἀκούσαντα τὸ ὄναρ ἐλπὶς ἀγαθὴ
A , ” 4 , 3 - Ὁ
καὶ θάρσος ἔλαβε, καὶ προσέταξεν ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις
εἶναι τοὺς οἰκείους διηγησάμενος αὐτοῖς καὶ τὴν
τῶν πολεμίων ὄψιν, οἱ δ᾽ ἕτοιμοι πρὸς τὰ παρ-
΄ / e 4 ~
αγγελλόμενα φρονηματισθέντες ὑπὸ τῶν δεδηλω-
1 conj.: πᾶν τὸ σπέρμα codd.
100
J EXVISH aN TIQUITIES,. Κ᾿ 218-022
intent to banish his fear, bade him take one of his
soldiers and advance close up to the tents of the
Madianites, since from the lips of the very foe he
would derive courage and confidence. Obediently
thereto he went, taking with him his servant Phruras,®
and, on approaching one of the tents, found that its
occupants were awake and that one of them was
recounting to his companion a dream, in such fashion
that Gedeon could hear it. Now the dream was on
this wise: it seemed to him that a barley eake, too
vile for man’s consumption, came rolling through
the camp and struck down the king’s tent and those
of all his soldiers. His comrade interpreted the
vision to betoken the destruction of the army,
stating what led him to understand it so: “ Of all
seeds (he said) that called barley is admitted to be
the vilest ; and of all Asiatie races that of the Israel-
ites, as may be seen, has now become the most
ienominious and like to the nature of barley. And
among the Israelites at this moment the high-
spirited party can be none but Gedeon and his
comrades-in-arms. Since, then, thou sayest that
thou sawest that cake overturning our tents, I fear
that God has conceded to Gedeon the victory over
us.
(5) The hearing of this dream inspired Gedeon Defeat
with high hopes and confidence, and he commanded Re
his men to be ready in arms, having also recounted J “4 16.
to them this vision of the enemy; and they were
alert to obey his orders, elated by what they had
@ Bibl. Purah, txx apd (and so the Latin version of
Josephus).
101
JOSEPHUS
908 μένων ἦσαν. καὶ κατὰ τετάρτην μάλιστα φυλακὴν
προσῆγε τὴν αὑτοῦ στρατιὰν ] εδεὼν εἰς τρία μέρη
ιελὼν αὐτήν, ἑκατὸν δὲ ἦσαν ἐν ἑκάστῳ. ἐκόμιζον
δὲ πάντες ἀμφορέας κενοὺς καὶ λαμπάδας ἡμμένας
ἐν αὐταῖς, ὅπως μὴ κατάφωρος τοῖς πολεμίοις ἡ
ἔφοδος αὐτῶν γένηται, καὶ ἐν τῇ δεξιᾷ κριοῦ
κέρας" ἐχρῶντο δὲ τούτοις ἀντὶ σάλπιγγος. χωρίον
δὲ πολὺ κατεῖχε τὸ τῶν πολεμίων στράτευμα,"
πλείστην γὰρ αὐτοῖς εἶναι συνέβαινε κάμηλον, καὶ
κατὰ τὰ" ἔθνη νεμηθέντες ὑφ᾽ ἑνὶ κύκλῳ πάντες
ἦσαν. οἱ δ᾽ ‘EBpator, προειρημένον" αὐτοῖς ὁπόταν
γένωνται πλησίον τῶν πολεμίων ἐκ συνθήματος
σάλπιγξί τε ἠχήσαντας καὶ τοὺς ἀμφορέας κατ-
eafavras ὁρμῆσαι μετὰ τῶν λαμπάδων ἀλαλάξαντας"
καὶ νικᾶν θεοῦ Vedeavu βοηθήσοντος, τοῦτ᾽ ἐποίη-
σαν. ταραχὴ δὲ λαμβάνει τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ἔτι
ὑπνοῦντας καὶ δείματα: νὺξ γὰρ ἦν καὶ ὁ θεὸς
τοῦτο ἤθελεν. ἐκτείνοντο δὲ ὀλίγοι μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν
πολεμίων, ot δὲ πλείους ὑπὸ τῶν συμμάχων διὰ
TO TH γλώσσῃ διαφωνεῖν" ἅπαξ δὲ καταστάντες
εἰς ταραχὴν πᾶν τὸ προστυχὸν ἀνήρουν νομίζοντες
εἶναι πολέμιον, φόνος τε πολὺς ἦν. καὶ φήμης
πρὸς τοὺς ᾿Ισραηλίτας THs Γεδεῶνος νίκης ἀφικο-
μένης ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις ἦσαν, καὶ διώξαντες λαμβά-
νουσι τοὺς πολεμίους ἐν κοίλῳ τινὶ χαράδραις
περιειλημμένῳ οὐ δυναμέναις διαπερᾶναι χωρίῳ
καὶ περιστάντες κτείνουσιν ἅπαντας καὶ δύο τῶν
298 βασιλέων “QpnPov τε καὶ Ζῆβον. οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ
1 ROE: στρατόπεδον rell. 2 τὰ OMe D)
3 Niese: προειρημένου codd.
4 Niese: ἠχήσαντες. . . κατεάξαντες. . . ἀλαλάξαντες codd.
102
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 223-228
been told. Then, at about the fourth watch,? Gedeon
marched torth his army, which he had divided into
three sections, each of an hundred men. They all
bore empty pitehers with lighted torches inside
them, to prevent the enemy from detecting their
approach, and in the right hand a ram’s horn, which
served for a trumpet. Their enemy’s camp covered
a large area, for they had a vast camel-eorps and
were divided according to their nationalities, all being
enclosed within one ring. The Hebrews had received
orders, on approaching the enemy, at a given signal
to sound their trumpets, break their pitchers, ‘and
rush forward with their torches and with shouts of
battle and “ Victory, and God will aid Gedeon!”’
and even so they did. Confusion and panic seized
the hapless ereatures yet slumbering; for it was
night and God willed it so. Thus were they slain,
few indeed by their enemies, the more part by the
hands of their allies, by reason of their diversity of
languages; and, when once confusion reigned, they
killed all that they met, taking them for enemies,
and there was a great carnage. A rumour of 23.
Gedeon’s victory reaching the Israelites, they too
were up in arms, and pursuing caught the enemy
in a valley encompassed with impassable ravines,?
and, having surrounded them, slew them all with
two of their kings, Oreb and Zeb. The other chiefs,
α In Jd. vii. 19 they reach the outskirts of the enemy’s
camp at ‘the beginning of the middle wateh ἢ (of three
watches of 4 hours each from 6 p.m. to 6 a.m., νοι at about
10 p.m.); Josephus, following the Roman division of the
night into four watches of 3 hours each, represents them as
leaving their own camp at about 3 a.m.
> This death-trap—the “ impassable valley ” in which the
main body of the enemy is cooped ip and ent ee a
familiar feature of these battle-scenes ; cf. § 162.
VOL. V H 1038
--
΄
JOSEPHUS
τῶν ἡγεμόνων τοὺς περιλειφθέντας τῶν στρα-
τιωτῶν ἐνάγοντες, ἦσαν δὲ ὡς" μύριοι καὶ ὀκτα-
κισχίλιοι, στρατοπεδεύονται πολὺ τῶν ᾿Ισραη-
λιτῶν ἄπωθεν. ΤΓεδεὼν δὲ οὐκ ἀπηγορεύκει πονῶν.
ἀλλὰ διώξας μετὰ παντὸς τοῦ στρατοῦ καὶ συμ-
βαλὼν ἅπαντας διέφθειρε τοὺς πολεμίους καὶ τοὺς
λοιποὺς ἡγεμόνας “εβὴν καὶ Δαρμούνην αἰχμα-
220 λώτους λαβὼν ay ἤγαγεν. ἀπέθανον δ᾽ ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ
290
29]
μάχῃ δΔίἰαδιανιτῶν τε καὶ τῶν συστρατευσάντων
αὐτοῖς ᾿Αράβων περὶ μυριάδας δώδεκα, λεία τε
πολλὴ χρυσὸς καὶ ἄργυρος καὶ ὕφη καὶ κάμηλος
καὶ ὑποζύγια λαμβάν εται τοῖς Ἑβραίοις. Γεδεὼν
δὲ παραγενόμενος εἰς ᾿Εφρὰν τὴν ἑαυτοῦ πατρίδα
κτείνει τοὺς τῶν Δίαδιανιτῶν “βασιλέας.
[0 ΕΠ: ᾿Εφράμιδος φυλὴ τῇ Dededvos εὐπραγίᾳ
δυσχεραίνουσα στρατεύειν ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν διεγνώκει, τὸ
μὴ προαγγεῖλαι" τὴν ἐπιχείρησιν αὐτοῖς τὴν κατὰ
τῶν πολεμίων ἐγκαλοῦντες. [εδεὼν δὲ μέτριος
ὧν καὶ πᾶσαν ἀρετὴν ἄκρος, οὐκ αὐτὸς ἔλεγεν
αὐτοκράτορι χρησάμενος λογισμῷ τοῖς ἐχθροῖς
ἐπιθέσθαι χωρὶς αὐτῶν, ἀλλὰ τοῦ θεοῦ κελεύ-
σαντος" τὴν δὲ νίκην οὐχ ἧττον αὐτῶν ἔφασκεν
ἰδίαν ἢ τῶν ἐστρατευκότων εἶναι. καὶ τούτοις
παρηγορήσας αὐτῶν τὴν ὀργὴν τοῖς λόγοις μᾶλλον
τοὺς ‘Bpatous ὠφέλησε τῆς ἐπὶ τῶν πολεμίων
εὐπραξίας" ἐμφυλίου γὰρ αὐτοὺς στάσεως ἄρχειν
μέλλοντας ἐρρύσατο. τῆς μέντοιγε ὕβρεως ταύτης
ἡ φυλὴ δίκην ἐξέτισεν, ἣν δηλώσομεν κατὰ καιρὸν
ἴδιον.
1 colligentes (? συνάγοντες) Lat.: ἄγοντες SPE.
ἘΠ Lat: om, rell:
3 Dindorf: προσαγγεῖλαι (παρ.) codd.
104
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 228-231
urging on their surviving soldiers, numbering some
18,000,¢ eneamped when at a great distance from the
Israelites. Gedeon, however, had not renouneed the
struggle, but, following in pursuit with his whole
army, joined battle, annihilated the enemy, and
brought back as prisoners the remaining chiefs,
Zebes and Zarmunes.? In the preeeding combat
there had fallen of the Madianites and of their
Arabian ecomrades-in-arms about 120,000: and abun-
dant booty—gold, silver, woven stuff, camels and
beasts of burden—fell to the Hebrews. Gedeon on 2
his return to Ephra,® his native place, put the kings
of the Madianites to death.
(6) But the tribe of Ephraim, aggrieved at Gedeon’s
suceess, now resolved to march against him, com-
plaining that he had not informed them of his pro-
posed assault on the enemy. Gedeon, however,
being a man of moderation and a model of every
virtue, replied that it was not of himself by an
arbitrary decision? that he had attacked the foe
without them, but by divine command ; while the
victory, he declared, belonged no less to them than
to those who had taken the field. And by these
words, with which he pacified their wrath, he did the
Hebrews a greater service than by his military
success; for he rescued them from civil strife when
they were on the brink of it. Howbeit for its insolent
attitude this tribe paid a penalty, which we shall
relate in due season.@
a ANOUL 1-000; Ja. νὴ]. 10,
> Bibl. Zebah (uxx ZeSeé) and Zalmunna (Za\pava). The
mss. Of Josephus have various spellings.
¢ Bibl. Ophrah (Lxx ᾿Βῴραθά or, in some mss., “E@pa) 5
Jd. vi. 11.
4 αὐτοκράτορι λογισμῷ after Thue. iv. 108. εὐ ΞΕ Ὁ;
105
vill, 12.
—
0.
+
ν᾿
tome
.
The
agyrieved
tribe of
Ephraim.
Jd. viii. 1.
232
233
23:
ἕω.
235
230
JOSEPHUS
(7) Leder δὲ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀποθέσθαι βουλόμενος
βιασθεὶς ἔσχεν αὐτὴν ἐπ᾽ ἔτη τεσσαράκοντα βρα-
βεύων αὐτοῖς τὰ δίκαια καὶ περὶ τῶν διαφορῶν
3.9 bee 7, ΄ 1 ’ > \ ς >
ἐπ᾿ αὐτὸν βαδιζόντων κύρια' πάντα ἦν τὰ ὑπ
αὐτοῦ λεγόμενα. καὶ ὃ μὲν γηραιὸς τελευτήσας
ἐν ᾿Ιφρὰν τῇ πατρίδι θάπτεται.
ee ~ ᾿ > " ~ , Ἁ {
(vii. 1) Παῖδες δὲ ἦσαν αὐτῷ γνήσιοι μὲν ἐβδο-
μήκοντα, πολλὰς γὰρ ἔγημε γυναῖκας, νόθος δ᾽ εἷς
ἐκ παλλακῆς Δρούμας ᾿Αβιμέλεχος τοὔνομα, ὃς
μετὰ τὴν τοῦ πατρὸς τελευτὴν ἀναχωρήσας ἐπὶ
Σίκιμα πρὸς τοὺς ἀπὸ μητρὸς συγγενεῖς, ἐντεῦθεν
γὰρ ἦν, καὶ λαβὼν ἀργύριον παρ᾽ αὐτῶν « * κ55 οἵ
διὰ πλῆθος ἀδικημάτων ἢ ἦσαν ἐπίσημοι, ἀφικνεῖται
σὺν αὐτοῖς εἰς τὸν πατρῷον οἶκον καὶ κτείνει
/ ‘ > Ἁ \ 3 / ’ὔ
πάντας τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς πλὴν Ιωθάμον-: σώζεται
3 / ‘
yap οὗτος διαφυγεῖν εὐτυχήσας. Λβιμέλεχος δὲ
εἰς τυραννίδα τὰ πράγματα μεθίστησι, κύριον αὑτὸν
6 τι βούλεται ποιεῖν ἀντὶ τῶν νομίμων ἀποδείξας
καὶ δεινῶς πρὸς τοὺς τοῦ δικαίου προϊσταμένους
ἐκπικραινόμενος.
Fo) k , 5 r “- vw , " e ~
(2) Kat ποτε δημοτελοῦς Likipots οὔσης ἐορτῆς
καὶ τοῦ πλήθους παντὸς ἐκεῖ συνειλεγμένου ὁ
ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ ᾿Ιωθάμης, ὃ ὃν καὶ διαφυγεῖν ἔφαμεν,
ἀνελθὼν ἐπὶ τὸ ὄρος τὸ [ αριζείν, ὑπέρκειται δὲ
τῆς Σικιμίων πόλεως, ἐκβοήσας εἰς ἐπήκοον τοῦ
πλήθους ἡσυχίαν αὐτῷ παρασχόντος" ἠξίου μαθεῖν
τὰ ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ λεγόμενα. γενομένης δὲ σιγῆς
1 Lat.: + τε codd. 2 els RO.
3 lacuna indicated by Jd. ix. 4.
4 παρασχόντας Weill.
@ His making of an ephod, which ‘ became a snare to
Gideon and to his house ”’ (Jd. viii. 27), is omitted.
106
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 232-236
(7) Gedeon then, wishing to resign his command, Gedeon as
was constrained to keep it, and continued for for {πὰ
years to administer justice: men resorted to him 98,
eoncerning their differences, and all his pronounee-
ments had binding weight.? He died in ripe old age 32.
and was buried at "ὶ phra, his native place.
(vii. 1) Now he had seventy sons born in wedlock Abimelech
(for he married many wives) and by a concubine, sa, viii. 30.
Druma,® one bastard named Abimeleeh. This last, ix. 1.
after his father’s death, withdrew to the family of
his mother at Shechem,’ her native plaee, and,
having obtained money from them (hired certain
miscreants),? who were notorious for a multitude of
crimes, and with them repaired to his father’s house
and slew all his brethren, save Jotham: this one
had the good fortune to escape alive. Abimelech
then transformed the government into a tyranny,
setting himself up to do whatsoever he pleased in
defiance of the laws and showing bitter animosity
against the champions of justice.
(2) Now one day when there was a public festival ὁ Jotham's
at Shechem and the people were all assembled there, fie She-
his brother Jotham—the one who, as we said, had ae
escaped—aseended Garizin, the mountain which
rises above the city of Shechem, and shouting so as
to be heard by the crowd if they would but listen
to him quietly, begged them to attend to what he
had to say. Silence being established, he told them
’ Name not in Scripture. VPerhaps it was taken through
error from “‘ Arumah,”’ the name of a town where Abimelech
dwelt for a time (Jd. ix. 41).
¢ Gr. Sikima (as in most Mss. of Lxx).
4 Lacuna in Greek, to be supplied from Jd. ix. 4 “ Abime-
lech hired vain and light fellows, whieh followed him.’
¢ The public festival is not mentioned in Scripture.
107
JOSEPHUS
e \ 4 ‘ > 4 oe J
εἶπεν, ὡς Ta δένδρα φωνὴν ἀνθρώπειον προϊέμενα
δὴ δον γενομένης αὐτῶν δεηθείη συκῆς ἄρχειν
αὐτῶν. ἀρι ησαμένης 3 ἐκείνης διὰ τὸ τιμῆς τῆς
3
ἐπὶ τοῖς καρποῖς οἰκείας οὔσης ἀπολαύειν, οὐχ
> ~
ὑπ ἄλλων ἔξωθεν προσγινομένης, τὰ δένδρα τῆς
> ‘ - » 4 >) 3 , 3 /
ἐπὶ τῷ ἄρχεσθαι φροντίδος οὐκ ἀπελείπετο, ἐδόκει
aT) >] ~ ~
237 δ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἀμπέλῳ τὴν τιμὴν παρασχειν. καὶ ἡ
ἄμπελος χειροτονουμένη τοῖς αὐτοῖς τῇ συκῇ
~ A >
χρησαμένη “λόγοις παρῃτεῖτο τὴν ἀρχήν. τὸ ὃ
αὐτὸ καὶ τῶν ἐλαιῶν ποιησαμένων ῥάμνος, ἐδεήθη
γὰρ αὐτῆς ὥστε παραλαβεῖν τὴν βασιλείαν τὰ
2" δ 4 ὃ al δὲ > Ay. a ~ “Δ
238 δένδρα, πυρεῖα' δὲ ἀγαθὴ παρασχεῖν τῶν Ev. ων
ἐστίν, ὑπισχνεῖται τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀναλήψεσθαι καὶ ἀ-
όκνως ἔχειν, δεῖν" μέντοι συνιζάνειν αὐτὰ ὑπὸ τὴν
σκιάν, εἰ δ᾽ ὄλεθρον ἐπ᾽ αὐτῇ φρονοῖεν,, ὑπὸ τοῦ
250 3 4 4 ὃ θ =~ ce ~ δ᾽ > >|
239 ἐνόντος πυρὸς διαφθαρεῖεν. “ ταῦτα δ᾽ ov γέλωτος
{κι 2} 4 ¢¢ ’ὔ’ +} id A “~ > “~ >
evexa, φησί, “᾿ Aéyw,”’ ὅτι δὲ πολλῶν ἀγαθῶν ἐκ
Γεδεῶνος πεπειραμένοι περιορῶσιν ᾿Αβιμέλεχον
ἐπὶ τῶν ὅλων ὄντα πραγμάτων σὺν αὐτῷ τοὺς
ἀδελφοὺς ἀποκτείναντες, ὃν πυρὸς οὐδὲν διοίσειν.
καὶ ὁ μὲν ταῦτα εἰπὼν ὑπεχώρησε καὶ διῃτᾶτο
λανθάνων ἐν τοῖς ὄρεσι δεδιὼς ἐπ᾽ ἔτη τρία τὸν
> 4
Αβιμέλεχον.
Ἴ ~ ~ e ~
940 (3) Mer’ οὐ πολὺ δὲ τῆς ἑορτῆς ot* Σικιμῖται,
“a ~ ea
μετενόησαν yap ἐπὶ τοῖς Tedemvos υἱοῖς πεφονευ-
,ὔ > A \ > 4 “ 4
μένοις, ἐξελαύνουσι τὸν ᾿Αβιμέλεχον τῆς πόλεως
\ “~ ~ ¢ A ~ \ 4 3 td
καὶ τῆς φυλῆς" ὁ δὲ κακοῦν τὴν πόλιν ἐφρόντιζε.
This 8 ὥρας τῆς τοῦ τρυγᾶν γενομένης ἐδεδίεσαν
συλλέγειν τὸν καρπὸν προϊόντες, μή τι δράσῃ κακὸν
1 πυρία codd.
2 δεῖ codd. 8 ὁρονῶεν codd.
Mom. RO,
108
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 236-240
how the trees, once gifted with a human voiee, held
a meeting and besought a fig-tree* to rule over
them. And when she refused, because she enjoyed
the esteem which her fruits brought her, an esteem
that was all her own and not conferred from without
by others, the trees did not renounce their intention
of having a ruler, but thought good to offer this
dignity to the vine. And the vine, when so elected,
on the same grounds as those of the fig-tree, declined
the sovereignty. The olive-trees having done the
like, a bramble—since the trees requested it to accept
the kingship, and it is good in giving wood for
tinder—promised to undertake the office and to
aet strenuously. However it behoved them all to
sit down beneath her shadow, and should they plot
her ruin they would be destroyed by the fire within
her. “I tell this fable,” said Jotham, “ not for your
merriment, but because notwithstanding the mani-
fold benefits that ye have received from Gedeon ye?
suffer Abimelech to hold sovereign sway, after aiding
him to slay my brethren. Ye will find him in no
wise different from a fire.”’ Having spoken thus he
absconded and lived in hiding in the hills for three
years from fear of Abimelech.
(3) But not long after the festival ¢ the Sheehemites,
repenting of the murder of the sons of Gedeon,
expelled Abimelech from their city and from their
tribe ; and he laid plans for doing the town an
injury. So, when the season of vintage was come,
they were afraid to go out and gather the fruit, for
α In Judges the olive-tree is approached first, then the fig-
tree, then the vine.
> In the Greek, the Shechemites are not addressed in the
second person.
¢ Not in Scripture.
109
Cf, 22.
Expulsion of
Abimelech.
od: 15.938.
JOSEPHUS
241 ᾿Αβιμέλεχος εἰς αὐτούς. ἐπιδημήσαντος δὲ πρὸς
αὐτοὺς τῶν ἀρχόντων τινὸς ᾿Γνάλου σὺν ὁπλίταις
καὶ συγγενέσι τοῖς αὐτοῦ, φυλακὴν οἱ Σικιμῖται
δέονται παρασχεῖν αὐτοῖς, ἕως ἂν τρυγήσωσι.
προσδεξαμένου δ᾽ ἐκείνου τὴν ἀξίωσιν προήεσαν
καὶ Γυάλης σὺν αὐτοῖς τὸ οἰκεῖον ἄγων ὁπλιτικόν.
245 ὃ τε οὖν καρπὸς μετὰ ἀσφαλείας συνάγεται καὶ
δειπνοῦντες κατὰ συμμο ias' dave ῶς ἀπετόλ ων
μμορ ρ
ἤδη βλασφημεῖν τὸν ᾿Αβιμέλεχον, οἵ τε ἄρχοντες
ἐνέδραις καταλαμβανόμενοι τὰ περὶ τὴν πόλιν
πολλοὺς τῶν ᾿Αβιμελέχου συλλαμβάνοντες ἀνήρουν.
ry 4 4 “ A Μ 4
243 (4) ZaBovdos δέ τις τῶν Σικιμιτῶν ἄρχων, ξένος
nn Ψ / / i
ὧν ᾿Αβιμελέχου, ὅσα παροξύνειεν Ευάλης τὸν
δῆμον πέμπων ἀγγέλους ἐμήνυεν αὐτῷ καὶ παρήνει
οχᾶν πρὸ τῆς πόλεως" πείσειν γὰρ DPuadny ἐξ-
ελθεῖν ἐπ᾽ αὐτόν, καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν ἐπ᾽ ἐκείνῳ τυγχάνειν
ὥστε ἀμύνασθαι' γενομένου γὰρ τούτου διαλλαγὰς
241 αὐτῷ μνηστεύσεσθαι" πρὸς τὸν δῆμον. 6 τε οὖν
ἮΝ , ae > ; νυν ἢ /
Αβιμέλεχος ἐκάθισεν ἐνεδρεύων καὶ 6 ΤΓυάλης
ἀφυλακτοτέρως διέτριβεν ἐπὶ τοῦ προαστείου καὶ
Δάβουλος σὺν αὐτῷ. ἰδὼν δὲ ὁπλίτας ἐπιφερο-
,ὔ ia LA a , » »
μένους l'vadns πρὸς ZaBovrov ἔλεγεν ἀνδρας
245 αὐτοῖς ἐπιέναι καθωπλισμένους. τοῦ δὲ σκιὰς
εἶναι φαμένου τῶν πετρῶν, πλησίον ἤδη γινομένων
τὸ ἀκριβὲς κατανοῶν οὐ σκιὰς ἔλεγε ταῦτ᾽ εἶναι,
΄, 3 3 “- A ’, {( 3 4 , 22
λόχον δ᾽ ἀνδρῶν. καὶ ZaBovros “od σὺ μέντοι,
, {{ 5 ’ ’ 3 4 εν
φησίν, “᾿᾿Αβιμελέχῳ κακίαν ἐπεκάλεις; τί οὖν
οὐκ ἐπιδείκνυσαι τὸ τῆς σῆς ἀρετῆς μέγεθος εἰς
22
246 μάχην αὐτῷ συμβαλών; Γυάλης δὲ θορυβού-
ενος συνάπτει τοῖς ᾿Αβιμελέχου καὶ πίπτουσι μέν
x μ
1 ex Lat.: συμμορίαν codd.
2 Niese: μνηστεύεσθαι codd.
110
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 241-246
fear that Abimelech would do them some mischief.
But on being visited by Gual,? one of their chiefs, 26.
with a retinue of troops and kinsmen, the Shechem-
ites besought him to lend them protection during their
vintage. And when he complied with their request,
they went forth, accompanied by Gual at the head
of his troop. So the fruit was safely gathered in,
and while supping in companies they now ventured
openly to revile Abimelech ; and the chiefs, posting 2
ambuscades about the town, captured and slew
many of his followers.
(4) Butacertain Zabul,® a chieftain of the Shechem- the fate of
ites and an old friend of Abimelech, sent messengers 74°00°3y
to report to him how Gual was stirring up the people,
and he advised him to lie in wait before the town,
since he would induce Gual to sally out against him
and it would then rest with Abimelech to avenge
himself; that done, he (Zabul) would procure his
reconciliation with the townsfolk. So Abimelech
sat in ambush, while Gual all too unguardedly
tarried in the suburbs, and Zabul with him. Spying
some men-at-arms hastening up, Gual said to Zabul
that men were upon them in arms. He replied that
they were but shadows of the rocks; but on their
nearer approach Gual, perceiving them perfectly,
told him that these were no shadows but a company
of men. Said Zabul, “ But wert thou not accusing
Abimelech of cowardice ? Why then displayest thou
not that mighty valour of thine by meeting him in
combat Σ᾿ Thereat Gual, in confusion, closed with
Abimelech’s men, lost some of his own, and himself
Ψ
-
α Greek Guales, Bibl. Gaal.
> Or, with some mss., ‘* Zebul”’ (the Biblical name).
111
247
248
250
JOSEPHUS
~ \ ’ ~ ¢ QQ? ᾿] ‘ 2 ‘ ,
τινες τῶν σὺν αὐτῷ, φεύγει O αὐτὸς εἰς THY πόλιν
\ bd 3 7 Oe Ff 7
τοὺς ἄλλους ἀγόμενος. καὶ Δάβουλος πολιτεύεται
Γυάλην ἐκβληθῆναι τῆς πόλεως, κατηγορήσας ὡς
μαλακῶς πρὸς τοὺς ᾿Αβιμελέχου στρατιώτας ἀγωνΐί-
3 7 ‘ ᾽ > ,
σαιτο. ᾿Αβιμέλεχος δὲ πυθόμενος ἐξελευσομένους
αὖθις κατὰ τρύγητον τοὺς Σικιμίους ἐνέδραις
προλοχίζεται τὰ περὶ τὴν πόλιν, καὶ προελθόντων
, ~ “~ “
ἡ μὲν τρίτη μοῖρα τῆς στρατιᾶς καταλαμβάνει
> »
τὰς πύλας ἀφαιρησομένη τὴν εἴσοδον τοὺς πολίτας,
οἱ δ᾽ ἄλλοι σκιδναμένους μεταθέουσι, πανταχοῦ τε
, > \ ? ? ” \ ld
φόνος ἦν. Kal κατασκάψας εἰς ἔδαφος τὴν πόλιν,
οὐ γὰρ ἀντέσχε πρὸς πολιορκίαν, ἅλας κατὰ τῶν
ἐρειπίων σπείρας προῆγε. καὶ Σικιμῖται πάντες
οὕτως ἀπώλοντο: ὅσοι δὲ κατὰ τὴν χώραν σκεδα-
7 “ Ἁ ’ δ 7
σθέντες διέφυγον τὸν κίνδυνον, οὗτοι συλλεγέντες
ἐπί τινα πέτραν ὀχυρὰν ἐπ᾽ αὐτῆς ἱδρύονται
τειχίσαι τε ταύτην παρεσκευάζοντο. ἔφθη τε τὴν
ὃ 7 ᾽ ~ ΤᾺ Ἃ θ ΑἉ λθρ ~ > 3
ιάνοιαν αὐτῶν ᾿Αβιμέλεχος μαθὼν ἐλθεῖν ἐπ
~ \
αὐτοὺς μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως Kat φακέλους ὕλης
ξηρᾶς περιβαλὼν τῷ χωρίῳ δι᾽ αὑτοῦ φέρων ταὐτὰ"
ποιεῖν τὴν στρατιὰν παρεκελεύσατο. καὶ ταχέως
περιληφθείσης ἐν κύκλῳ τῆς πέτρας, τοῖς ξύλοις
πῦρ ἐμβάλλουσιν ὅσα τε μᾶλλον ἐξάπτειν φύσιν
, δ
ἔχει καὶ μεγίστην αἴρουσι φλόγα. καὶ διαφεύγει
4 > A A , 3 ? > > « ‘ \
μὲν ἀπὸ τῆς πέτρας οὐθείς, ἀλλ᾽ ἅμα γυναιξὶ καὶ
τέκνοις ἀπώλοντο, avdpes μὲν περὶ πεντακοσίους
‘ ᾽ὔ Ἁ A » -- 4 ᾽ Ἁ
καὶ χιλίους, τὸ δὲ ἄλλο πλῆθος ἱκανόν. καὶ
1 4+ τὴν RO.
2 συλλεγέντες .. . ὀχυρὰν] πέτραν ὀχυρὰν εὑρόντες RO,
5. χαύυτὰ ΝΙΒΡΙ,
112
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 246-250
fled to the town with the rest at his heels. Zabul 41.
now contrived to secure Gual’s expulsion from the
town, charging him with feebleness in his encounter
with Abimelech’s troops.*_ However Abimelech,
learning that the Shechemites proposed to come out
again for the vintage, posted ambuscades all about
the town; then, so soon as they emerged, a third of
his foree occupied the gates to cut off the citizens
from re-entering, the rest chased them as they
seattered, and there was earnage on all sides. Then,
having razed the city to the sround—for it eould not
sustain a siege—he sowed salt over the ruins and
pushed forward. And so perished all the Shechemites.
As for sueh as had seattered across country and
eseaped that peril, these mustering to a strongly
entrenched roek established themselves thereon
and were preparing to fortify it with a wall.? But
they were forestalled by Abimelech, who, hearing
of their design, came upon them with his forees na
laid faggots of dry wood round the place, carrying
them with his own hands and bidding his troops to
do the like. The roek being thus quiekly encom-
passed, they set fire to the faggots, flinging in all the
most inflammable materials, and raised an immense
blaze. From that roek not a soul eseaped: they
perished with women and children, the men number-
ing some fifteen hundred,° and a great many of the
4 This charge is not mentioned in Scripture.
> The Biblical account is different, mentioning a tower,
apparently in an nnwalled hamlet of Sheehem possessing a
temple: Jd. ix. 46 ‘S And when all the men of the tower of
Shee ‘hem heard thereof, they entered into the hold (or
‘crypt’’—the word is of uncertain meaning) of the temple
of El-berith.”’
¢ ** About a thousand men and women,”’ Jd. ix
113
non
6.
JOSEPHUS
Σικιμίταις μὲν τοιαύτη συμφορὰ συνέπεσε μείζων
καὶ τῆς ἐπ᾽ αὐτῇ λύπης γενομένη, πλὴν ὅτι κατὰ
δίκην ἐπ᾽ ἀνδρὸς εὐεργέτου συνθεῖσι κακὸν τηλι-
κοῦτον.
95): (5) ) ᾿Αβιμέλεχος δὲ τοῖς Σικιμιτῶν κακοῖς κατα-
πλήξας τοὺς ᾿Ισραηλίτας, μειζόνων ἐφιέμενος δῆλος
ἦν καὶ μηδαμοῦ περιγράψων τὴν βίαν, εἰ μὴ πάντας
ἀπολέσειεν. ἤλαυνεν οὖν ἐπὶ Θήβας καὶ τὴν μὲν
πόλιν ἐξ ἐπιδρομῆς αἱρεῖ, πύργου δ᾽ ὄντος ἐν αὐτῇ
μεγά, ov, εἰς ὃν πᾶν τὸ πλῆθος συνέφυγε, πολι-
252 opKety τοῦτον παρεσκευάζετο. καὶ αὐτὸν πλησίον
ὁρμῶντα τῶν πυλῶν γυνὴ θραύσματι μύλης βαλοῦσα
κατὰ THs κεφαλῆς τυγχάνει, πεσὼν δὲ ᾿Αβιμέλεχος
τὸν ὑπασπιστὴν παρεκάλει. κτείνειν αὐτόν, μὴ τῆς
γυναικὸς ὁ θάνατος αὐτοῦ δόξειεν ἔργον. καὶ ὁ
253 μὲν τὸ προσταχθὲν ἐποίει. ὁ δὲ τοιαύτην ὑπὲρ
τῆς εἰς τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς παρανομίας ποινὴν ἐξέτισε
καὶ τῶν εἰς Σικιμίους αὐτῷ τετολμημένων" τούτοις
δὲ κατὰ τὴν ᾿Ιωθάμου μαντείαν ἡ συμφορὰ συν-
ἔπεσε. τὸ μέντοι σὺν ᾿Αβιμελέχῳ στράτευμα πε-
σόντος αὐτοῦ σκεδασθὲν ἀνεχώρησεν ἐπὶ τὰ οἰκεῖα.
25 (6) Τῶν δὲ ᾿Ισραηλιτῶν τὴν ἡγεμονίαν ᾿Ιαείρης
ὁ Γαλαδηνὸς ἐκ τῆς Μανασσίτιδος φυλῆς παρα-
λαμβάνει, ἀνὴρ τά τε ἄλλα εὐδαίμων καὶ παῖδας
ἀγαθοὺς πεποιημένος τριάκοντα μὲν τὸν ἀριθμὸν
ἱππεύειν δὲ ἀρίστους καὶ τῶν κατὰ τὴν Τα-
λαδηνὴν πόλεων ἀρχὰς ἐγκεχειρισμένους. οὗτος
δύο καὶ εἴκοσι ἔτη τὴν ἀρχὴν κατασχὼν τελευτᾷ
@ Gideon,
> Bibl. Thebez (Lxx Θηβής), mod. 7 δᾶ8, some 10 miles
N.E. of Shechem.
¢ Gr. “ Galadenian.”” Josephus omits the judge Tola, to
114
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 250-258
rest. Such was the calamity which befell the
Shechemites, a calamity too profound for grief, save
that it was a righteous doom for the conspirators of
so foul a crime against a benefactor.*
(5) Abimelech, having terrorized the Israelites by
the miserable fate of the Shechemites, let it be seen
that he was aspiring higher and would set no bound
to his violence until he had exterminated all. So
he marched upon Thebes ® and carried the city with
a rush; but finding there a great tower, wherein
all the people had taken refuge, he made prepara-
tions to besiege it. And then, as he came rushing
close beside the gates, a woman hurled a fragment
of a millstone and struck him on the head. Pros-
trated to earth, Abimelech besought his armour-
bearer to slay him, lest his death should be deemed
the work of this woman ; and he obeyed his behest.
Such was the penalty paid by Abimelech for the
crime that he perpetrated on his brethren and for
his outrageous treatment of the Shechemites ; and
the fate which befell these last fulfilled the predic-
tion of Jotham. Abimelech’s army for their part,
on the fall of their chief, dispersed and returned to
their homes.
(6) The leadership of the Israelites was then taken
over by Jair the Gileadite,° of the tribe of Manasseh,
a man in all ways blessed, and chiefly in his progeny
of valiant sons, thirty in number, excellent horse-
men, to whom was committed the government of
the several cities of Gilead.4¢ Their father, after
bearing rule for twenty-two years, died in old age
whom Scripture assigns a 23 years’ term of office between
Abimelech and Jair, Jd. x. 1 f.
4 Ore sGaladene.”’
118
Death of
Abimelech.
1. 150;
The rule
of Jair.
Ja: x 8.
255
256
257
to
ot
ἰσ 4)
200
JOSIEPELES
γηραιὸς καὶ ταφῆς ev Kapwr' πόλει τῆς ΓΓαλαδηνῆς
ἀξιοῦται.
(7) Πάντα δὲ τὰ τῶν ‘EBpatwv εἰς ἀκοσμίαν καὶ
ὕβριν τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ τῶν νόμων ὑπεφέρετο, καὶ
καταφρονήσαντες αὐτῶν ᾿Αμμανῖται. καὶ Παλαι-
στῖνοι στρατῷ μεγάλῳ διήρπαζον τὴν χώραν καὶ
τὴν Περαίαν ἅπασαν κατασχόντες καὶ ἐπὶ τὴν τῶν
λοιπῶν ἤδη κτῆσιν διαβαίνειν ἐτόλμων. ἝΒβραϊοι
δὲ σωφρονισθέντες ὑπὸ τῶν κακῶν, εἰς ἱκετείαν
ἐτράποντο τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ θυσίας ἜΣ παρα-
καλοῦντες αὐτὸν μετριάσαντα καὶ πρὸς τὴν δέησιν
αὐτῶν ὑπαχθέντα παύσασθαι τῆς ὀργῆς" ὁ δὲ θεὸς
μεταβαλόμενος εἰς τὸ ἡμερώτερον ἔμελλεν αὐτοῖς
βοηθεῖν.
(8) ᾿Αμμανιτῶν δ᾽ ἐστρατευκότων ἐπὶ τὴν Γαλα-
δηνὴν ὑ ὑπήντων Ol ἐ ἐπιχώριοι πρὸς τὸ ὄρος δεόμενοι
τοῦ στρατηγήσοντος. ἦν δέ τις ᾿Ιέφθας ἀνὴρ διὰ
τὴν πατρῴαν ἀρετὴν δυνατὸς καὶ δι᾽ οἰκείαν αὐτοῦ
στρατιὰν “ἣν ἔτρεφεν αὐτὸς μισθοφόρων. πρὸς
τοῦτον οὖν πέμψαντες ἠξίουν αὐτὸν συμμαχεῖν
ἐπαγγελλόμενοι παρασχεῖν εἰς ἅπαντ᾽ αὐτῷ τὸν
χρόνον τὴν ἰδίαν ἥγεμον (av. ὁ δ᾽ οὐ προσίεται τὴν
παράκλησιν αὐτῶν, ἐγκαλῶν ὅτι μὴ βοηθήσειαν
αὐτῷ ὑπὸ τῶν ἀδελφῶν ἀδικουμένῳ περιφανῶς" οὐ
γὰρ ὄντα ὁμομήτριον αὐτοῖς ἀλλὰ ξένον περὶ τὴν
μητέρα δι᾿ ἐρωτικὴν ἐπιθυμίαν ἐπαχθεῖσαν αὐτοῖς
ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρός, ἐξέβαλον καταφρονήσαντες a
αὐτοῦ ἀσθενείας. καὶ ὁ μὲν διέτριβεν ἐν τῇ
1 Ἰζαλαμὼν RO.
ὃ Perhaps modern Aumeim, some 7 miles S.E. of Gadara.
δ The introduction of the Philistines as invaders (along
with the Ammonites) from the east is strange and has been
116
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 254-260
and received honoured burial at Kamon,* a eity of
Gilead.
(7) But everything with the Hebrews was now
drifting towards disorder and contempt of God and
of tie: laws ; so, holding them in disdain, the Am-
manites and Philistines ® with a large army ravaged
their eountry and, after oceupying all Peraea,° made
bold to eross the river for the further conquest of
the rest. But the Hebrews, sobered by their aftlie-
tions, turned in supplieation to God and offered
saerifiees, beseeching Him to be considerate and,
yielding to their prayers, to desist from wrath. And
God, moved to milder aetion, was now to suceour
them.
(8) When the Ammanites had invaded Gilead,
the people of the country, preparing to meet them,
mustered in the hills, laeking a leader to take com-
mand. Now there was one Jephthah,? a mighty xi.
man by reason of the valour of his forefathers as
also of his own troop of mereenaries which he main-
tained himself. To him then they sent, begging
him to support them and promising to eonfer his
command upon him for all time. But he deelined
their request, reproaching them for not having aided
him when he was flagrantly wronged by his brechren.
For, beeause he was not their full brother but un-
eonneeted on his mother’s side, who had been inflieted
upon them by their father through his amorous desire,
they had cast him out, seorning his helplessness ; and
so he was living in the region called Galaditis,® reeeiv-
thought to be due to some confusion in the Biblical text
tallies Nal Ve
¢ Modern ‘Transjordania.
¢ Gr. Jephthas (or Japhthas).
¢ Bibl. (more precisely) “Sin the land of Tob” (Jd. xi. 3).
is
Israel
under the
Ammonites
and
Philistines.
Jd. x. 6.
16.
The eall to
Jephthah,
eee Gree
xl. 1
261
to
or}
Ω
Eee
6
3
JOSEPITUS
SF , ? , Ἁ e ~
λαδίτιδι καλουμένῃ χώρᾳ πάντας τοὺς ὁποθενοῦν
/ \ ‘ A ~ 4
παραγινομένους πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐπὶ μισθῷ δεχόμενος"
ἐκλιπαρησάντων δ᾽ αὐτῶν καὶ ὀὁμοσάντων εἰς ἀεὶ
- A
παρέξειν αὐτῷ τὴν ἡγεμονίαν ἐστράτευε.
(9) Kat ποιησάμενος ὀξεῖαν τὴν τῶν πραγμάτων
ἐπιμέλειαν ἐν πόλει Δασφαθῇ καθίσας τὸν στρατὸν
πρεσβείαν πέμπει παρὰ τὸν ᾿Αμμανίτην αἰτιώ-
μένος τῆς ἁλώσεως. ὁ δὲ ἀντιπέμψας ἡτιᾶτο τῶν
9 “Ἔ A 3 9 4 ~
Ιἰσραηλιτῶν τὴν ἔξοδον τὴν am’ Αἰγύπτου Kat τῆς
4 -
μοραίας αὐτοὺς ἠξίου παραχωρεῖν ὡς πατρῴας
yd > ~ > ’ Α ξ > / e
οὔσης ἀρχῆθεν. ἀποκρινάμενος δὲ ὁ ᾿Ιέφθας, ὡς
οὔτε τῆς ᾿Αμοραίας τοῖς προγόνοις αὐτῶν εὐλόγως
ἐγκαλοῦσι χάριν τε μᾶλλον τῆς ᾿Αμμανίτιδος av-
“ , 4 \
τοῖς ἔχειν ὀφείλουσι παρεθείσης, δυνατὸν yap
Mwvoet καὶ ταύτην λαβεῖν," παραχωρεῖν τε ἰδίας
“~ a ~
εἰπὼν γῆς, ἣν θεοῦ κατακτησαμένου μετὰ Tpta-
3, ; A
κόσια ἔτη νέμονται, μαχεῖσθαι πρὸς αὐτοὺς
ἔφησεν.
A ~
(10) Kat τοὺς μὲν πρέσβεις ταῦτ᾽ εἰπὼν ἀπ-
“ > 4 > > id 7 \ , e
ἔλυσεν" αὐτὸς δ᾽ εὐξάμενος νίκην καὶ θυσιάσειν UTO-
σχόμενος, ἂν σῶος εἰς τὰ οἰκεῖα ὑποστρέψη, καὶ
~ Ἁ ~ ~
πᾶν 6 Te Kat πρῶτον αὐτῷ συντύχοι ἱερουργήσειν,
4 ~ Α Ἁ ‘ / 7
συμβαλών τε νικᾷ παρὰ πολὺ Kal φονεύων ἐδίωκε
μέχρι πόλεως δίανιάθης, καὶ διαβὰς εἰς τὴν
9 “- 7 2 7 ‘ ‘ ,
Appavirw πόλεις τε ἠφάνισε πολλὰς καὶ λείαν
¥ \ Ἁ > / ’ 3 4 >
ἤλασε καὶ τοὺς οἰκείους δουλείας ἀπήλλαξεν ἐν
964 2 ? ἊΣ , ς ’ >
“ ετέσιν OKTWKQLOEKA TAUTIV VUTOPELVaAVTAS. AVa-
1 Niese indicates a lacuna.
2 ex Lat.: μάχεσθαι codd.
α Bibl. Mizpah (1xx Masonda): site uncertain.
>“ Amoraea’’ is the country north of the river Arnon.
Cf. A. iv. 85. The Ammonite country is further north
118
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 260-364
ing all who resorted to him from whencesoever and
paying them wages. However, when the Hebrews
made earnest entreaty and swore to confer the com-
mand upon him for ever, he took the field.
(9) Having promptly taken charge of affairs and eae
installed the army in the city of Masphath(e), he battle.
sent an embassy to the Ammanite to remonstrate ὅπ}:
with him on his raid. That monarch sent a counter
embassy, reproaching the Israelites for their exodus
from Egypt and requiring them to quit Amoraea,? as
the primeval heritage of his forefathers. Whereto
Jephthah replied that the enemy had no just griev-
ance against his people’s ancestors on the subject
of Amoraea and ought rather to be grateful to them |
for having left them Ammanitis, which Moses might
have taken to boot ; and, bidding him quit that land ὁ
of theirs which God had won for them and of which
three hundred years later they were in possession,
he declared that he would battle with them.
(10) With these words he dismissed the ENVOYS. Victory of
Then, after praying? for victory and promising to /ephthah:
sacrifice, should he return to his home unscathed, daughter's
and to offer up the first creature that should meet ἢν 30,
him, he closed with the enemy, defeated them out-
right, and massacring pursued them up to the city
of! Maniath(e) ¢ ; fen crossing into Ammanitis, he
destroyed many cities, carried off spoil, and de-
livered his countrymen from a servitude which they
had borne for eighteen years. But on returning κ. 8.
with its capital at Rabatha (Bibl. Rabbah) on the river
Jabbok. Cf. A. iv. 9s.
¢ Text a little uncertain: possibly “ saying that he would
(not) quit that land ᾽᾿ (Weill).
Or inakine vows:
¢ Bibl. Minnith (Jd. xi. 33): site unknown.
VOU: τ I 119
265
266
267
268
JOSEPHUS
στρέφων δὲ συμφορᾷ περιπίπτει κατ᾽ οὐδὲν ὁμοίᾳ
τοῖς κατωρθωμένοις αὐτῷ: ὑπήντησε γὰρ ἡ θυγάτηρ
αὐτῷ, μονογενὴς δ᾽ ἦν, ἔτι παρθένος. ὁ δὲ ἀνοιμώ-
ξας ἐπὶ τῷ μεγέθει τοῦ πάθους, κατεμέμφετο τῆς
περὶ τὴν ὑπάντησιν σπουδῆς τὴν θυγατέρα: καθ-
ιερῶσαι γὰρ αὐτὴν τῷ θεῷ. τῇ δὲ τὸ συμβησόμενον
οὐκ ἀηδῶς προσέπεσεν, ἐπὶ νίκῃ τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ
ἐλευθερίᾳ τῶν πολιτῶν τεθνηξομένῃ, παρεκάλεσε
δὲ δύο μῆνας αὐτῇ παρασχόντα πρὸς τὸ μετὰ
τῶν πολιτῶν ἀποθρηνῆσαι τὴν νεότητα, τότε ποιεῖν
τὰ κατὰ τὴν εὐχήν. συγχωρήσας δὲ τὰ κατὰ τὸν
προειρημένον χρόνον μετὰ τοῦτον διελθόντα θύσας
τὴν παῖδα ὡλοκαύτωσεν, οὔτε νόμιμον οὔτε θεῷ
κεχαρισμένην θυσίαν ἐπιτελῶν, μὴ διαβασανίσας
τῷ λογισμῷ τὸ γενησόμενον οἷόν τε τὸ πραχθὲν
δόξει τοῖς ἀκούσασι.
(11) Tis: δ᾽ ᾿Εφράνου᾽ φυλῆς ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν στρα-
τευσάσης, ὅτι μὴ κοινώσαιτο τὴν ἐπ᾿ ᾿Αμμανίτας
ἐλασίαν᾽ αὐτοῖς, ἀλλὰ μόνος καὶ τὴν λείαν ἔχοι
καὶ τὴν ἐπὶ τοῖς πεπραγμένοις δόξαν, πρῶτον μὲν
ἔλεγεν, ὡς οὔτε λάθοιεν αὐτοὺς οἱ συγγενεῖς πολε-
μούμενοι Kadovperot τε πρὸς συμμαχίαν οὐ Tap-
εγένοντο, δέον καὶ πρὸ δεήσεως ἐγνωκότας ἐπειχθῆ-
ναι, ἔπειθ᾽ ὡς ἄδικα πράττειν ἐπιχειροῦσι τοῖς
πολεμίοις οὐ τολμήσαντες εἰς χεῖρας ἐλθεῖν, ἐπὶ
δὲ τοὺς συγγενεῖς ὡρμηκότες" ἠπείλει τε σὺν τῷ
θεῷ λήψεσθαι δίκην παρ᾽ αὐτῶν, ἂν μὴ σωφρονῶσιν.
909 ὡς δ᾽ οὐκ ἔπειθεν, ἀλλὰ συνέβαλεν αὐτοῖς ἐλθοῦσι
1 τε τὸ] τε or τὸ codd.
3 ἢ ; ᾿Εφράμον (-aluov) rell. 3 ἔλασιν RO.
* Phraseology based on Thue. iii. 113. 8.
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 264-269
he fell foul of a calamity far different from these fair
achievements ; for it was his daughter who met him,
his only daughter, a virgin yet. Wailing in anguish
at the greatness of the blow,? the father chid his
daughter for her haste in meeting him, seeing that
he had dedicated her to God. But she without dis-
pleasure learnt her destiny. to wit that she must die
in return for her father’s victory and the liberation
of her fellow-citizens ; she but asked him to grant
her two months wherein to bewai] her youth with her
fellow-eitizens, and thereafter he should do in ac-
cordance with his vow. He accorded her the respite
aforesaid, and at its close sacrificed his child as a
burnt-offcring—a sacrifice neither sanctioned by the
law nor well-pleasing to God: for he had not by
reflection probed what might befall or in what aspect
the deed would appear to them that heard of it.?
(11) The tribe of Ephraim now took arms against
him, because he had not imparted the news of his
expedition against the Ammanites to them, but had
reserved to himself alone the booty and the glory
of the achievement. Thereto he replied first that
they were not unaware that their kinsfolk were
beset and that when called upon for aid they had
not come, whereas they ought, even before being
asked, to have learnt of the matter and sped to arms;
next that this was an iniquitous enterprise of theirs,
after not having dared to face the foe, to rush upon
their kinsmen; and he threatened, God helping,
to be avenged on them unless they showed them-
selves reasonable. Failing, however, to influence
them, he met them, when they came, with an army
> The rash vow is stigmatized in Rabbinical tradition
(Weill, quoting Genesis Rabba, Ἰχ.).
12]
xi. 84.
Jephthah’s
war with
Ephraim.
SOx).
9
273
JOSEPHUS
μετὰ στρατιᾶς, ἣ μετάπεμπτος ἐκ τῆς Γαλαδηνῆς
ἐληλύθει, φόνον τε πολὺν αὐτῶν εἰργάσατο καὶ
διώκων τραπέντας προλαβὼν μέρει τινὶ προατ-
εσταλμένῳ τοῦ ᾿Ιορδάνου τὰς διαβάσεις κτείνει περὶ
δισχιλίους καὶ τετρακισμυρίους γεγονότας.
(19) Αὐτὸς δὲ ἄρξας €& ἔτη τελευτᾷ καὶ θάπτεται
ν τῇ αὐτοῦ or ΣΦ εβέῃ: τῆς Γαλαδηνῆς δ᾽
ἐν τῇ αὐτοῦ πατρίδι Σιεβέῃ: τῆ ηνῆ
coe ger
ἐστὶν αὕτη.
(13) Τελευτήσαντος δὲ ᾿Ιάφθα τὴν ἀρχὴν ᾿Αψάνης
παραλαμβάνει φυλῆς ὧν ᾿Ιουδαϊκῆς Βηθλέμων δὲ
πόλεως. τούτῳ δὲ παῖδες ἦσαν ἑξήκοντα, τριά-
κοντα μὲν ἄρρενες at λοιπαὶ δὲ θυγατέρες, οὗς καὶ
πάντας ζῶντας κατέλιπε τὰς μὲν ἀνδράσιν ἐκδοὺς
τοῖς δὲ γυναῖκας ἡγμένος. πράξας δ᾽ οὐδὲν ἐν
τῷ ἑπταετεῖ γενομένῳ χρόνῳ λόγου καὶ μνήμης
ἄξιον γηραιὸς ὧν ἀπέθανε καὶ ταφῆς ἐν τῇ πατρίδι
τυγχάνει.
(14) ᾿Αψάνους δ᾽ οὕτως ἀποθανόντος οὐδ᾽ ὁ μετ᾽
αὐτὸν παραλαβὼν τὴν ἡγεμονίαν "λων, ἐπ᾽ ἔτ
δέκα κατασχὼν αὐτὴν φυλῆς ὧν τῆς Ζαβούλης
see τι σπουδῆς ἀξιον.
(15) ᾿Αβδὼν δὲ “HAwvos παῖς φυλῆς μὲν τῆς
᾿Εφραμίτιδος πόλεως δὲ τῆς Φαραθωνιτῶν γε-
γονώς, αὐτοκράτωρ ἡγεμὼν ἀποδειχθεὶς μετ᾽
Ἤλωνα μόνης ἂν τῆς εὐπαιδίας μνημονευθείη,
μηδὲν ἔργον διὰ τὴν εἰρήνην καὶ τὴν ἄδειαν τῶν
πραγμάτων λαμπρὸν μηδ᾽ αὐτὸς ἐργασάμενος.
~~ ct a A 3 ~ , 4 7
274 υἱεῖς δὲ ἦσαν αὐτῷ τεσσαράκοντα καὶ τούτων
1 Hilonis Lat. 2 NOML: εἰργασμένος SP.
@ Josephus omits the details in Jd. xii. 5-6 on the detection
of the fleeing Ephraimites by their pronunciation of ‘ shib-
122
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 269-274
whieh he had recalled from Gilead, worked great
havoc among them, and pursuing the fugitives,
having sent a party in advance to occupy the fords of
the Jordan, slew in all some two and forty thousand.?
(12) After ruling for six years he died and was
buried at his native place of Sebee,® in the land of
Gilead.
(13) Upon the death of Jephthah, the rulership
passed to Apsanes © of the tribe of Judah and the
city of Bethlehem. He had sixty children, thirty
sons and as many daughters, all of whom he left
alive at his death,? after bestowing wives and
husbands upon all. Having achieved in his seven
years of office nothing w orthy of record and remem-
brance, he died in old age ‘and was buried at his
native place.
(14) Apsanes having thus died, his successor,
Elon of the tribe of Zabulon, held the leadership for
ten years and likewise did nothing of moment.
(15) Abdon, son of Elon,’ of the tribe of Ephraim
and the city of Pharathon,/ who was appointed
sovereign leader after Elon, calls for no mention
save for his happy paternity, since, thanks to the
prevailing peace and security of the state, he too
did no brilliant deed. But he had forty sons and, born
boleth”’ as “ sibboleth,” probably because the difference in
sound could not have been made clear to Greek readers.
bothe Heb. -of Jd: τ “am the cities of Gilead is
corrupt: read probably “ in his city, in Mizpah of Gilead.”
The loss of the M in Mizpah produced the reading found in
some mss. of the Lxx, ἐν Σεφέ (ἐν LEM), and through further
corruption the name Sebee in Josephus.
€ Bibl, Tbzan. 4 Amplification (as in ὃ 274).
4 Bibl. “ὁ son of Hillel.”
7 Heb. ‘‘the Pirathonite’’: modern Fer‘atha, 6 miles
S.W. of Shechem.
123
His death.
44, Sle Τ.
Ibzan, 8.
Elon, 11.
Abdon. 13.
JOSEPHUS
γενεὰς καταλιπόντων' τριάκοντα, ἤλαυνέ τε σὺν
αὐτοῖς οὖσιν ἑβδομήκοντα πᾶσιν ἱππάζειν ἀρίστοις
γεγενημένοις, καὶ πάντας ὑπὲρ γῆς ἀπολιπὼν
θνήσκει γηραιὸς καὶ ταφῆς ἐν Φαράθῳ λαμπρᾶς
f
τυγχάνει.
95 (viii. 1) Mera δὲ τοῦτον ἰΙΪ]αλαιστῖνοι τελευ-
τήσαντα κρατοῦσι τῶν ᾿Ισραηλιτῶν καὶ φόρους
παρ᾽ αὐτῶν ἐλάμβανον ἐπ᾽ ἔτη τεσσαράκοντα.
ταύτης δ᾽ ἐλευθεροῦνται τῆς ἀνάγκης τούτῳ τῷ
τρόπῳ"
96. (9) Mavayns τις Δανιτῶν ἐν ὀλίγοις ἄριστος
καὶ τῆς πατρί ος ὁμολογουμένως" πρῶτος εἶχε
γύναιον ἐπ᾽ εὐμορφίᾳ περίβλεπτον καὶ τῶν καθ᾽
αὑτὸ διαφέρον. παίδων δ᾽ οὐ γινομένων αὐτῷ, δυσ-
φορῶν ἐπὶ τῇ ἀπαιδίᾳ τὸν θεὸν ἱκέτευεν ἐπὶ τὸ
προάστειον συνεχῶς φοιτῶν μετὰ τῆς γυναικὸς
δοῦναι διαδοχὴν αὐτοῖς γνησίαν: μέγα δέ ἐστι
277 τοῦτο τὸ πεδίον. ἦν δὲ καὶ μανιώδης ὑπ᾽ ἔρωτος
ἐπὶ τῇ γυναικὶ καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ζηλότυπος ἀκρατῶς.
μονωθείσῃ δὲ τῇ γυναικὶ φάντασμα ἐπιφαίνεται,
ἄγγελος" τοῦ θεοῦ, νεανίᾳ καλῷ παραπλήσιον καὶ
μεγάλῳ, eee αἰετοῦ: αὐτῇ παιδὸς γονὴν κατὰ
θεοῦ πρόνοιαν καλοῦ τε καὶ ῥώμην ἐπιφανοῦς, ὑφ᾽
218 ᾧ “πονήσειν [Ταλαιστίνους ἀνδρουμένῳ. παρήνει τε
τὰς κόμας αὐτῷ μὴ ἀποκείρειν: ἔσται δ᾽ αὐτῷ
1 Text doubtful: et alios ex eorum semine descendentes Lat.
2 ὀμολογούμενος codd.
3 conj.: om. codd.
4 MSPLE: τοῦ θεοῦ ἀστέρος RO.
@ Bibl. ““ rode on ass colts.”
δ Bibl. ** Ele judged Israel eight years.”
¢ Bibl. Manoah (1xx Mavde): Josephus indifferently
NManoches and Manochos.
12k
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 274-278
of these, thirty grandsons, and was wont to ride
with this family of seventy, all excellent horsemen @ ;
he left them all in the land of the living when
he died in old age ® and was buried in state at
Pharathon.
(viii. 1) After his death the Philistines conquered
the Israelites and exacted tribute from them for
forty years. From these straits they were delivered
on this wise.
(2) A certain Manoch,° among the most notable
of the Danites and without question the first in his
native place, had a wife remarkable for her beauty
and pre-eminent among the women of her time
But having no children by her and being distressed
at the lack of them, he was wont, on his frequent
visits with his wife to the outskirts—where there was
a great plain?’—to entreat God to give them off-
spring of their wedlock. He was moreover madly
enamoured of his wife and hence inordinately Jeal-
ous.’ Now once when his wife was alone, a spectre
appeared to her from God,’ in the likeness of a
comely and tall youth, bringing her the good news
of the approaching birth of a son through God’s good
providence—a son goodly and illustrious for strength,
by whom, on his reaching man’s estate, the Philis-
tines would be afflicted. He further charged her not
to cut the lad’s locks, and that he was to renounce
¢ Unscriptural topographical details.
‘Gr. “ἃ legitimate succession.”
! ‘The husband’s jealousy and subsequent suspicions are
unscriptural, Rabbinical legend attributes his complaints
to his wife’s barrenness, not to her beauty. For the quarrel}
between husband and wife cf. Ps.-Philo, Biblical Anti-
quities, cap. xlii. (tr. M. R. James).
¢ Or (with most mss.) ‘‘ an angel of God.”’
125
Israel
under the
Philistines.
44. Mille 1.
An angel
announces
the birth of
a son to the
wife of
. Manoah.
44. xiii, 2
JOSEPHUS
4 4 4 a 1 4 2 A ~ ~
πρὸς ἄλλο μὲν πᾶν' ποτὸν ἀποστροφὴ τοῦ θεοῦ
τοῦτο προστάσσοντος, πρὸς ὕδωρ δὲ μόνον οἰκειό-
της. καὶ ὁ μὲν ταῦτ᾽ εἰπὼν ᾧχετο, κατὰ βούλησιν
ἐλθὼν τοῦ θεοῦ.
oO ¢ \ 2 \ / \ \ fon
(3) Ἢ δὲ ταἀνδρὲ παραγενομένῳ τὰ παρὰ τοῦ
ἀγγέλου ἐκδιηγήσατο ἐκθαυμάζουσα τοῦ νεανίσκου
τὸ κάλλος καὶ τὸ μέγεθος, ὡς ἐκεῖνον ἐκ τῶν
ἐπαίνων εἰς ἔκπληξιν κατὰ ζηλοτυπίαν περιστῆναι
καὶ ὑπόνοιαι' τὴν ἐκ τοιούτου πάθους κινουμένην.
280 ἡ δὲ βουλομένη τὴν ἄλογον τἀνδρὸς λύπην σταλῆναι
τὸν θεὸν ἱκέτευε πάλιν πέμψαι τὸν ἄγγελον, ὡς
ἂν καὶ τῷ ἀνδρὶ αὐτῆς ὁραθείη. καὶ παραγίνεται
πάλιν κατὰ χάριν τοῦ θεοῦ ὁ ἄγγελος ὄντων ἐν τῷ
προαστείῳ καὶ τῇ γυναικὶ φαίνεται τοῦ ἀνδρὸς
μεμονωμένῃ. 7 Oo ἐπιμεῖναι δεηθεῖσα ἕως" ἂν
ἀγάγῃ" τὸν ἄνδρα συγχωρήσαντος μέτεισι τὸν
Μάνωχον. ὁ δὲ θεασάμενος οὐδ᾽ οὕτως ἐπαύετο
τῆς ὑπονοίας ἠξίου τε καὶ αὐτῷ δηλοῦν ὅσα καὶ
τῇ γυναικὶ μηνύσειεν. ἀρκέσειν δὲ φράσαντος
ταύτην μόνην εἰδέναι, τίς εἴη λέγειν ἐκέλευεν, ἵ ἵνα
τοῦ παιδὸς γενομένου χάριν αὐτῷ καὶ δωρεὰν παρά-
σχωσι. τοῦ δὲ μηδέ τινων αὐτῷ δεῖσθαι φήσαντος,
οὐδὲ γὰρ κατὰ χρείαν ταῦτα εὐαγγελίσασθαι περὶ
τῆς τοῦ παιδὸς γονῆς, τοῦ δὲ μεῖναι παρακαλοῦντος
καὶ ξενίων μετασχεῖν οὐκ ἐπένευσ᾽, ἐπείσθη" δ᾽
ὅμως λιπαροῦντος ἐπιμεῖναι ὡς ἂν ξένιον αὐτῷ τι
1 πᾶν om. ROE.
2 Lat. donec: ws codd.
3 L: ἀγάγοι rell. 4 horum Lat.
5 Niese ex Lat.: πεισθεὶς codd.
@ In Jd. xili. 8 it is Manoah who asks for a further vision
of the angel.
126
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 278-282
all other form of drink (so God commanded) and to
accustom himself to water only. And having thus
spoken the visitor departed, having come but to
execute God’s will.
(3) The woman, when her husband arrived, re-
ported what she had heard from the angel, extolling
the young man’s comeliness and stature in such wise
that he in his jealousy was driven by these praises
to distraction and to conceive the suspicions that
such passion arouses. But she,? wishing to allay her
husband’s unreasonable distress, entreated God to
send the angel again that her husband also might
see him. And again by the grace of God the angel
came, while they were in the suburb,®? and appeared
to the woman when parted from her husband. She
besought him to stay until she could feteh her
husband and, obtaining his assent, went in pursuit
of Manoch. But the husband, on beholding the
angel, even then did not desist from his suspicion,
and he requested him to repeat to him too all that
he had revealed to his wife. The angel having de-
clared that it would suffice that it should be made
known to her alone, Manoch bade him say who he
was, in order that on the birth of the child they
might tender him their thanks and make him a
present. He replied that he had need of naught,
for it was not from want that he had announeed this
good news of the birth of a child; and though
Manoch invited him to stay and partake of hospi-
tality, he consented not. ‘Howbeit, at his earnest
entreaty, he was persuaded to remain that some
token of hospitality might be brought to him. So,
δ Bibl. ‘fas she sat in the field.”
The angel's
second visit.
Jd. xiii, 6.
JOSEPHUS
283 κομίσῃ. Kal θύσαντος ἔριφον τοῦ Mavayou καὶ
τοῦτον ὀπτᾶν τῇ γυναικὶ κελεύσαντος, ἐπεὶ πάντ'
ἦν εὐτρεπῆ, προσέταξεν ἐπὶ τῆς πέτρας ἀποθέσθαι
τούς τε ἄρτους καὶ τὰ κρέα χωρὶς τῶν ἀγγείων.
284 καὶ ποιησάντων ἅπτεται τῇ ῥάβδῳ ἡ εἶχε τῶν
κρεῶν, τὰ δὲ λάμψαντος πυρὸς ἅμα τοῖς ἄρτοις
ἐκαίετο καὶ ὃ ἄγγελος διὰ τοῦ καπνοῦ ὥσπερ
ὀχήματος ἀνιὼν εἰς οὐρανὸν αὐτοῖς φανερὸς ἦν.
Mavayny δὲ φοβούμενον, μη τι σφαλερὸν αὐτοῖς
ἐκ τῆς ὄψεως τοῦ θεοῦ γενήσοιτο, θαρσεῖν ἡ γυνὴ
παρεκελεύετο" ἐπὶ γὰρ συμφέροντι τῷ αὐτῶν τὸν
θεὸν αὐτοῖς ὁραθῆναι.
285 () Καὶ κύει τε ἐκείνη καὶ φυλακὴν εἶχε τῶν
ἐντολῶν καὶ γενόμενον τὸ παιδίον Σαμψῶνα κα-
λοῦσιν, ἰσχυρὸν δ᾽ ἀποσημαίνει τὸ ὄνομα. ηὔξετο
δ᾽ ὁ παῖς ῥᾳδίως καὶ δῆλος ἦν προφητεύσων ὑπὸ
τῆς περὶ τὴν δίαιταν σωφροσύνης καὶ τῆς τῶν
ΩΣ ἀνέσεως.
280 (5) ᾿Αφικόμενος δὲ μετὰ τῶν γονέων εἰς Θάμνα"
πόλιν τῶν []αλαιστίνων πανηγύρεως ἀγομένης
ἐρᾷ παρθένου τῶν ἐπιχωρίων παρακαλεῖ τε τοὺς
γονεῖς ἄγεσθαι πρὸς γάμον αὐτῷ τὴν κόρην. τῶν
δὲ ἀρνουμένων διὰ τὸ μὴ ὁμόφυλον εἶναι, τοῦ θεοῦ
κατὰ τὸ ‘EBpaiwy σύμφορον ἐπινοοῦντος τὸν γάμον,
1 yl. Θαμναθὰ (as also in § 296).
4 The angel's directions are unscriptural; “‘ apart from
(xwpis) the vessels ”” possibly has some connexion with the
strange reading in some LxXx Mss. καὶ διεχώρισεν ποιῆσαι
(14. ΧΙ". 19).
> So Ps.-Philo, Biblical Antiquities, xlii. (tr. ΔΙ. R. James)
“the angel put forth (his hand) and touched it with the end
of his sceptre.”
128 :
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 283-286
Manoch having killed a kid and bidden his wife to
cook it, when all was ready, the angel ordered them
to set out the loaves and the meat upon the rock,
without the vessels.¢ That done, he with the rod
which he held touched the meat ὃ and, a fire blazing
out, it was consumed along with the bread, while
the angel, borne on the smoke as on a chariot, was
plainly seen by them ascending into heaven. Manoch
thereat fearing that some mischief might befall
them from this vision of God, his wife bade him take
heart, since it was for their good that it had been
given them to see God.
(4) And the woman conceived and paid good
heed to the injunctions laid upon her; and when
the infant was born they called him Samson, a name
which means “ strong.°’’ And the child grew apace
and it was plain from the frugality of his diet and
his loosely flowing locks that he was to be a prophet.
(5) Now the lad having gone with his parents to
Thamna,? a town of the Philistines, during the ccle-
bration of a festival, became enamoured of a maiden
of the country and begged his parents to get the
damsel for him to wite. They were for refusing
because she was not of their race: God, however,
was designing this marriage in the interests of the
¢ One of the author’s loose etymological statements. The
connexion of the name (ΗΠ 60. Shimshon: Gr. Σαμψών) with
the Hebrew shemesh ( =‘ sun’’) ** may be considered certain ”
(Burney). But Josephus may have had in mind _ biblical
assages in which the sun symbolizes strength. The Bab.
Talmud (Sotah 10a) says, ‘‘ Samson receive ἃ ἃ name applied
to God, for Scripture says (Ps. Ixxxiv. 12)‘ A sun and shield
is the Lord God.’”
4 Heb. Titnnah, txx Θαμναθά, modern Tihneh ς a border
town in the Shephelah held at various times by Dan, Judah
and the Philistines.
129
Birth of
Samson.
Jul. Xu. 24,
His court-
ship and
encounter
with a lion.
Jd. xiv. 1.
JOSEPHUS
9 > ~ / ‘ 4 ~ >
287 ἐκνικᾷ μνηστεύσασθαι τὴν παρθένον. συνεχῶς ὃ
288
289
290 “
20]
ἀπερχόμενος πρὸς τοὺς γονεῖς αὐτῆς συντυγχάνει
λέοντι καὶ γυμνὸς ὧν ἐκδεξάμενος αὐτὸν ἄγχει ταῖς
χερσὶ καὶ εἰς τὸ χωρίον τὸ" ὑλῶδες ἐνδοτέρω τῆς
ὁδοῦ ῥίπτει τὸ θηρίον.
(6) Πάλιν τε ἀπιὼν πρὸς τὴν κόρην ἐπιτυγχάνει
σμήνει μελιττῶν ἐν τῷ στήθει τοῦ λέοντος ἐκείνου
νενοσσευκότων, καὶ ἀνελόμενος τρία μέλιτος κηρία
σὺν τοῖς λοιποῖς δώροις οἷς ἐκόμιζε δίδωσι TH
παιδί. τῶν δὲ Θαμνιτῶν παρὰ τὴν εὐωχίαν τὴν
τῶν γάμων, εἱστία γὰρ αὐτοὺς ἅπαντας, διὰ δέος
τῆς ἰσχύος τοῦ νεανίσκου τριάκοντα δόντων αὐτῷ
τοὺς ἀκμαιοτάτους λόγῳ μὲν ἑταίρους ἐσομένους
ἔργῳ δὲ φύλακας, μή τι παρακινεῖν ἐθελήσειεν, τοῦ
πότου προβάντος καὶ παιδιᾶς οὔσης, οἷα φιλεῖ
παρὰ τοὺς τοιούτους καιρούς, ὁ Σαμψὼν εἶπεν,
ἀλλὰ προβάλλοντος ἐμοῦ λόγον εἰ λύσετε τοῦτον
ἐφ᾽ ἡμέρας ἑπτὰ ποιούμενοι τὴν ζήτησιν, ὀθόνας
τε καὶ στολὰς γέρας τῆς συνέσεως κατ᾽ ἄνδρα
ἕκαστον φέρεσθε παρ᾽ ἐμοῦ." φιλοτιμουμένων δὲ
ὁμοῦ τε συνετῶν δόξαν. καὶ κέρδος εὕρασθαι καὶ
λέγειν ἀξιούντων, φησὶν ὅτι τὸ πάμβορον γεγεννήκοι
βορὰν ἡδεῖαν ἐξ αὑτοῦ καὶ πάνυ ἀηδοῦς ὄντος.
τῶν δ᾽ ἐπὶ τρεῖς ἡμέρας" οὐ δυναμένων ἐξευρεῖν τὸ
νοούμενον παρακαλούντων δὲ τὴν κόρην μαθοῦσαν
παρὰ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς αὐτοῖς μηνῦσαι, καὶ γὰρ ἠπείλουν
πιμρήσειν αὐτὴν τοῦτο μὴ παρασχοῦσαν, ὁ Σαμ-
ψὼν δεομένης τῆς κόρης εἰπεῖν αὐτῇ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον
1 εἴς τι χωρίον SPL.
2 ἐπὶ τρισὶν ἡμέραις RO.
@ Gr. “ within ” or ‘‘ on the inner side of.”’
¢ Amplification, like other details in this narrative.
130
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 287-291
Hebrews, and so he won his way to woo the maid.
In the course of his constant visits to her parents he
encountered a lion and, unarmed as he was, grappled
with it, strangled it with his hands, and flung the
beast into the « eoppiee on the border of @ the road.
(6) On another of his journeys to the damsel he
came upon a swarm of bees that had hived in that
lion’s breast, and, taking three ® honeyeombs, he
gave them, along with the rest of the gifts which he
Bore: to the maiden: Now the Thyawiites: on the
oeeasion of the wedding feast—for he entertained
them all—from fear of this young man’s strength,
presented him with thirty of their chief stalw tes
ostensibly as companions, in reality as his guardians,
lest he should be minded to create any disturbanee ;
and, when the drinking was far gone and Joviality
prev ailed, as is customary on such oceasions, Samson
said, “Come, I will propound a riddle, and if ye
solve it after seven days’ search, ye shall reeeive
every man from me fine linen and apparel as a
reward for your sagacity.”’ Ambitious to win at once
a renown for sagacity and a prize, they begged him
to state it, whereupon he said: “ The omnivorous
eater produeed pleasant meat from himself though
grossly unpleasant.’’© When the Philistines at the
end of three days were unable to diseover what it
meant, they urged the damsel to find out from her
facuena and report to them: nay, they threatened
to burn her should she fail to do so. Samson,
upon the damsel’s entreating him to tell her, at
¢ Bibl. ‘* Out of the eater came forth meat, and out of the
strong eame forth sweetness,’ Jd. Xiv. 14. The Peshitto
Syriac version, rendering the word “ strong” by ‘‘bitter,”
presents, like Josephus, a double antithesis.
13)
His riddta
Jd. XIV. δ.
29
293
294
295
296
JOSEPHUS
ἀντεῖχεν, ἐγκειμένης δ᾽ αὐτῆς καὶ εἰς δάκρυα προ-
πιπτούσης καὶ τεκμήριον τιθεμένης τῆς πρὸς
αὐτὴν δυσνοίας τὸ μὴ λέγειν αὐτῇ, μηνύει τὰ περὶ
τὴν ἀναίρεσιν αὐτῇ TOD λέοντος Kat ὡς τὰ τρία
βαστάσας ἐξ αὐτοῦ κηρία μέλιτος γεγονότα κομί-
σειεν αὐτῇ. καὶ ὁ μὲν οὐδὲν ὑφορώμενος δολερὸν
ὃ᾽
σημαίνει τὸ πᾶν, ἡ δ᾽ ἐκφέρει τὸν λόγον τοῖς δεη-
“-- Ἁ s ‘ ¢ ’ ie , > a 3
θεῖσι. κατὰ οὖν τὴν ἑβδόμην ἡμέραν, καθ᾽ ἣν ἔδει
4 ’ a > ~ ~ 4 “᾿
τὸν προβληθέντα λόγον αὐτῷ διασαφεῖν, πρὶν ἢ
~ 4 ce é , {{ ww /
δῦναι τὸν ἥλιον συνελθόντες φασίν “᾿ οὔτε λέοντος
ἀηδέστερόν τι τοῖς ἐντυγχάνουσιν οὔτε ἥδιον
’ὔ tA }) Α ig v ‘ > > Ἁ
μέλιτος χρωμένοις .᾿᾿ καὶ ὁ Σαμψὼν εἶπεν οὐδὲ
[χὰ ~ >
γυναικὸς εἶναί τι δολερώτερον, “ ἥτις ὑμῖν ἐκφέρει
’
τὸν ἡμέτερον λόγον.᾽᾿ κἀκείνοις μὲν δίδωσιν ἃ
ὑπέσχετο λείαν ποιησάμενος ᾿Ασκαλωνιτῶν τοὺς
κατὰ τὴν ὁδὸν αὐτῷ συντυχόντας, ἰἸ]αλαιστῖνοι δ᾽
εἰσὶ καὶ οὗτοι, τὸν δὲ γάμον ἐκεῖνον παραιτεῖται"
καὶ ὴ παῖς ἐκφαυλίσασα τῆς ὀργῆς αὐτὸν συνῆν
αὐτοῦ φίλω νυμφοστόλῳ γεγονότι. -
(7) "Πρὸς δὲ τὴν ὕβριν ταύτην Σαμψὼν παρ-
οξυνθεὶς ἅπαντας ἔγνω σὺν αὐτῇ Παλαιστίνους
μετέρχεσθαι. θέρους δ᾽ ὄντος καὶ πρὸς ἅμητον
ἤδη τῶν καρπῶν ἀκμαζόντων συλλαβὼν τριακοσίας
ἀλώπεκας καὶ τῶν οὐρῶν ἐξάψας λαμπάδας ἡμ-
μένας ἐξαφίησιν" εἰς τὰς ἀρούρας τῶν [Παλαιστίνων.
καὶ φθείρεται μὲν οὕτως αὐτοῖς ὁ καρπός, [Ι]αλαι-
στῖνοι δὲ γνόντες Σαμψῶνος εἶναι τὸ ἔργον καὶ τὴν
αἰτίαν δι’ ἣν ἔπραξε, πέμψαντες τοὺς ἄρχοντας εἰς
1 ἀντέχειν ἐπειρᾶτο RO.
2 ἐπαφίησιν E: ἀφίησιν RO.
* Bibl. “ If ye had not plowed with my heifer, ye had not
found out my riddle,” Jd. xiv. 18.
132
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 292-296
first resisted, but, when she pressed him and burst
into tears and protested that his refusal to tell her
proved his want of affection for her, he revealed the
story of the slaying of the lion and how he had earried
off the three honeyeombs sprung from its earease
and brought them to her. Suspeeting no fraud he
recounted all, but she betrayed his story to her
questioners. So on the seventh day, whereon they
were required to give him the answer to the
riddle, assembling before sunset they announced,
“Nothing is more unpleasant to meet than a lion
nor more pleasant to taste than honey.” And
Samson added, “‘ Nor is ought more deceitful than a
woman who betrays our speech to you.”’* And he
gave them what he had promised, after despoiling
certain Ascalonites who eneountered him on the
road (these too being Philistines) ; but he renounced
those nuptials, and the girl, seorning him for his
wrath, was united to that friend of his who had given
her away.?
(7) Furious at this affront,¢ Samson resolved to
visit it upon all the Philistines along with her. So,
summer being come and the erops already ripening
for harvest. he eaught three hundred foxes and,
fastening lighted torches to their tails, let them loose
in the fields of the Philistines ; and thus their erop
was ruined. But the Philistines, on discovering that
this was Samson’s deed and for what cause he had
done it, sent their magistrates to Thamna and burnt
> Or ‘‘ who had been his best man.”’ The Biblical narra-
tive refers to “the friend of the bridegroom ”’ (John iii.
29). ;
¢ Josephus omits Samson’s interview with his former
father-in-law which provoked this outbreak, Jd. xv. 1 f.
133
He destroys
the crops
of the
Philistines.
Jd. xv. 3.
297
298
299
000
JOSEPHUS
Θάμνα, τὴν γενομένην αὐτοῦ γυναῖκα καὶ τοὺς
συγγενεῖς ζῶντας κατέπρησαν ὡς αἰτίους τῶν
3 ΤΩΣ
κακῶν γεγονότας.
(8) Σαμψὼν δὲ πολλοὺς ἐν τῷ πεδίω τῶν [[αλαι-
στίνων ἀποκτείνας Αἰτὰν κατῴκει, πέτρα δ᾽ ἐστὶν
ὀχυρὰ τῆς ᾿Ιούδα φυλῆς. [Ι]αλαιστῖνοι δ᾽ ἐστρά-
τευον ἐπὶ τὴν φυλήν. τῶν δ᾽ οὐ δικαίως λεγόν-
των τιμωρίαν αὐτοὺς εἰσπράττεσθαι περὶ τῶν
Σαμψῶνος ἁμαρτημάτων φόρους αὐτοῖς" τελοῦντας,
εἰ βούλονται μὴ ἔχειν αἰτίαν ἔφασαν αὐτοῖς
ὑποχείριον Napyava δοῦναι. ot δὲ ἀνεπίκλητοι
βουλόμενοι τυγχάνειν παρῆσαν ἐπὶ τὴν πέτραν
τρισχιλίοις ὁπλίταις" καὶ καταμεμψάμενοι τῶν εἰς
[Παλαιστίνους αὐτῷ τετολμημένων ἄνδρας ἅπαντι
τῷ γένει τῶν Ἑβραίων συμφορὰν ἐπενεγκεῖν
δυναμένους, ἡ ἥκειν τε λέγοντες ὁ ὅπως αὐτὸν λαβόντες
ὑποχείριον δῶσιν αὐτοῖς, ἠξίουν ἑκοντὶ τοῦθ᾽
ὑπομένειν. ὁ δὲ λαβὼν ὅρκους παρ᾽ αὐτῶν μηδὲν
τούτων ποιήσειν περισσότερον ἀλλὰ τοῖς ἐχθροῖς
ἐγχειριεῖν μόνον, καταβὰς ἐκ τῆς πέτρας αὑτὸν
ἐν τῇ τῶν φυλετῶν τίθησιν ἐξουσίᾳ, κἀκεῖνοι
δήσαντες αὐτὸν δυσὶ καλωδίοις ἦγον παραδοῦναι
τοῖς []αλαιστίνοις. καὶ γενομένων κατά τι χωρίον,
Σιαγὼν καλεῖται νῦν διὰ τὴν Napyavos ἀνδρα-
γαθίαν ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ γενομένην, πάλαι δ᾽ ἦν ἀνώνυμον,
οὐκ ἄπωθεν ἐστρατοπεδευκότων τῶν ][αλαιστίνων,
ἀλλ᾽ ὑπαντώντων μετὰ χαρᾶς καὶ βοῆς ὡς ἐπὶ
κατωρθωμένοις οἷς ἐβούλοντο, διαρρήξας τὰ δεσμὰ
Be VON ἁρπασάμενος ὄνου σιαγόνα παρὰ ποσὶν
1 Niesc: αὐτοὺς codd. 2 τριστίλιοι ὁπλῖται RO.
3 Bekker: ἐγχειρεῖν codd.
¢ Bibl. Etam.
134
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 296-300
her that had been his wife and her kinsfolk alive,
as having been the cause of their disasters.
(8) Sanson, after slaying multitudes of the His exploit
Philistines in the plain, then settled at Reta e <2. atone
rocky stronghold within the tribe of Judah ; w here- 14. αν, 6
upon the Philistines took the field against that tribe.
These pleading that it was unjust to exaet punishment
for Samson’s misdeeds from them that paid them
tribute, the Philistines retorted that if they would
keep clear of blame they must deliver Samson into
theirhands. And they, wishing to be above reproaeh,
visited the roek with three thousand men-at-arms, and
after roundly rebuking him for his outrageous treat-
ment of the Philistines, people powerful enough to
bring ruin upon the whole raee of the Hebrews, and
telling him that they were come to take and deliver
him rte their hands, they besought him to submit to
this of his own free will. And he, after receiving an
oath from them that they would do no more than
merely commit him to the hands of the foe, des-
cended from the roek and put himself at the mercy
of these representatives of the tribe; and they,
having bound him with two cords, led him off to
deliver him to the Philistines. Then, when they
were come to a spot which to-day is called Jawbone ὃ
by reason of the exploit there performed by Samson
but which of old was nameless, the Philistines being
encamped not far off and coming to meet them with
exultant cries, thinking to have achieved their end,
Samson, bursting his bonds asunder and seizing the
® Bibl. Lehi=‘' Jawbone,” as translated here and in the
Lxx (Σιαγών). ‘* Probably the name was originally given
to some hill or ridge on account of its resemblanee to a
jawbone ” (Burney, adducing the similar name [Ὄνου γνάθος
given to a promontory in Laconia).
VOL. τ K 135
90)
902
303
304
305
JOSEPHUS
οὖσαν εἰς τοὺς πολεμίους ὦσατο Kal παίων αὐτοὺς
τῇ σιαγόνι' κτείνει εἰς χιλίους, τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους
Cae ταραχθέντας.
(9) Σαμψὼν δὲ μεῖζον 7) ἢ χρὴ ἐπὶ τούτῳ φρονῶν
οὐ κατὰ θεοῦ συνεργίαν ἔλεγε τοῦτο συμβῆναι, τὴν
δ᾽ ἰδίαν ἀρετὴν ἐπέγραψε τῷ γεγονότι, σιαγόνι
τῶν πολεμίων τοὺς μὲν πεσεῖν τοὺς δ᾽ εἰς φυγὴν
τραπῆναι διὰ τοῦ παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ δέους αὐχῶν. δίψους
δ᾽ αὐτὸν ἰσχυροῦ κατασχόντος κατανοῶν ὡς οὐδέν
ἐστιν ἀνθρώπειος ἀρετή, τῷ θεῷ πάντα προσεμαρ-
τύρει καὶ καθικέτευε μηδὲν τῶν εἰρημένων πρὸς
ὀργὴν λαβόντα τοῖς πολεμίοις αὐτὸν ἐγχειρίσαι,
παρασχεῖν δὲ βοήθειαν πρὸς τὸ δεινὸν καὶ ῥύσασθαι
τοῦ κακοῦ. καὶ πρὸς τὰς ἱκετείας ἐπικλασθεὶς
ὁ θεὸς πηγὴν κατά τινος πέτρας ἀνίησιν ἡδεῖαν
καὶ πολλήν, ὅθεν καὶ Σαμψὼν ἐκάλει τὸ χωρίον
Σιαγόνα καὶ μέχρι, τοῦ δεῦρο, τοῦτο λέγεται.
(10) Mera δὲ ταύτην τὴν μάχην Σαμψὼν κατα-
φρονῶν τῶν ἰΙ]αλαιστίνων εἰς Valav ἀφικνεῖται
καὶ ἔν τινι τῶν καταγωγίων διέτριβε. μαθόντες
δὲ τῶν [αζαίων ot ἄρχοντες τὴν αὐτόθι παρουσίαν
αὐτοῦ τὰ πρὸ τῶν πυλῶν ἐνέδραις καταλαμβάνου-
σιν, ὅπως ἐξιὼν μὴ λάθῃ. Σαμψὼν δέ, οὐ γὰρ
λα ναυσὶν αὐτὸν ταῦτα ᾿μηχανησάμενοι, περὶ
μεσοῦσαν ἤδη τὴν νύκτα ἀναστὰς ἐνράσσει ταῖς
πύλαις, αὐταῖς τε φλιαῖς καὶ μοχλοῖς ὅση τε ἀλλὴη
περὶ αὐταῖς ἦν ξύλωσις ἀράμενος κατωμαδὸν εἰς
τὸ ὑπὲρ ᾿Εβρῶνος ὄρος φέρων κατατίθησι.
1 τῇ σιαγόνι om. MSP. 2 om. ROE.
α In Judges (xv. 19) En-hakkore (*“‘ the spring of him that
called ’’), while Ramath-lehi (ἢ hill of the jawbone ”’) is the
136
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 300-305
jawbone of an ass that lay at his feet, rushed upon
his enemies and smiting them with this w eapon slew
a thousand of them, routing the rest in dire dismay.
(9) Yet Samson, unduly. proud of this feat, did
not say that it was God’s assistance that had brought
it to pass, but ascribed the issue to his own valour,
boasting of having with a jawbone prostrated some
of his enemies and put the rest to rout through the
terror that he inspired. But, being seized with a
mighty thirst and recognizing that human valour is
a thing of naught, he acknowledged that all was
attributable to God and implored te not, in anger
at any words of his, to deliver him into his enemies’
hands, but to lend him aid in his dire need and to
rescue him from his distress. And God, moved by
his supplications, caused a spring of water to well out
of a roek, sweet and abundant ; whence it was that
Samson called that place Jaw bone: a name which it
bears to this day.?
(10) After this combat Samson, seorning the
Philistines, came to Gaza and lodged at one of the
inns.2 Thereupon the chiefs of the Gazites, informed
of his presence in the town, posted ambuscades
before the gates to prevent his leaving it without
their knowledge. But Samson, not unaware of these
schemes, when midnight was come arose, flung
himself against the gates, hoisted them—posts,
bolts, ΔΓΕ dITOrE and all—upon his shoulders, bore
then to the mountain above Hebron® and there
deposited them.
name given to the place where he cast his weapon away
(17).
ὑ Jd. “Sand saw there an harlot and went in unto her.”
For the interchange of “ harlot’” and ‘innkeeper’ see
§ 8 note. ¢ Nearly 40 miles away !
137
The
miraculous
spring.
Jd. xv. 16
Samson's
escape from
Gaza by
night.
44. χνὶ. 1.
900
307
309
310
311
JOSEPHUS
(11) Παρέβαινε δ᾽ ἤδη τὰ πάτρια Kal τὴν οἰκείαν
δίαιταν παρεχάρασσεν ξενικῶν μιμήσει ἐθισμῶν,
καὶ τοῦτ᾽ ἀρχὴ αὐτῷ κακοῦ γίνεται: γυναικὸς γὰρ
ἑταιριζομένης παρὰ τοῖς [|Ϊαλαιστίνοις ἐρασθεὶς
Δαλάλης" τοὔνομα συνῆν αὐτῇ. καὶ τῶν [[αλαιστί-
νων Ol τοῦ κοινοῦ προεστῶτες ἐλθόντες πρὸς αὐτὴν
πείθουσιν ἐπαγγελίαις μαθεῖν mapa τοῦ Σαμψῶνος
τὴν αἰτίαν τῆς ἰσχύος, ὑφ᾽ ἧς ἄληπτός ἐστι τοῖς
ἐχθροῖς. ἡ δὲ παρὰ πότον καὶ τοιαύτην συνουσίαν
θαυμάζουσα τὰς πράξεις αὐτοῦ ἐτεχνίτευε μαθεῖν,
τίνι τρόπῳ τοσοῦτον" προύχει κατ᾽ ἀρετήν. ὁ
δὲ Σαμψών, ἔτι γὰρ φρονεῖν ἰσχυρὸς ἦν, ἀντ-
πάτα τὴν Δαλάλην φάμενος" εἰ κλήμασιν ἑπτὰ
δεθείη ἀμπελίνοις ἔ ἔτι καὶ περιειλεῖσθαι δυναμένοις,
ἀσθενέστερος ἂν πάντων ἔσοιτο. ἡ δὲ τότε μὲν
ἡσύχασεν, ἀποσημήνασα δὲ τοῖς ἄρχουσι τῶν Πα-
λαιστίνων ἐνήδρευσε τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἔνδον τινὰς
καὶ μεθύοντα' κατέδει τοῖς κλήμασι κατὰ τὸ
ἰσχυρότατον, ἔπειτ᾽ ἀνεγείρασα ἐδήλου παρεῖναί
τινας ἐπ᾽ αὐτόν. ὁ δὲ ῥήξας τὰ κλήματα. βοηθεῖν
ὡς ἐπερχομένων αὐτῷ τινων ἐπειρᾶτο. καὶ ἡ γυνὴ
συνεχῶς ὁμιλοῦντος αὐτῇ τοῦ Σαμψῶνος δεινῶς
ἔχειν ἔλεγεν, εἰ κατ᾽ ἀπιστίαν εὐνοίας τῆς πρὸς
αὐτὸν μὴ λέγει ταῦθ᾽ ἅπερ δεῖται, ὡς οὐ σιγησο-
μένης ὅσα μὴ “γινώσκεσθαι συμφέρειν οἷδεν αὐτῷ.
τοῦ δὲ πάλιν ἀπατῶντος αὐτὴν καὶ φήσαντος ἑπτὰ
1 wll, δαδάλης, δαληδῆς, ete.
2M: τοσούτων ROSPE. 8 4 ὅτι Dindorf.
4 dormientem Lat.: pr. καθεύδοντα MSPL.
@ Bibl. Delilah, rxx Aadrecda.
> Heb. ‘* with seven fresh bowstrings (or sinews) which
have not been dried ”’ (v. 7).
138
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES; -¥. 306-311
(11) Howbeit he was already transgressing the Delilah
laws of his forefathers and debasing his own rule of to the
life by the imitation of forcign usages; and _ this Pilistines.
proved the beginning of his disaster. For, being
enamoured of a woman who was a harlot among the
Philistines, Dalala 4 by name, he consorted with her ;
and the presidents of the Philistine confederacy
came and induced her by large promises to diseover
from Samson the secret of that strength which
rendered him invulnerable to his foes. So she, over
their cups and in like intercourse, by admiration of
his exploits would craftily seek to discover by what
means he had come by such extraordinary valour.
But Samson, whose wits were yet robust, countered
Dalala’s ruse by another, telling her that were he
bound with seven vine-shoots still flexible,? he would
be the weakest of men. At the inert she held
her peace, but, after reporting this to the lords of
the Philistines, she posted some soldiers in ambush
within and while Samson was drunken 5 bound him
with the shoots as firmly as possible, and then awoke
him with the announcement that men were upon
him. But he burst the shoots asunder and made
ready for defence as though his assailants were
coming. And then this woman, with whom Samson
was continually consorting, W ould s say that she took
it ill that he had not confidence enough i in her aftee-
tion for him to tell her just what she desired, as
though she would not conceal what she knew must
in his interests not be divulged. But again he de- 11.
luded her, telling her that were he bound with seven 4
¢ Or, according to another reading, “ asleep.”?) Drunken-
ness, not mentioned in Scripture, indicates violation of his
Nazirite vow (cf. § 306).
¢ So txx (many mss.): the Heb. mentions no number.
312
313
314
315
316
JOSEPHUS
LA ὃ θέ \ > 3 3 λέ > Α \ ~
κάλοις δεθέντα τὴν ἰσχὺν ἀπολέσειν, ἐπεὶ καὶ τοῦτο
ποιήσασα οὐδὲν 7 ἤνυσεν, τρίτον ἐνυφῆναι' τὰς κόμας
αὐτοῦ ἐμήνυσεν. ὡς δ᾽ οὐδὲ τούτου γενομένου
τἀληθὲς" ηὑρίσκετο, δεομένης τελευταῖον 6 Lap-
ὔ , ~ ~
ψών, ἔδει yap αὐτὸν συμφορᾷ περιπεσεῖν, χαρί-
¢
ζεσθαι βουλόμενος τ τῇ Δαλάλῃ © ἐμοῦ, ᾿ φησίν, “ὁ
θεὸς κήδεται καὶ κατὰ τὴν ἐκείνου πρόνοιαν
γεννηθεὶς κόμην ταύτην τρέφω παρεγγυήσαντος
9 U
μὴ ἀποκείρειν τοῦ θεοῦ" τὴν γὰρ ἰσχὺν εἶναί μοι
κατὰ τὴν ταύτης αὔξησιν καὶ παραμονήν. "ταῦτα
\
μαθοῦσα καὶ στερήσασα τῆς κόμης αὐτὸν παρα-
διδοῖ τοῖς πολεμίοις οὐκέτ᾽ ὄντα ἰσχυρὸν ἀμύνασθαι
\ ld 3 ~ ¢ > 2 / 2 ~ ‘
τὴν ἔφοδον αὐτῶν. οἱ δ᾽ ἐκκόψαντες αὐτοῦ τοὺς
> \ / Ww f
ὀφθαλμοὺς δεδεμένον ἄγειν “παρέδοσαν.
(19) Ποϊόντος δὲ τοῦ χρόνου ηὔξετο ἡ κόμη τῷ
Σαμψῶνι, καὶ ἑορτῆς οὔσης τοῖς Παλαιστίμοις
δημοτελοῦς καὶ τῶν ἀρχόντων καὶ γνωριμωτάτων
ἐν ταὐτῷ εὐωχουμένων, οἶκος δ᾽ ἦν δύο κιόνων
στεγόντων αὐτοῦ τὸν ὄροφον, ἄγεται μεταπεμ-
>
ψαμένων ὁ Σαμψὼν εἰς τὸ συμπόσιον, ὅπως EV-
~ \ td
υβρίσωσιν αὐτῷ παρὰ Tov πότον. ὁ δὲ δεινότερον
~ “~ ς ῳ , \ \ / ¢ /
τῶν κακῶν ὑπολαμβάνων τὸ μὴ δύνασθαι ὑβριζό-
~ ~ /
μενος ἀμύνασθαι, τὸν χειραγωγοῦντα παῖδα πείθει,
προσαναπαύσασθαι χρήζειν εἰπὼν ὑπὸ κόπου, τοῖς
κίοσιν αὐτὸν ἐγγὺς ἀγαγεῖν. ὡς δὲ ἧκεν, ἐνσει-
σθεὶς αὐτοῖς ἐπικαταβάλλει τὸν οἶκον ἀνατραπέντων
τῶν κιόνων τρισχιλίοις ἀνδράσιν, ot πάντες ἀπ-
/ 2 > ~ \ \ ϑ. ᾽ ‘ \ \
ἔθανον, ἐν αὐτοῖς δὲ Kat Σαμψών. καὶ Tov μὲν
1 συνυφῆναι RO.
2 ἀληθὲς codd.: ἀληθὴς (ex Lat. verax) Niese.
¢ Scripture says that “ there were upon the roof {apparently
overlooking an open courtyard] three thousand men and
140
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 311-316
cords he would lose his strength ; and when she had
tried this too with no suceess, a third time he advised
her to weave his locks into a web. But when even
by this experiment the truth was not discovered, at
last, at her petitions, Samson—since he must needs
fall a vietim to calamity—wishing to humour Dalala
said: “‘I am under God's care: and under His 17.
providence since birth, I nurse these locks, God
having enjoined upon me not to cut them, for that
my strength is measured by their growth and pre-
servation.” The secret learnt, she reft him of his
locks and delivered him to his enemies, being now
powerless to repulse their assault ; and they, having
put out his eyes, delivered him over to be led away
in chains.
(12) But in course of time Samson’s locks grew ; Samson's
and once when the Philistines were keeping a public σὰ. xvi, 22
festival and their lords and chief notables were feast-
ing together in one place—a hall with two columns
supporting its roof—Samson at their summons was
led to the banquet, that they might mock at him
over their cups. And he, deeming it direr than all
his ills to be unable to be avenged of such insults,
induced the boy who led him by the hand—telling
him that from weariness he needed a stay whereon
to rest—to conduct him close to the columns. And
when he was come thither, flinging all his weight
upon them, he brought down the hall, overturning
the columns, upon three thousand men,? who all
perished and among them Samson. Such was his
women,” in addition to all the lords of the Philistines below,
Jd. xvi. 27. Some commentators suspect that these three
thousand on the roof ‘‘ are an addition to the original
narrative, exaggerating the catastrophe ’’ (G. I. Moore).
141
JOSEPHUS
τοιοῦτον κατέσχε τέλος ἀρξαντα τῶν ᾿Ισραηλιτῶν
317 εἴκοσιν ἔτη. θαυμάζειν δὲ ἀξιον τῆς ἀρετῆς καὶ
τῆς ἰσχύος καὶ τοῦ περὶ τὴν τελευτὴν μεγαλόφρονος
τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ τῆς Opyns τῆς μέχρι τοῦ τελευτᾶν
πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους. καὶ τὸ μὲν ὑπὸ γυναικὸς
ἁλῶναι δεῖ τῇ φύσει τῶν ἀνθρώπων προσάπτειν
ἥττονι ἁμαρτημάτων οὔσῃ, μαρτυρεῖν δὲ ἐκείνῳ
τὴν εἰς τὰ ἄλλα πάντα τῆς ἀρετῆς περιουσίαν. οἱ
δὲ συγγενεῖς ἀράμενοι τὸ σῶμα αὐτοῦ θάπτουσιν
ἐν Σαρασᾶ τῇ πατρίδι μετὰ τῶν συγγενῶν.
318 (ix. 1) Μετὰ δὲ τὴν Σαμψῶνος τελευτὴν προέστη
τῶν ᾿Ισραηλιτῶν ᾿Ηλεὶς ὁ ἀρχιερεύς. ἐπὶ τούτου
- ~ - + as
λιμῷ τῆς χώρας κακοπαθούσης αὐτῶν ᾿Αβιμέλεχος"
9 / ” \ ¢ “4 Ὁ“ “.- 3 /
ἐκ Βηθλέμων, ἔστι δὲ ἡ πόλις αὕτη τῆς ᾿Ιούδα
φυλῆς, ἀντέχειν τῷ δεινῷ μὴ δυνάμενος τήν τε
γυναῖκα Ναάμιν καὶ τοὺς παῖδας τοὺς ἐξ αὐτῆς
3 - a ~ A / - 9
αὐτῷ γεγεννημένους Χελλιῶνα καὶ Μαλαῶνα ἐπ-
319 αγόμενος εἰς τὴν δΔΙωαβῖτιν μετοικίζεται. καὶ προ-
χωρούντων αὐτῷ κατὰ νοῦν τῶν πραγμάτων
” ~ c A ~ NI / ὃ \ “-
ἄγεται τοῖς υἱοῖς γυναῖκας ΔΙωαβίτιδας Χελλιῶνι
μὲν ᾿Ορφὰν “Ῥούθην δὲ ΔΙαλαῶνι. διελθόντων δὲ
,ὔ 9 > >! σ ϑ / ‘\ > 3 \ e
dexa® ἐτῶν ὅ τε ᾿Αβιμέλεχος καὶ μετ᾽ αὐτὸν ot
320 παῖδες δι᾿ ὀλίγου τελευτῶσι, καὶ ἡ Ναάμις πικρῶς
9 ‘ ~ ’ ,ὔ Ἁ \ e > », 3
ἐπὶ τοῖς συμβεβηκόσι φέρουσα Kat τὴν ὑπ᾽ ὄψιν
τῶν φιλτάτων ἐρημίαν οὐχ ὑπομένουσα, δι᾿ οὗς"
1 ᾿Βλιμέλεχος LL Lat. (et tafra).
2 decem et octo Lat. 3 om. Lat.
4 ed. pr. Lat.: fv codd.
~
ἃ Jd. xvi. 31 “‘ between Zorah (Lxx Zapad or in one
nrinuscule, as in Josephus, Xapaca) and Eshtaol, in the
burying-place of Manoah his father ’’?; Zorah is the modern
Surah, some [4 miles due W. of Jerusalem.
δ Bibl. simply “ἴῃ the days when the judges judged ”;:
142
——— νου
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 316-320
end, after governing Israel for twenty years. And
it is but right to edaire the man for his valour, his
strength, and the grandeur of his end, as also for
the wrath which he cherished to the last against
his enemies. That he let himself be ensnared by a
woman must be imputed to human nature which
succumbs to sins; but testimony is due to him for
his surpassing excellence in all the rest. His kins-
folk then took up his body and buried him at Sarasa,?
his native place, with his forefathers.
(ix. 1) After the death of Samson, the leader of the me
Israelites was Eli the high priest. In his days,? their :
ow
Naomi
country was afflicted by a famine, and Abimelech ὁ returns to
of Bethlehem, a city of the tribe of Judah, being
unable to fathstand ‘this scourge, took with hie his
wife Naamis@ and the sons w Eom he had begotten
by her, Chellion® and Malaon,? and migrated to
the land of Moab. His affairs there prospering to
his heart’s content, he took for his sons%’ wives οὗ
the women of Moab, for Chellion Orpha” and for
Malaon Ruth. Ten years having passed, Abimelech
died, and his sons not long ahier him ; and Naamis,
sorely disheartened at her misfortunes and unable
to bear that bereavement, ever before her eyes, in
the loss of her dearest ones, for whose sakes she had
Josephus infers the date of this episode from the number of
generations between Boaz and David (Reinach). One
rabbinic tradition identifies Boaz with the jndge Ibzan,
others make him a contemporary of Deborah,
¢ Bibl. Elnnelech: the name Abimeleeh appears also in
many mss, of the Lxx.
a 4 Bibl, Naomi (or Noomi). ¢ Bibl. Chilion.
Bibl. Mahlon (txx Maaduyv).
9 te Ruth i. 3 f. the father’s death precedes the sons’
marriages,
» Bibl. Orpah (Lxx Ὀρφα).
143
Bethlehem
with Ruth.
Ruth i. 1.
JOSEPHUS
Kal τῆς πατρίδος ἐξεληλύθει, πάλιν εἰς αὐτὴν
ἀπηλλάττετο: καὶ γὰρ ἤδη καλῶς τὰ κατ᾽ αὐτὴν
321 ἐπυνθάνετο χωρεῖν. οὐκ ἐκαρτέρουν δὲ διαζευγνύ-
μεναι αὐτῆς αἱ νύμφαι, οὐδὲ παραιτουμένη βου-
λομένας συνεξορμᾶν πείθειν ἐδύνατο, ἀλλ᾽ ἐγκει-
μένων εὐξαμένη γάμον εὐτυχέστερον αὐταῖς οὗ
διημαρτήκεσαν παισὶ τοῖς αὐτῆς γαμηθεῖσαι καὶ
39) τῶν ἄλλων ἀγαθῶν κτῆσιν, ὅτε τὰ" πρὸς αὐτὴν
οὕτως ἐστί, μένειν αὐτόθι παρεκάλει καὶ μὴ συμ-
μεταλαμβάνειν αὐτῇ βούλεσθαι πραγμάτων ἀδήλων
τὴν πάτριον γῆν καταλιπούσας. ἡ μὲν οὖν ᾿Ορφὰ
μένει, τὴν δὲ ἱῬούθην μ μὴ πεισθεῖσαν ἀπήγαγε
κοινωνὸν παντὸς τοῦ προστυχόντος “γενησομένην.
323 (2 ) ᾿Ελθοῦσαν δὲ ‘PovOnv μετὰ τῆς πενθερᾶς εἰς
τὴν Βηθλεέμων Βόαζος" ᾿Αβιμελέχου συγγενὴς ὧν
δέχεται ξενίᾳ. καὶ ἡ Ναάμις, προσαγορευόντων
αὐτὴν ὀνομαστί, “᾿ δικαιότερον ᾿᾿ εἶπε “Δίαρὰν
n eae ”» ͵ \ > ε ἢ
ἂν καλοίητέ' pe’: σημαίνει δὲ καθ᾽ ‘EBpaiwy
γλῶτταν ναάμις μὲν εὐτυχίαν, μαρὰ δὲ ὀδύνην.
324 ἀμήτου δὲ γενομένου" ἐξήει καλαμησομένη κατὰ
συγχώρησιν τῆς πενθερᾶς ἡ Ῥούθη, 6 ὅπως τροφῆς
εὐποροῖεν, καὶ εἰς τὸ Βοώζου τυχαίως ἀφικνεῖται
χωρίον. παραγενόμενος δὲ Βόαζος μετ᾽ ὀλίγον καὶ
θεασάμενος τὴν κόρην ἀνέκρινε τὸν ἀγροκόμον
περὶ τῆς παιδός. ὁ δὲ μικρὸν ἔμπροσθεν παρ᾽ αὐ-
τῆς ἅπαντα προπεπυσμένος ἐδήλου τῷ δεσπότῃ.
1 ὅτε (om. 7a) RO: ὅτι τε τὰ rell.
2 ᾿Αλεξῆς Mi: ΓΛλεξις Βόοζος L.
8.» χῶν πολιτῶν MLE.
4 ἂν καλοίητε Bekker: καλεῖσθαι RO: vocate Lat.: καλώ(ι)ητε
rell. 5 RO: ὄντος rell.
¢ In Ruth i. 7 both daughters-in-law actually start with
her.
144
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, \V. 320-324
left her country, thought to repair thither again, for
she had learnt that all was now going well “with its
But her daughters-in-law had not the heart to be
parted from her, nor for all her pleading when they
were fain to set out with her? could she prevail with
them ; then, as they urged her yet, she prayed that
they mail find happier wedlock than that whereof
they had been disappointed in marrying her sons,
and obtain all blessings beside, but, seeing the case
in which she lay, she implored them to remain where
they were and not to crave to share her uncertain
fortunes in quitting their native land. So Orpha
stayed, but, since Ruth would not be persuaded,
Naamis took her with her, to be her partner in all
that should befall.
(2) Now when Ruth was come with her mother-
in-law to the town of Bethlehem, Boaz, being a kins- ;
man of Abimelech, hospitably receiv ed them. And
Naamis, when folk addressed her by that name,
said, ‘‘ More rightly would ye call me Mara ’—
Sans in the Hebrew tongue signifying “ felicity ”’
Reception
of Ruth
by Boaz.
Ruth ie
1. 19.
and Mara ““erief.” © It being now harvest-time, it 2
Ruth by permission of her mother-in-law went out
to glean, to provide for their sustenance, and by
chance came to the ground of Boaz. Boaz arriving a
little later and seeing the young woman, questioned
the steward of his ἘΠ concerning this child: ; and he,
having just learnt all her story from herself, informed
δ This statement, which appears inconsistent with the
sequel, and is absent from other Biblical texts, recurs in the
Armenian version, which appends to Ruth ii. 1 “ et dedit
Noomin domum viduitatis habitare in ea.”” We must suppose
that Boaz provided a lodging but did not meet his guests.
“Naomi = my delight’: Mara Ξε bitter,”
145
JOSEPHUS
3256 δὲ τῆς περὶ THY πειθερὰν εὐνοίας ἅμα Kal
μνήμης τοῦ παιδὸς αὐτῆς @ συνῴκησεν ἀσπασά-
μενος καὶ εὐξάμενος αὐτῇ πεῖραν ἀγαθῶν, καλα-
μᾶσθαι μὲν αὐτὴν οὐϊς ἠξίωσεν θερίζειν δὲ πᾶν ὅ
τι καὶ δύναιτο καὶ λαμβάνειν ἐπιτρέπει προστάξας
τῷ ἀγροκόμῳ “μηδὲν αὐτὴν διακωλύειν' ἄριστόν
τε παρέχειν αὐτῇ καὶ ποτόν, ὁπότε σιτίζοι τοὺς
326 θερίζοντας. “Ῥούθη δὲ ἄλφιτα λαβοῦσα παρ᾽
αὐτοῦ ἐφύλαξε τῇ ἑκυρᾷ καὶ παρῆν ὀψὲ κομίζουσα
μετὰ τῶν σταχύων" ἐτετηρήκει δ᾽ αὐτῇ καὶ ἢ
Ναάμις ἀπομοίρας βρωμάτων τινῶν, οἷς αὐτὴν
ἐπολυώρουν οἱ γειτονεύοντες" διηγεῖται δὲ αὐτῇ
καὶ τὰ παρὰ τοῦ Βοάζου πρὸς αὐτὴν εἰρημένα.
927 δηλωσάσης δ᾽ ἐκείνης ὡς συγγενής ἐστι καὶ τάχα
ἂν δι᾿ εὐσέβειαν" προνοήσειεν αὐτῶν, ἐξήει πάλιν
ταῖς ἐχομέναις ἡμέραις ἐπὶ καλάμης συλλογὴν σὺν
ταῖς Bodlou θεραπαινίσιν.
8283 (9) ᾿Ελθών τε μετ᾽ οὐ πολλὰς ἡμέρας καὶ Βόα-
ζος ἤδη τῆς κριθῆς λελικμημένης, ἐπὶ τῆς aAwos
ἐκάθευδε. τοῦτο πυθομένη 7 Nadus τεχνᾶται
παρακατακλῖναι THY “Ῥούθην αὐτῷ: καὶ yap ἔσε-
σθαι χρηστὸν αὐταῖς ὁμιλήσαντα τῇς παιδί" καὶ
πέμπει τὴν κόρην ὑπνωσομένην αὐτοῦ παρὰ τοῖς
329 ποσίν. ἡ δέ, πρὸς οὐδὲν γὰρ ἀντιλέγειν τῶν ὑπὸ
τῆς ἐκυρᾶς κελευομένων ὅσιον ἡγεῖτο, παρα-
γίνεται καὶ παραυτίκα μὲν λανθάνει τὸν Βόαζον
βαθέως καθυπνωκότα, περιεγερθεὶς δὲ περὶ μέσην
νύκτα καὶ αἰσθόμενος τῆς ἀνθρώπου παρακατακει-
380 μένης ἀνέκρινε τίς εἴη. τῆς δ᾽ εἰπούσης τοὔνομα
καὶ φαμένης ὡς αὐτῆς" δεσπότην συγχωρεῖν, τότε
1 πλαμβάνειν ROMSP.
2 εὐλάβειαν ROSP. 3 ROE: αὐτὸν rell.
146
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 325-330
his master. And Boaz, alike for her loyalty to her
mother-in-law and for her? remembrance of that
son of hers to whom she had been united, bade her
weleome and wished her enjoyment of blessings: he
would not have her glean but permitted her to reap
and earry away all that she could ; while he eharged
his’steward in no wise to hinder her and to provide
her with luneh and drink when he fed the reapers.
But Ruth, having received of him barley-meal, kept
thereof for her mother-in-law and brought it to her,
on her return at even, along with her sheaves ;
while Naamis on her side had reserved for her por-
tions of some food with whieh attentive neighbours
had provided που Ruth also recounted to her
mother-in-law what Boaz had said to her. And
Naamis having told her that he was a kinsman and
might haply for piety’s sake take care of them, she
went out again on the following days to glean with
the handmaids of Boaz.
(3) Not many days later Boaz himself came and,
when the winnowing of the barley was done, slept
on the threshing-floor. On learning of this, Naamis
schemed to bring Ruth to his side, deeming that he
would be graeious to them after consorting with the
child ; so she sent the damsel to sleep at his feet.
And she, regarding it as a pious duty in nothing to
gainsay the behests of her mother-in-law, repaired
thither, and at the inoment escaped the eye of Boaz,
who was fast asleep ; but, awaking towards midnight
and becoming aware of the woman lying beside him,
he inquired who she was. And she having mentioned
her name and prayed him, as her master, to pardon
“ Or perhaps “‘his’’; Naomi’s son was boaz’s kinsman
as well as Iiuth’s husband. > Amplification.
147
li, 14, 18,
Boaz and
Ruth in the
threshing-
tloor.
Ruth iii. 1.
90]
333
994
JOSEPHUS
A [4 ’ Μ MM ‘ A wv A 3 ’
μὲν ησυχιᾶν αγέει, ὄρθριος δὲ πριν ἢ TOUS plies
pasa κινεῖσθαι πρὸς τὸ ἔργον, περιεγείρας
ὑτὴν κελεύει τῶν κριθῶν λαβοῦσαν 6 Tt Kal
nee πορεύεσθαι πρὸς τὴν ἑκυρὰν πρὶν ὀφθῆναι
τισιν αὐτόθι κεκοιμημένην, φυλάττεσθαι; σῶφρον
ov? τὴν ἐπὶ τοιούτοις διαβολὴν καὶ μάλιστ᾽ ἐπὶ
μὴ γεγονόσι. “‘ περὶ μέντοι τοῦ παντὸς οὕτω,
φησίν, “᾿ ἔσται, ἐρωτᾶν τὸν ἔγγιστά μου τῷ
γένει τυγχάνοντα, εἴ σον χρεία γαμετῆς ἐστιν
αὐτῷ, καὶ λέγοντι μὲν ἀκολουθήσεις ἐκείνῳ, παρ-
αἰτουμένου δὲ νόμῳ σε συνοικήσουσαν ἀἄξομαι.᾽᾽
(+) Ταῦτα τῇ ἑκυρᾷ δηλωσάσης εὐθυμία κατεῖχεν
αὐτὰς ἐν ἐλπίδι τοῦ πρόνοιαν ἕξειν αὐτῶν Βόαζον
γενομένας. κἀκεῖνος 707 “μεσούσης τῆς ἡμέρας
κατελθὼν εἰς τὴν πόλιν τήν τε γερουσίαν συνῆγε
καὶ “μεταπεμψάμενος “Ρούθην ἐκάλει. καὶ τὸν συγ-
γενῆ, καὶ παραγενομένου φησίν: “᾿᾿Αβιμελέχου
καὶ τῶν υἱῶν αὐτοῦ κλήρων “κρατεῖς; οἱ ὁμολογή-
σαντος δὲ συγχωρούντων τῶν νόμων κατὰ ἀγχι-
στείαν, “᾿ οὐκοῦν, φησὶν ὁ Βόαζος, “᾿ οὐκ ἐξ ἡμι-
σείας δεῖ μεμνῆσθαι τῶν νόμων, ἀλλὰ “πάντα ποιεῖν
κατ᾽ αὐτούς. MadAov* yap δεῦρ᾽ ἥκει γύναιον,
ὅπερ εἰ θέλεις τῶν ἀγρῶν κρατεῖν γαμεῖν σε δεῖ
κατὰ τοὺς νόμους. ὁ δὲ Βοάζῳ καὶ τοῦ κλήρου
καὶ τῆς γυναικὸς παρεχώρει συγγενεῖ μὲν ὄντι καὶ
αὐτῷ τῶν τετελευτηκότων, εἶναι δὲ καὶ γυναῖκα
1 + γὰρ MSPL. 2 ὃν con).
Some RO Lat:
4 vill. Ma\Xiwvos, Διαλῶνος.
@ Niese’s conjecture, cov for nov, is needless: the super-
lative in τὸν ἔγγιστά μου includes the comparative.
1438
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, ¥.. 330-334
her, he for the time held his peace; but at day-
break, ere his servants began to move to their work,
he roused her and bade her take as much of the
barley as she could carry and be off to her mother-
in- -law, before anyone should see that she had slept
there, since it was wise to guard against seandal of
that kind, and the more so when nothing had passed.
‘But as concerning the whole matter,” said he,
‘thus shall it be. He that is nearer of kin (to thee)
than 1,6 must be asked whether he would have thee
to wife: if he says yea, thou shalt follow him ; if he
declines, I will take thee for my lawful bride.”
(4) Ruth having reported this to her mother-in-
law, they were well content, in the expectation that
Boaz would take them under his care. And he,
having towards midday ® gone down into the city,
assembled the elders,® sent for Ruth and summoned
the kinsman also, upon whose coming he said to
him, “‘ Art thou the possessor of the heritage of
Abimelech and his sons?” ‘“ Yes,’’ he admitted,
“the laws cede it to me in virtue of nearness of
kin.’ “Then,” said Boaz, ‘ thou oughtest not to
remember but one half of those laws, but to do
all that they require. Maalon’s young wife is come
hither: if thou wouldest retain those lands, thou
must marry her in accordance with the laws.” He,
however, renounced both the heritage and the
woman to Boaz, who was himself likewise a kinsman
of the dead, on the plea that he had a wife and
®’ Amplification, like the question addressed to the kinsman
below and other details in this narrative. The reference to
the γερουσία, ‘council of elders ”’ or *‘ senate,” has a parallel
in the Targum which says that Boaz came before the court
of the Sanhedrin. Scripture says merely ‘‘ he took ten men
of the elders of the city ” (iv. 2).
149
Marriage ot
Boaz and
Ruth : thei
descend-
ants.
Ruth iii. 16
iv. 1.
335
336
337
338
JOSEPHUS
λέγων αὐτῷ καὶ παῖδας ἤδη. μαρτυράμενος οὖν
ὁ Boalos τὴν γερουσίαν ἐκέλευε τῇ γυναικὶ
ὑπολῦσαι αὐτὸν προσελθοῦσαν κατὰ τὸν νόμον καὶ
πτύειν εἰς τὸ πρόσωπον. γενομένου δὲ τούτου
Βόαζος γαμεῖ τὴν "Ρούθην καὶ γίνεται παιδίον
αὐτοῖς μετ᾽ ἐνιαυτὸν ἄρρεν. τοῦτο ἡ Nadpus
τιτθευομένη κατὰ συμβουλίαν τῶν γυναικῶν ᾿Ωβή-
δην ἐκάλεσεν ἐπὶ γηροκομίᾳ τῇ αὐτῆς τραφησό-
μενον" ὠβήδης γὰρ κατὰ διάλεκτον τὴν Ἑβραίων
ἀποσημαΐίνει δουλεύων. ᾿Ωβήδου δὲ γίνεται!
᾿Ιεσσαῖος, τούτου Δαυίδης ὁ βασιλεύσας καὶ παισὶ
τοῖς αὐτοῦ καταλιπὼν τὴν ἡγεμονίαν ἐπὶ μίαν καὶ
εἴκοσι γενεὰς ἀνδρῶν. τὰ μὲν οὖν κατὰ “ΡῬούθην
ἀναγκαίως διηγησάμην, ἐπιδεῖξαι βουλόμενος τὴν
τοῦ θεοῦ ύναμιν, ὅτι τούτῳ παράγειν ἐφικτόν
ἐστιν εἰς ἀξίωμα λαμπρὸν καὶ τοὺς ἐπιτυχόντας,
εἰς οἷον ἀνήγαγε καὶ Δαυίδην ἐκ τοιούτων γενό-
μένον.
(x. 1) Ἑβραῖοι δὲ τῶν πραγμάτων αὐτοῖς ὑπ-
ἐνεχθέντων πάλιν πόλεμον ἐκφέρουσι ΙΤαλαιστίνοις
διὰ τοιαύτην αἰτίαν: ᾿Ηλεῖ τῷ ἀρχιερεῖ δύο παῖδες
339 ἦσαν “Odvins τε καὶ Φινεέσης. οὗτοι καὶ πρὸς
ἀνθρώπους ὑβρισταὶ γενόμενοι καὶ πρὸς τὸ θεῖον
ἀσεβεῖς οὐδενὸς ἀπείχοντο παρανομήματος, καὶ
τὰ μὲν ἐφέροντο τῶν γερῶν κατὰ τιμήν, ἃ
ἐλάμβανον αὑτοῖς" ἁρπαγῆς τρόπῳ, γυναῖκάς τε
τὰς ἐπὶ θρησκείᾳ παραγινομένας ὑβριζον φθοραῖς,
ταῖς μὲν βίαν προσφέροντες τὰς δὲ δώροις ὑπαγό-
l παῖς RO. 2 αὐτοῖς codd.
“ Amplification: there is no mention in Scripture of a
previous marriage.
150
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 335-339
children already. Boaz therefore, having taken the
elders to witness, bade the woman loose the man’s
shoe, approaching him as the law ordained, and to
spit in his face.2 That done, Boaz married Ruth,
and a year after a peu was born to them. This
infant was nursed by Naamis, who on the counsel of
the women called him Obed, because he was to be
brought up to be the stay of her old age; for obed
in the Hebrew tongue signifies ‘one who serves.”
Of Obed was born Jesse, and of him David, who
became king and bequeathed his dominion to his
posterity for one and twenty generations. This
story of Ruth I have been constrained to relate,
being desirous to show the power of God and how
easy “it is for Him to promote even ordinary folk to
rank so illustrious as that to which he raised David,
sprung from such ancestors.
(x. 1) The Hebrews, whose affairs had declined, The iniquity
again made war upon the Philistines, the oceasion ΠΡ
being on this wise. Eli the high priest had two sons,
Hophnies® and Phinees.° These, grown both insolent
to men and impious to the Divinity, abstained from
no iniquity : of the offerings some they carried off
as the prizes of office, others they seized in robber
fashion; they dishonoured the women who came fi. 22
for worship, doing violenee to some and seducing
ὑ This last detail is taken from the law (Dent. xxv. 9;
A. iv. 256), but is not mentioned in Ruth, which deseribes
a different ceremony, the giving of his shoe by the purchaser
to the seller, as a uihol of exchange. In this case the
kinsman should presumably not have been subjected to the
humiliating ceremony preseribed by the law of levirate
marriage in Deuteronomy, inasmuch as he was not a brother
of Ruth's dead husband.
¢ Bibl. Hopbni, and Phinehas.
VOL. V L 15]
JOSEPHUS
μενοι: τυραννίδος δ᾽ οὐθὲν ἀπέλειπεν ὁ βίος αὐτῶν.
© id > A 8... ὅν easy 50. ἃ 7ὔ ~ >
340 0 TE OUV ΠΑΤῊΡ αὐτὸς ETL TOUTOLS χαλεπῶς εἰχεν
34]
ω 3 , ~ itd 3 ~ ,
ὅσον οὐδέπω προσδοκῶν ἥξειν ἐκ θεοῦ τιμωρίαν
αὐτοῖς ἐπὶ τοῖς πραττομένοις, τό τε πλῆθος ἐδυσ-
Ψ' 3 4 , A 3 e A ¢€
oper, κἀπειδὴ φράζει τὴν ἐσομένην συμφορὰν ὁ
θεὸς τοῖς παισὶν αὐτοῦ τῷ τε Ἢλεῖ καὶ Σαμουήλῳ
τῷ “προφήτῃ παιδὶ τότε" ὄντι, τότε φανερὸν ἐ ἐπὶ τοῖς
υἱοῖς πένθος ἦγε.
(9) Ἰδούλομαι δὲ τὰ περὶ τοῦ προφήτου πρότερον
A ” 3 is Ἁ 4 Α 3 - “-
διεξελθὼν ἔπειθ᾽ οὕτως τὰ περὶ τοὺς ᾿Ηλεῖ παῖδας
εἰπεῖν καὶ τὴν δυστυχίαν τὴν τῷ παντὶ λαῷ
Ἕ , , 3 e “ > A ~
βραίων γενομένην. Αλκάνης Λευίτης ἀνὴρ τῶν
ἐν μέσῳ πολιτῶν τῆς ᾿Βφράμου κληρουχίας ᾿Δρμα-
θὰν" πόλιν κατοικῶν ἐγάμει δύο γυναῖκας "Ἄνναν
τε καὶ Φενάνναν. ἐκ δὴ ταύτης καὶ παῖδες αὐτῷ
γίνονται, τὴν δ᾽ ἑτέραν ἄτεκνον οὖσαν ἀγαπῶν
’ὔ 3 “- ~ ~
343 διετέλει. ἀφικομένου δὲ μετὰ τῶν γυναικῶν τοῦ
᾿Αλκάνου εἰς Σιλὼ πόλιν θῦσαι, ἐνταῦθα “γὰρ ἡ
σκηνὴ τοῦ θεοῦ ἐπεπήγει καθὼς προειρήκαμεν,
\
και πάλιν κατὰ τὴν εὐωχίαν νέμοντος μοίρας
κρεῶν ταῖς he γυναιξὶ καὶ τοῖς τέκνοις, ἡ "Ἄννα
θεασαμένη τοὺς τῆς ἑτέρας παῖδας TH μητρὶ περι-
καθισαμένους, εἰς δάκρυά τε προύπεσε Kal τῆς
ἀπαιδίας αὑτὴν ὠλοφύρετο καὶ τῆς μονώσεως.
1 αὐτοῖς Δ]: αὐτῶν LE (quorum Lat.).
2 MLE: τε rell.: ére Dindorf.
3 'Pauaday ROM: Aramath Lat.: forte 1. ᾿Αραμαθὰν.
« The order of words is peculiar: the Greek might be
rendered *‘ when God announced to his servants, Eli and
Samuel... the fate that was in store.”
m Por this ut with regard to the arrangement of the
srrative cf. iv. 196. ¢ Bibl. Elkanah.
a Chron. vi. 27 (not stated in Samuel).
Low
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, \. -93955345
others by presents; in short, their manner of life
differed in no whit from a tyranny. And so their
father was himself in sore distress thereat, hourly
expecting to see them visited by chastisement from
God for their misdeeds, and the people were chafing ;
and when God announeed both to Eli and to Samuel
the prophet, then but a ehild, the fate that was in
store for his sons,? then did Eli openly make mourning
over his sons.
(2) But here I would first reeount the story of the
prophet and then proceed ὃ to speak of the fate of
Eli's sons and the disaster that befell the whole
people of the Hebrews. Alkanes,° a Levite 4 of the
middle classes, of the tribe of Ephraim and an in-
habitant of the city of Armatha,’ married two wives,
Anna and Phenanna.’ By the latter he had children,
but the other, though childless, remained beloved of
her husband. Now when Alkanes was come with
his wives to the eity of Silo to sacrifice—for it was
there that the tabernacle of God had been pitched,
as we have said before’—and when thereafter” at
the banquet he was distributing portions of meat to
his wives and children, Anna, beholding the children
of the other wife seated around their mother, burst
into tears and bewailed her barrenness and lonesome
¢ Bibl. Ramathaim-zophim (Lxx ᾿Αρμαθαὶμ Neca), another
name for Ramah and_ possibly identical with the N.T.
Arimathaea : site disputed.
f Bibl. Hannah and Peninnah (7xx, like Josephus, Φενάννα).
tev 69.
4 πάλιν, probably an Aramaisn; Wellhausen notes that
in Mark’s Gospel “ πάλιν, like Aramaic ¢ub, means not only
‘again,’ but also ‘further,’ ‘thereupon’ ” (/vinleitung in
die drei ersten Evangelien, ed. 2, pp. 21 f.). There are other
indications that this Joscphan narrative of the birth of Samuel
is drawn from an Aramaie source.
153
Eli
announces
to Hannah
the birth of
a son.
1. ὅδ. 1. 1.
9.1
345
346
347
JOSEPHUS
‘ ~ > 4 ~
Kal Τῆς τἀνδρὸς παραμυθίας ΤΊ λύπῃ κρατήσασα
3 Α ‘ κι
εἰς THY σκηνὴν ᾧχετο τὸν θεὸν ἱκετεύουσα δοῦναι
A > A \ ~
γονὴν αὐτῇ Kal ποιῆσαι μητέρα, ἐπαγγελλομένη
‘ ~ ~
TO πρῶτον αὐτῇ γενησόμενον καθιερώσειν ἐπὶ
,ὔ ~ ~ ~
διακονίᾳ τοῦ θεοῦ, δίαιταν οὐχ ὁμοίαν τοῖς ἰδιώταις
, ~ ~
ποιησόμενον. διατριβούσης δ᾽ ἐπὶ ταῖς εὐχαῖς
A , 3 \ ¢ > / 3 7 \
πολὺν χρόνον ᾿Ηλεὶς ὁ ἀρχιερεύς, ἐκαθέζετο yap
Α ~ “~ “~
πρὸ τῆς σκηνῆς, ὡς παροινοῦσαν ἐκέλευεν ἀπιέναι.
~ A ol Cf , 7 > > A
τῆς δὲ πιεῖν ὕδωρ φαμένης, λυπουμένης δ᾽ ἐπὶ
’, > , “
παίδων ἀπορίᾳ τὸν θεὸν ἱκετεύειν, θαρσεῖν παρ-
’ ~ “~
εκελεύετο, παρέξειν αὐτῇ παῖδας τὸν θεὸν κατ-
αγγέλλων.
4 3
(3) Παραγενομένη δ᾽ εὔελπις πρὸς τὸν avdpa
A ’ >
τροφὴν χαίρουσα προσηνέγκατο, καὶ ἀναστρε-
,
ψάντων εἰς τὴν πατρίδα κύειν ἤρξατο καὶ γίνεται
παιδίον αὐτοῖς, ὃν Σαμούηλον προσαγορεύουσι"
θεαίτητον ἂν τις eimor. παρῆσαν οὖν ὑπέρ τῆς
“~ 3
τοῦ παιδὸς θύσοντες γενέσεως δεκάτας T ἔφερον.
a > ¢ “~ “a κ᾿ Tat, “a
ἀναμνησθεῖσα δ᾽ ἡ γυνὴ τῆς εὐχῆς τῆς ἐπὶ τῷ
‘ 4 , ~ 3 ~ 3 ral
παιδὶ γεγενημένης παρεδίδου τῷ ᾿Ηλεῖ ἀνατιθεῖσα
τῷ θεῷ προφήτην γενησόμενον" κόμη τε οὖν αὐτῷ
ἀνεῖτο καὶ ποτὸν ἣν ὕδωρ. καὶ Σαμούηλος μὲν
ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ διῆ εφόμενος, ᾿Αλκάνῃ δ᾽ ἐκ τῆ
ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ διῆγε τρεφόμενος, vy τῆς
i / 4 ~ 7
"Avvas υἱεῖς τε ἄλλοι γίνονται καὶ τρεῖς θυγατέρες.
1 ἄλλοι om. ROM.
¢ A close parallel from a Targum is supplied by Mr.
(now Archdeacon) Hunkin, **a woman who begins to
bear a first-born,’”? Journal of Theol. Studies, xxv. (1924),
p. 398, n. 2.
151
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 344-347
lot. And, her grief proving stronger than her hus-
band’s consolation, she went off to the tabernacle,
to beseech God to grant her offspring and to make
her a mother, promising that her first-born should
be consecrated to the service of God and that his
manner of life should be unlike that of ordinary men.
And as she lingered a long time over her prayers,
Eli the high priest, who was seated at the entrance
of the tabernacle, taking her for a drunkard, bade
her begone. But, on her replying that she had
drunk but water and that it was for grief at the lack
of children that she was making supplication to God,
he exhorted her to be of good ἐπξε announcing hat
God would grant her children.
(3) Repairing thus in good hope to her husband, she
took her food with gladness, and on their return to
their native place she began to conceive 7; and an
infant was born to them, whom they called Samuel,
as one might say “ asked of God.’’® They came
therefore again to offer sacrifices for the birth of the
child and brought their tithes also. And the woman,
mindful of the vow whieh she had made coneerning
the child, delivered him to Eli, dedicating him to
God to become a prophet ; so his locks were left to
grow and his drink was water. Thus Samuel lived /
and was brought up in the sanctuary, but Alkanes
had by Anna yet other sons and three daughters.¢
° This biblical etymology (1 Sam, i. 20) is now abandoned:
‘“ Name of God ”’ is the probable. meaning.
¢ The offerings are specified in 1 Sam. i. Qf: for the
tithes οὐ. the addition in Lxx to ν. 21, καὶ πάσας τὰς δεκάτας
τῆς γῆς αὐτοῦ.
4 Bibl. ‘three sons and two daughters”: possibly a
figure γ΄ (=3) has fallen out of the text of Josephus before
γίνονται,
155
9,
pt
to
Birth and
dedication
of Samuel.
1 Sam. i. 18
"Ὁ
2]
918
JOSEPHUS
(4) Σαμούηλος δὲ πεπληρωκὼς ἔτος ἤδη δωδέ-
κατον προεφήτευε. καί ποτε κοιμώμενον ὀνομαστὶ
ἐκάλεσεν ὁ θεός" ὁ δὲ νομίσας ὑπὸ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως
πεφωνῆσθαι παραγίνεται πρὸς αὐτόν. οὐ φαμένου
δὲ καλέσαι τοῦ ἀρχιερέως ὁ θεὸς εἰς τρὶς τοῦτο
349 ποιεῖ. καὶ ᾿Ιλεὶς διαυγασθείς' φησι πρὸς αὐτόν,
{{ LAA. 3 4 / vw ΄ λ \ ¢ 4 3 4
ἀλλ᾽ ἐγὼ μέν, Σαμούηλε, σιγὴν ws καὶ TO πρὶν
> ~ A
ἦγον, θεὸς δ᾽ ἐστὶν ὁ καλῶν, σήμαινέ τεῦ πρὸς
αὐτόν, ὅτι Tapatuyyavw.” καὶ τοῦ θεοῦ φθεγ-
/ ’ 3 3 ,ὔ - 3 \ A
ξαμένου πάλιν ἀκούσας ἠξίου λαλεῖν ἐπὶ τοῖς
χρωμένοις" οὐ γὰρ ὑστερήσειν αὐτὸν ἐφ᾿ οἷς ἂν
350 θελήσειε διακονίας. καὶ 6 θεός “᾿Αἐπεί,᾽ φησί,
95]
παρατυγχάνεις, μάνθανε συμφορὰν Ἰσραηλίταις
ἐσομένην λόγου μείζονα καὶ πίστεως τοῖς παρα-
τυγχάνουσι, καὶ τοὺς ᾿Ηλεῖ δὲ παῖδας ἡμέρᾳ μιᾷ
τεθνηξομένους καὶ τὴν ἱερωσύνην μετελευσομένην
εἰς τὴν ᾿Ελεαζάρου οἰκίαν᾽ ᾿Ηλεὶς γὰρ τῆς ἐμῆς
θεραπείας μᾶλλον τοὺς υἱοὺς καὶ παρὰ τὸ (ou
φέρον αὐτοῖς ἠγάπησε." ταῦτα βιασάμενος ὁ ὅρκοις
εἰπεῖν αὐτῷ τὸν προφήτην ᾿Ηλείς, οὐ γὰρ ἐβού-
λετο λυπεῖν αὐτὸν λέγων, ἔτι μᾶλλον βεβαιοτέραν
εἶχε τὴν προσδοκίαν τῆς τῶν τέκνων ἀπωλείας.
Σαμουήλου δὲ ηὔξετο ἐπὶ πλέον ἡ δόξα πάντων ὧν
προεφήτευσεν ἀληθινῶν βλεπομένων.
(xi. 1) Κατὰ τοῦτον δὴ τὸν καιρὸν" []αλαιστῖνοι
1 διυπνισθεὶς SPL.
2 Niese (ex RO ἐσήμαινέ re): ἀλλὰ σήμαινε rell.
34 καὶ ROM.
¢ Age not mentioned in Scripture.
> Greek ‘“‘speak upon (i.e. “concerning ’’) His oracles,”
again suggesting a Semitic original; the Hebrew use of
dibber ‘al is exactly parallel.
156
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 348-352
(4) Samuel had now completed his twelfth year % God's _
when he began to act as a prophet. And one night Rae ἈΝΤ Τ᾽
as he slept God ealled him by name; but he, sup- 1 Sam. ii. 3
posing that he had been summoned by the high
priest, went off to him. But the high priest replied
that he had not ealled him, and God did this thing
thrice. Then Eli, enlightened, said to him, *‘ Nay,
Samuel, J held my peace even as before : it is God
that ealleth thee. Say then to Him, Here am I.”
So, when God spake again, Samuel hearing Him
besought Him to speak ὃ His oraeles, for he would
not fail to serve Him in whatsoever He might desire.
And God said, “‘ Since thou art there, learn that a
calamity will befall the Israelites passing the speeeh
or belief of them that witness it,° aye and that the
sons of Eli shall die on the selfsame day and that the
priesthood shall pass to the house of Eleazar.? For ii. 29.
_ Eli hath loved his sons more dearly than my worship,
and not to their welfare.” All this Eli constrained iii. 15.
the prophet by oath to reveal to him—for Samuel
was loth to grieve him by telling it—and he now
awaited with yet more eertainty than before the loss
of his ehildren. But the renown of Samuel increased
more and more, sinee all that he prophesied was
seen to come true:
(xi. 1) This then was the time when the Philis- ἐπ ΩΣ
¢ * Those on the spot”? is the usual sense of the verb in
Josephus and it has ἘΠῚ so used twice just above (“ Here
ami ts thoucart the re ); others here render “* anyone ”
(“any ehance persons ᾽)).
4 Cf. 1 Sam. ii. 30 ff.: the propheey there made to Eli
himself was, according to Scripture, fulfilled under king
Solomon, when Abiathar of the house of Ithamar was re-
placed by Zadok of the house of Eleazar (1 Kings ii. 27, 35 ;
A. viii. 11).
157
903
354
355
356
JOSEPHUS
> \
στρατεύσαντες ἐπὶ τοὺς ᾿Ισραηλίτας στρατοπεδεύον-
\ 3 “-
ται κατὰ πόλιν ᾿Αμφεκᾶν, δεξαμένων δ᾽ ἐξ ὀλί-
~ 3 ~
you τῶν ᾿Ισραηλιτῶν συνήεσαν εἰς τὴν ἐχομένην
“ a \ ~
Kat νικῶσιν ot Ἰ]αλαιστῖνοι καὶ κτείνουσι μὲν TOV
¢ ~
EBpaiwy eis τετρακισχιλίους, τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν πλῆθος
συνδιώκουσιν εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον.
(2) Δείσαντες δὲ περὶ τῶν ὅλων Ἑβραῖοι; πέμ-
Α ’ \ \
πουσιν ws τὴν γερουσίαν καὶ τὸν ἀρχιερέα, τὴν
κιβωτὸν τοῦ θεοῦ κελεύοντες κομίζειν, ἵνα παρούσης
~ ~ ~ id
αὐτῆς παρατασσόμενοι κρατῶσι τῶν πολεμίων,
~ 3
ἀγνοοῦντες ὅτι μείζων ἐστὶν 6 καταψηφισάμενος
~ ~ ~ 4
αὐτῶν τὴν συμφορὰν τῆς κιβωτοῦ, du ὃν καὶ ταύ-
~ A
Thv συνέβαινεν εἶναι. παρῆν τε οὖν ἡ κιβωτὸς
καὶ οἱ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως υἱεῖς τοῦ πατρὸς αὐτοῖς
> , 3 , ~ ~ ~
ἐπιστείλαντος, εἰ ληφθείσης τῆς κιβωτοῦ ζῆν
52 7 3 ) » >» \ ,
ἐθέλουσιν, εἰς ὄψιν αὐτῷ μὴ παραγίνεσθαι.
Φινεέσης δὲ ἤδη καὶ ἱερᾶτο, τοῦ πατρὸς αὐτῷ
a >
παρακεχωρηκότος διὰ TO γῆρας. θάρσος οὖν
> , A ~ ¢ / e A A 3»
ἐπιγίνεται πολὺ τοῖς Ἑβραίοις ὡς διὰ τὴν ἀφιξιν
~ ~ ~ 4
τῆς κιβωτοῦ περιεσομένοις τῶν πολεμίων, KaT-
/ \ e ,ὔ 4 Ἁ ,ὔ
επλήττοντο δὲ οἱ πολέμιοι δεδιότες τὴν παρουσίαν
τῆς κιβωτοῦ τοῖς ᾿Ισραηλίταις. ταῖς μέντοι γε
A
ἑκατέρων προσδοκίαις οὐχ ὅμοιον ἀπήντησε TO
μὲ 3 Ἁ ~ 4 a A v
ἔργον, ἀλλὰ συμβολῆς γενομένης ἣν μὲν ἠλπιζον
1 RO: pr. οἱ rell. 24 ἐν τιμῇ SP.
8 ἐθελήσουσιν SP.
4 Bibl. Aphek: in the plain of Sharon, perhaps the
modern el Mejdel.
158
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 352-356
tines, taking the field against the Israelites, pitehed
their eamp over against the eity of Amphekas.¢
The Israelites having hastily confronted them, the
armies met on the following day, and the Philistines
were victorious, slaying some four thousand of the
Hebrews and pursuing the remainder of the host to
their eamp.
(2) Fearing a complete disaster, the Hebrews
sent word to the eouneil of elders ὃ and to the high
priest to bring the ark of God, in order that, through
its presence in their ranks, they might overcome
their enemies, ignorant that He who had deereed
their discomfiture was mightier than the ark, seeing
that it was to Him indeed that it owed its being.¢
And so the ark arrived, and with it the sons of the
high priest, having received injunctions from their
father, if they wished to survive the capture of the
ark, not to venture into his sight. Phinees was
already acting as high priest, his father having made
way for him by reason of old age.¢ Confidence then
mightily revived among the Hebrews, who hoped
through the coming of ‘the ark to get the better of
their enemies, ΠΣ the enemy were in consterna-
tion, dreading that presence of the ark among the
Israelites. Howbeit, the event did not answer to the
expectations of either of them, but when the clash
> In scripture the elders at the camp suggest that the ark
be brought from Shiloh.
© Or, according to another reading, ‘‘ for His sake that it
was held in veneration.”
4 Amplification (along with the father’s injunctions to his
sons). Rabbinic tradition also states that Phinelhas officiated
as High Pricst in the lifetime of Eli. ‘The latter's blindness
(1 Sam. iii. 3) would have disqualified him from office
according to Jewish law (Lev. xxi. 18, Josephus, 2), 1. 270).
159
Philistines.
1 Sam. iv. L
Further
defeat of tha
Hebrews
and capture
of the ark.
1 Sam. iv. 3
JOSEPHUS
νίκην ‘EBpatoe τῶν Ἰ]αλαιστίίων αὕτη γίνεται,
ἣν δ᾽ ἐφοβοῦντο ἧτταν οὗτοι, ταύτην “Ἑβραῖοι
παθόντες ἔγνωσαν αὐτοὺς μάτην ἐπὶ τῇ κιβωτῷ
τεθαρσηκότας: ἐτράπησάν τε γὰρ εὐθὺς εἰς χεῖρας
ἐλθόντες τῶν πολεμίων καὶ ἀπέβαλον εἰς τρισ-
μυρίους, ἐν οἷς ἔπεσον καὶ οἱ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως υἱεῖς,
ἢ τε κιβωτὸς ἤγετο πρὸς τῶν πολεμίων.
967 (9) ᾿Απαγγελθείσης δὲ τῆς ἥττης εἰς τὴν Σιλὼ
καὶ Τῆς αἰχμαλωσίας τῆς κιβωτοῦ, Βενιαμίτης
γάρ τις αὐτοῖς ἄγγελος αφικνεῖται νεανίας παρα-
τετευχὼς τῷ γεγονότι, πένθους ἀνεπλήσθη πᾶσα
358 ἡ πόλις. καὶ ᾿Ηλεὶς ὁ ἀρχιερεύς, ἐκαθέζετο γὰρ
καθ᾽ ἑτέρας τῶν πυλῶν ἐφ᾽ ὑψηλοῦ θρόνου, ἀκούσας
οἰμωγῆς καὶ νομίσας νεώτερόν τι πεπρᾶχθαι περὶ
τοὺς οἰκείους καὶ μεταπεμψάμενος τὸν νεανίαν,
ὡς ἔγνω τὰ κατὰ τὴν μάχην, ῥάων ἦν ἐπί τε
τοῖς παισὶ καὶ τοῖς συνενηνεγμένοις' περὶ τὸ στρα-
τόπεδον ὡς ἂν προεγνωκὼς παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ τὸ
συμβησόμενον καὶ “προαπηγγελκώς" συνέχει" γὰρ
ἱκανῶς" τὰ παρὰ ΤῊ προσδοκίαν συντυχόντα τῶν
359 δεινῶν. ὡς δὲ καὶ τὴν κιβωτὸν ἤκουσεν ἡχμα-
λωτίσθαι πρὸς τῶν πολεμίων, ὑπὸ τοῦ παρ᾽
ἐλπίδας αὐτῷ τοῦτο προσπεσεῖν περιαλγήσας
ἀποκυλισθεὶς ἀπὸ τοῦ θρόνου τελευτᾷ, ὀκτὼ καὶ
ἐνενήκοντα βιώσας ἔτη τὰ πάντα καὶ τούτων τὰ"
τεσσαράκοντα κατασχὼν τὴν ἀρχήν.
860 (ἢ) Θνήσκει δὲ κατ᾽ ἐκείνην τὴν ἡμέραν καὶ ἡ
Φινεέσονυ τοῦ παιδὸς γυνὴ μὴ καρτερήσασα ζῆν
ἐπὶ τῇ Tavdpos δυστυχίᾳ. Kvovon μὲν αὐτῇ
1 Text doubtful: ἐπὶ τῷ τοῖς παισὶ τοῖς αὐτοῦ συνενηνεγμένῳ
Niese. 2 confundunt Lat.: συγχεῖ Naber.
8 ἀκριβῶς ROE. 4 τὰ κατὰ OE: τὰ ἢ. δ τὰ om. ROE.
160
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 356-360
came, that vietory for which the Hebrews hoped went
to the Philistines, and that defeat whieh these feared
was sustained by the Hebrews, who learnt that their
trust in the ark had been in vain. For soon as ever
they elosed with the enemy they were routed and lost
some thirty thousand men, among the fallen being
the sons of the high priest; and the ark was earried
off by the enemy.
(3) When the defeat and the capture of the ark
were reported in Silo—the news was brought by a
young Benjamite who had been present at the action
—the whole city was filled with lamentation. And
Eli the high priest, who was sitting at one of the two
gates on a lofty seat, hearing the wails and surmising
that some grave disaster had befallen his offspring,
sent for the young man; and when he learnt the
issue of the battle, he bore with moderate eomposure
the fate of his sons and that which had happened to
the army, seeing that he had known beforehand
from God and had forewarned them of that whieh
was to come, for men are affeeted most by those
shoeks that fall unexpectedly. But when he heard
moreover that the ark had been eaptured by the
enemy, in an agony of grief at this unlooked for
tidings, he tumbled from his seat and expired,
having lived ninety and eight years in all and for
forty 4 of them held supreme power.
(+) That same day died also the wife of his son
Phinees, having not the strength to survive her
husband’s misfortune. She was indeed with ehild
@¢ So Heb. and some mss. of xx: the majority of the ss.
of the Greck Bible read “ twenty.”
161
Death of Eli.
1 Sam. iv. 12.
15.
18.
Death of
the wife of
Phinehas.
1Sam.iv. 19
96]
JOSEPHUS
προσηγγέλη τὸ περὶ τὸν ἄνδρα πάθος, τίκτει δ᾽
ἑπταμηνιαῖον παῖδα, ὃν καὶ ζήσαντα ᾿Ιωχάβην'
προσηγόρευσαν, σημαίνει δὲ ἀδοξίαν τὸ ὄνομα, διὰ
τὴν προσπεσοῦσαν δύσκλειαν τότε τῷ στρατῷ.
(5) Ἤρξε δὲ πρῶτος ᾿Ηλεὶς ᾿θαμάρου τῆς
ἑτέρου τῶν ᾿Λαρῶνος υἱῶν οἰκίας" ἡ yap ᾿᾽]λεα-
ζάρου οἰκία τὸ “πρῶτον ἱερᾶτο παῖς παρὰ πατρὸς
ἐπιδεχόμενοι τὴν τιμήν, ἐκεῖνός τε Φινεέσῃ τῷ
παιδὶ αὐτοῦ παραδίδωσι, μεθ᾽ ὃν ᾿Αβιεζέρης υἱὸς
ὧν αὐτοῦ τὴν τιμὴν παραλαβὼν παιδὲ αὐτοῦ Βόκκι
τοὔνομα αὐτὴν κατέλιπε, “παρ᾽ οὗ διεδέξατο Ὄξις
υἱὸς ὦν, μεθ᾽ ὃν ᾿Ηλεὶς ἔσχε τὴν ἱερωσύνην, περὶ
οὗ νῦν ὁ λόγος, καὶ τὸ γένος τὸ ἀπ᾽ ἐκεΐνου μέχρι
τῶν κατὰ τὴν τοῦ" Σολόμωνος βασιλείαν καιρῶν.
τότε δὲ οἱ ᾿Ελεαζάρου πάλιν αὐτὴν ἀπέλαβον.
1 ρ ἰὶ!, Ἰωαχάβην, ᾿Ιαχώβην ete.
2 τοῦ om. MSPLE.
α Unscriptural detail. Rabbinic tradition includes Samuel
but not Ichabod, among seven months’ children.
δ Bibl. I-chabod (=“' no glory ᾽᾽).
162
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V. 360-362
when she was told of his fate, and she gave birth to
a seven months’® son; and him, since he lived,
they ealled Jochabes® (a name signifying “ in-
gloriousness ’’) because of the ignominy that then
befell the army.
(5) Eli was the first to bear rule of the house of succession
Ithamar,¢ the second 4 of Aaron’s sons ; for the house ee
of Eleazar held the high priesthood at the first, the
dignity descending from father to son. Eleazar 1 Chron,
transmitted it to Phinees his son, after whom ‘! 4&
Abiezer* his son received it, leaving it to his son,
named Bokki,f from whom Ozis’ his son inherited
it; it was after him that Eli, of whom we have been
speaking, held the priesthood, as also his posterity
down to the times of the reign of Solomon. Then cf 1 Kings
the descendants of Eleazar once more recovered it. ' "1, 80.
¢ Based not on Scripture, but on tradition (see M. Weill’s
note).
ἃ be ‘*‘ one of two.’ Of the four sons of Aaron—Nadab,
Abihu, Eleazar and [thamar—the first two died young
Ci Chron. xxiv: 1 £.).
¢ Bibl. Abishua (1 Chron. vi. 4).
7 Bibl. Bukki. σ Bibl. Uzzi.
163
ΒΙΒΛΙΟΝ ς
(i. 1) Λαβόντες δ᾽ οἱ Παλαιστῖνοι τὴν τῶν
sania κιβωτὸν αἰχμάλωτον, ὡς προειρήκαμεν
μικρὸν ἔμπροσθεν, εἰς “ACw7ov ἐκόμισαν πόλιν καὶ
παρὰ τὸν αὑτῶν θεὸν ὥσπερ τι λάφυρον, Δαγὼν
9 δ᾽ οὗτος ἐκαλεῖτο, τιθέασι. τῇ δ᾽ ἐπιούσῃ πάντες
ὑπὸ τὴν τῆς ἡμέρας ἀρχὴν εἰσιόντες εἰς τὸν ναὸν
προσκυνῆσαι τὸν θεὸν ἐπιτυγχάνουσιν αὐτῷ τοῦτο
ποιοῦντι τὴν κιβωτόν: ἔκειτο γὰρ' ἀποπεπτωκὼς
τῆς βάσεως, ἐφ᾽ ἧς ἑστὼς διετέλει" καὶ βαστά-
σαντες πάλιν ἐφιστᾶσιν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ ταύτης, δυσφορή-
σαντες ἐπὶ τῷ γεγενημένῳ. πολλάκις δὲ φοι-
τῶντες παρὰ τὸν Δαγὼν καὶ καταλαμβάνοντες
ὁμοίως ἐπὶ τοῦ προσκυνοῦντος τὴν κιβωτὸν
σχήματος κείμενον, ἐν ἀπορίᾳ δεινῇ καὶ συγχύσει
8 καθίσταντο. καὶ τελευταῖον ἀπέσκηψεν εἰς τὴν
τῶν ᾿Αζωτίων πόλιν καὶ τὴν χώραν αὐτῶν φθορὰν
τὸ θεῖον καὶ νόσον: ἀπέθνησκον γὰρ ὑπὸ δυσεντε-
ρίας, πάθους χαλεποῦ καὶ τὴν ἀναίρεσιν ὀξυτάτην
ἐπιφέροντος πρὶν ἢ τὴν ψυχὴν αὐτοῖς εὐθανάτως
ἀπολυθῆναι τοῦ σώματος, τὰ ἐντὸς ἀναφέροντες"
διαβεβρωμένα καὶ παντοίως ὑπὸ τῆς νόσου δι-
εφθαρμένα: τὰ δ᾽ ἐπὶ τῆς χώρας μυῶν πλῆθος
αὐτῆς SP: + ἐπ᾿ αὐτῆς rell.
LE: Ὁ ἀπ
2 + ἐξεμοῦντες codd. (gloss).
164
BOOK VI
(i. 1) Tne Philistines, having captured their enemies’ The ark in
ark, as we have said a while ago, carried it to the smithe
city of Azotus? and placed it as a trophy beside Pea
their own god, who was called Dagon. But on the therefrom,
morrow, when all at break of day entered the temple ee
to oe their god, they found him doing the like to
the ark ; for he lay prostrate, having fallen from the
pedecial whereon he had always stood. So they
lifted him and set him again thereon, sore distressed
at what had passed. But when oft-times ® visiting
Dagon they ever found him in a like posture of pros-
tration before the ark, they were plunged into dire
perplexity and dismay. And in the end the Deity
launched upon the city of the Azotians and upon
their country destruction and disease. Tor they died
of dysentery,® a grievous malady and inflicting most
rapid dissolution, or ever their soul by blessed death
was parted from the body, for they brought up their
entrails all consumed and in every way corrupted by
the disease. As for what was on the land, a swarm of ν. 6 cxx.
α The Greek (1xx) name for the Heb. Ashdod.
>’ The Bible mentions only a second visit, adding details
on the shattering of the image.
¢ Phe word used in Scripture probably means “ plague
boils.”*
165
JOSEPHUS
ἀνελθὸν' κατέβλαψε μήτε φυτῶν μήτε καρπῶν
4 ἀποσχόμενον. ἐν δὴ τούτοις ὄντες τοῖς κακοῖς
€. 3 f Ἁ ‘ Ἁ A > / ?
ot ᾿Αζώτιοι καὶ πρὸς τὰς συμφορὰς ἀντέχειν οὐ
~ ~ ~ 3 ~
δυνάμενοι συνῆκαν ἐκ τῆς κιβωτοῦ ταύτας αὐτοῖς
ἀνασχεῖν, καὶ τὴν νίκην καὶ τὴν ταύτης αἰχμαλω-
σίαν οὐκ ἐπ᾽ ἀγαθῷ γεγενημένην. πέμπουσιν οὖν
~ Α A
πρὸς τοὺς ᾿Ασκαλωνίτας ἀξιοῦντες τὴν κιβωτὸν
- - Ἁ
δ αὐτοὺς παρὰ σφᾶς δέχεσθαι. τοῖς δὲ οὐκ ἀηδὴς
« ~ > / / sf > > 3
ἡ τῶν ᾿Αζωτίων δέησις προσέπεσεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπι-
~ A \ A
vevovat μὲν αὐτοῖς τὴν χάριν, λαβόντες δὲ τὴν
~ / ~
κιβωτὸν ἐν Tots ὁμοίοις δεινοῖς κατέστησαν" συνεξ-
,ὔ \ ς αἱ \ ~ > / e A
εκόμισε yap αὑτῇ τὰ τῶν ᾿Αζωτίων ἡ κιβωτὸς
4 > Ἁ
πάθη πρὸς τοὺς ἀπ᾽ ἐκείνων αὐτὴν δεχομένους" καὶ
᾿ » 3 ς “~ > f 3
πρὸς ἄλλους παρ᾽ αὑτῶν ἀποπέμπουσιν ᾿Ασκαλω-
~ / 3 3 Ἁ > > é ς \ Ἁ “
6 νῖται. μένει δ᾽ οὐδὲ παρ᾽ ἐκείνοις" ὑπὸ γὰρ τῶν
~ ζω >
αὐτῶν παθῶν ἐλαυνόμενοι πρὸς τὰς ἐχομένας
ἀπολύουσι πόλεις. καὶ τοῦτον ἐκπεριέρχεται τὸν
τρόπον τὰς πέντε τῶν [Ι[αλαιστίνων πόλεις ἡ
, ~
κιβωτὸς ὥσπερ δασμὸν ἀπαιτοῦσα παρ᾽ ἑκάστης
“ 4 > 4 3 “A Δ 2 > A ΝΜ
τοῦ πρὸς αὐτὰς ἐλθεῖν ἃ δι᾿ αὐτὴν ἔπασχον.
7 Ω es / δὲ “A - €
(2) ᾿Απειρηκότες δὲ τοῖς κακοῖς οἱ πεπειρα-
μένοι καὶ τοῖς ἀκούουσιν αὐτὰ διδασκαλία γινό-
“- A
μένοι τοῦ μὴ προσδέξασθαι THY κιβωτόν ποτε πρὸς
A 3 A ~
αὑτοὺς ἐπὶ τοιούτῳ μισθῷ Kal τέλει, TO λοιπὸν
3 / \ “~ “--
ἐζήτουν μηχανὴν καὶ πόρον ἀπαλλαγῆς αὐτῆς.
A ~
8 καὶ συνελθόντες οἱ ἐκ τῶν πέντε πόλεων ἄρχοντες,
Dirrns Kal ᾿Ακκάρων καὶ ᾿Ασκάλωνος ἔτι δὲ
1 Lat.: + ἐπὶ (τὰ ἐπὶ M, ἀπὸ E, ἐκ SP) τῆς γῆς codd.
160
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 3-8
mice,? eoming up from beneath, ravaged it all, sparing
neither plant nor fruit. Being, then, in this evil
plight and powerless to withstand their calamities,
the Azotians understood that it was from the ark
that they arose and that their victory and the capture
of this trophy had not been for their welfare. They
therefore sent to the men of Ascalon? and begged
them to receive the ark into their keeping. And
these, listening not unwillingly to the request of
the Azotians, consented to do them this serviee ;
but no sooner had they taken the ark than they
found themselves in the like woes, for the ark earried
along with it the plagues of the Azotians to those
who received it from their hands. So the Ascalonites
rid themselves of it, sending it off to others. But
neither did it abide with these, for, being beset by
the same sufferings, they dismissed it to the neigh-
bouring cities. And on this wise the ark went the
round of the five cities of the Philistines, exacting
from eaeh, as it were toll for its visit to them, the
ills which it caused them to suffer.
(2) Exhausted by these miseries, the vietims,
whose fate was becoming a lesson to all who heard of
it never to receive this ark among them at sueh a
meed and price, henceforth sought ways and means
to get rid of it. So the lords of the five cities—Gitta,
Akkaron, Asealon, along with Gaza and Azotus—
¢ Josephus agrees with the Lxx in mentioning the mice
at this point: the Hebrew text only alludes to them later
(vi. 4 f.).
> In Scripture, after a meeting of the lords of the Philistines,
the ark is sent first to Gath and then to Ekron (Lxx
Ascalon).
VOL. V M 107
Delibera-
tion and
decision
of the
Philistines,
Cf, 1 Sam.
vi. 1.
10
JOSEPHS
Γάζης καὶ ᾿Αζώτου, ἐσκόπουν τί δεῖ ποιεῖν. καὶ
τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἐδόκει τὴν κιβωτὸν ἀποπέμπειν
τοῖς οἰκείοις, ὡς ὑπερεκδικοῦντος αὐτὴν τοῦ θεοῦ
καὶ συνεπιδημησάντων αὐτῇ τῶν δεινῶν διὰ τοῦτο
καὶ -συνεισβαλόντων μετ᾽ ἐκείνης εἰς, τὰς πόλεις
αὐτῶν: ἦσαν δὲ οἱ λέγοντες τοῦτο “μὲν μὴ ποιεῖν
μηδ᾽ ἐξαπατᾶσθαι τὴν αἰτίαν τῶν κακῶν εἰς
ἐκείνην ἀναφέροντας" οὐ γὰρ ταύτην εἶναι τὴν
δύναμιν αὐτῇ, καὶ τὴν ἰσχύν" οὐ γὰρ av ποτ᾽
αὐτῆς κηδομένου τοῦ θεοῦ ὑποχείριον ἀνθρώποις
γενέσθαι. ἡσυχάζειν δὲ καὶ πράως ἔχειν ἐπὶ τοῖς
συμβεβηκόσι παρήνουν, αἰτίαν τούτων οὐκ ἄλλην
ἢ μόνην λογιζομένους τὴν φύσιν, ἢ καὶ σώμασι καὶ
γῇ καὶ φυτοῖς καὶ πᾶσι τοῖς ἐξ αὐτῆς συνεστῶσι
κατὰ χρόνων περιόδους τίκτει τοιαύτας μεταβολάς.
KG δὲ τὰς προειρημένας γνώμας ἀνδρῶν ἔν τέ
τοῖς ἐπάνω χρόνοις συνέσει καὶ φρονήσει δια-
φέρειν" πεπιστευμένων συμβουλία καὶ τότε μάλιστα
δοξάντων ἁρμοζόντως λέγειν τοῖς παροῦσιν, οἱ
μήτ᾽ ἀποπέμπειν ἔφασαν τὴν κιβωτὸν μήτε κατα-
σχεῖν, ἀλλὰ πέντε μὲν ἀνδριάντας ὑπὲρ ἑκάστης
πόλεως χρυσοῦς ἀναθεῖναι τῷ θεῷ χαριστήριον,
ὅτι προενόησεν αὐτῶν τῆς σωτηρίας καὶ κατ-
ἔσχεν ἐν τῷ βίῳ διωκομένους ἐξ αὐτοῦ παθήμα-
σιν, οἷς οὐκέτι ἦν ἀντιβλέψαι, τοσούτους δὲ τὸν
ἀριθμὸν μύας χρυσοῦς τοῖς κατανεμηθεῖσιν αὐτῶν
1 ex Lat. Hudson: ὑγιῆ codd. 7 om. ROM.
4 In Scripture (vi. 2) the Philistines summon “ the priests
and the diviners,”? who propose the course which is followed.
The meeting described in Josephus, with the views of the
three parties, is an invention of the ** Sophoclean ”’ assistant:
for a similar conflict of opinions cf. .«1. ili. 96 tf., where, as
168
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 8-10
met to deliberate what they ought to do.* Their
first resolution was to send the ark back to its own
people, inasmuch as God was championing its cause
and that was why these horrors had accompanied it
and burst along with it into their cities. But there
were others who said that they should not do thus
nor be deluded into attributing the cause of their
misfortunes to the ark: it possessed no such power
and might, for, were it under the care of God, it
would never have fallen into the hands of men. Their
advice was to sit still and to bear these accidents
with equanimity, accounting their cause to be no
other than nature herself, who periodically produces
sueh changes in men’s bodies, in earth, and in plants
and all the products of earth. However, both these
proposals were defeated by the counsel of men who
in times past had obtained credit for superior
intelligence and sagacity, and who now above all
seemed to say Just what befitted the oceasion. Their
verdict was neither to send back the ark nor to
detain it, but to dedicate to God five images? of gold,
one on behalf of each city, as a thank-offering ὁ to
Him for His care for their salvation and for having
kept them in the land of the living when they were
like to be harried out of it by plagues which they
could no longer face, and withal as many golden
miee like to those that had overrun and ruined their
here (§ 9), one party is for retaining composure (mpda's
ἔχειν). This assistant’s love of trichotomy extends to details,
e.g. the τρίοδος (§ 11) and the division of the 5 cities into
3+2 by the insertion of ἔτι δὲ (§ 8).
δ Statucttes in human form: bibl. ‘ tumours ” or rather
boils,’ txx édpas (models of the anus, as symbols of the
plague).
¢ In Scripture as a “ guilt-offering ᾿ (vi. 3), in compensa-
tion for the wrong done to the ark.
4
169
=
11
12
13
14
JOSEPHUS
καὶ διαφθείρασι τὴν χώραν ἐμφερεῖς" ἔπειτα
βαλόντας εἰς γλωσσόκομον αὐτοὺς καὶ θέντας
ἐπὶ τὴν κιβωτόν, ἅμαξαν αὐτῇ καινὴν κατα-
σκευάσαι, καὶ βόας ὑποζεύξαντας ἀρτιτόκους τὰς
μὲν πόρτις ἐγκλεῖσαι καὶ κατασχεῖν, μὴ ταῖς
μητράσιν ἐμποδὼν ἑπόμεναι γένωνται, πόθῳ δ᾽
αὐτῶν ὀξυτέραν ποιῶνται τὴν πορείαν" ἐκείνας δ᾽
ἐξελάσαντας τὴν κιβωτὸν φερούσας ἐπὶ τριόδου
καταλιπεῖν αὐταῖς ἐπιτρέψαντας ἣν βούλονται τῶν
ὁδῶν ἀπελθεῖν: Kav μὲν τὴν ᾿Εβραίων ἀπίωσι καὶ
τὴν τούτων χώραν ἀναβαίνωσιν, ὑπολαμβάνειν τὴν
κιβωτὸν αἰτίαν τῶν κακῶν, “ἂν δὲ ἄλλην τρά-
πωνται, μεταδιώξωμεν αὐτήν,᾽᾿ ἔφασαν, ᾿᾿μαθόντες
ὅτι μηδεμίαν ἰσχὺν τοιαύτην ἔχει.
(3) "Expwav δ᾽ αὐτὰ καλῶς εἰρῆσθαι καὶ τοῖς
ἔργοις εὐθὺς τὴν γνώμην ἐκύρωσαν. καὶ ποιή-
σαντες μὲν τὰ προειρημένα προάγουσι τὴν ἅμαξαν
ἐπὶ τὴν τρίοδον καὶ καταλιπόντες ἀνεχώρησαν, τῶν
δὲ βοῶν τὴν ὀρθὴν ὁδὸν ὥσπερ ἡγουμένου τινὸς
αὐταῖς ἀπιουσῶν, ἠκολούθουν οἱ τῶν ἰ]αλαιστίνων
ἄρχοντες, ποῦ ποτε στήσονται καὶ πρὸς τίνας
ἥξουσι βουλόμενοι μαθεῖν. κώμη δέ τίς ἐστι τῆς
bay φυλῆς [ήθης" ὄνομα" εἰς ταύτην ἀφικνοῦνται
i βόες, καὶ πεδίου μεγάλου καὶ καλοῦ τὴν
ΕΣ αὐτῶν ἐκδεξαμένου παύονται προσωτέρω
χωρεῖν, στήσασαι τὴν ἅμαξαν αὐτόθι. θέα δὲ ἦν
τοῖς ἐν τῇ κώμῃ καὶ περιχαρεῖς ἐγένοντο" θέρους
γὰρ ὥρᾳ πάντες ἐπὶ τὴν συγκομιδὴν τῶν καρπῶν
1 Βηθσάμη SP, Bethsamis Lat.
¢ Bibl. Beth-shemesh (Lxx Βαιθσάμιυς), modern ‘Ain
Shems, on the border of Judah about 12 miles 5.1. of Ekron,
170
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI.11-14
country. Then, having placed these in a coffer and
set it upon the ark, they should make for this a new
wain, and should yoke thereto kine that had freshly
calved, and should shut up and retain the calves, in
order that these might not retard their mothers by
following them, and they, through yearning for their
young, might make the more speed upon their way.
Then having driven them, drawing the ark, out to a
place where three roads met, they should there leave
them, suffering them to take which of the roads they
would. Should the kine take the route to the Hebrews
and mount into their country, they must regard the
ark as the eause of all these ills; but should they
turn elsewhere, “then,” said they, ‘‘ let us pursue
after it, having learnt that it possesses no such
power.”
(3) Judging this to have been well spoken, they
straightway ratified the counsel by aeting thereon.
Having made the objeets aforesaid, they eonducted
the wain to the cross-roads, where they left it and
retired. Then, seeing the kine go straight on, as
though someone were leading them, the lords of the
Philistines followed, fain to find out where they would
halt and to whom they would betake themselves.
Now there is a village of the tribe of Judah by name
Bethes@: thither it was that the kine came: a
great and beauteous plain awaited their footsteps ὃ--
they would procced no further but stayed the wagon
there. A sight was this for the villagers and they
were overcome with joy; for it being the summer
season when all were out in the cornfields to gather
> “The cart came into the field of Joshua the Beth-
shemite,”’ 1 Sam. vi. 14.
11
2
Return of
the ark to
Beth-
shemesh.
] Sam,
Vi 10.
15
16
17
18
JOSEPHUS
ἐν ταῖς ἀρούραις ὑπάρχοντες, ὡς εἶδον τὴν κιβω-
τόν, ὑφ᾽ ἡδονῆς ἁρπαγέντες καὶ τὸ ἔργον ἐκ τῶν
χειρῶν ἀφέντες ἔδραμον εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὴν ἅμαξαν.
καὶ καθελόντες τὴν κιβωτὸν καὶ τὸ ayyos, ὃ τοὺς
ἀνδριάντας εἶχε καὶ τοὺς μύας, τιθέασιν ἐπί τινος
πέτρας, ἥτις ἣν ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ, καὶ θύσαντες λαμπρῶς
τῷ θεῶ καὶ κατενωχηθέντες τήν τε ἅμαξαν καὶ
τοὺς βόας ὡλοκαύτωσαν. καὶ ταῦτ᾽ ἰδόντες οἱ τῶν
Παλαιστίνων ἄρχοντες ἀνέστρεψαν ὀπίσω.
(4 ) ᾿Οργὴ. δὲ καὶ χόλος τοῦ θεοῦ μέτεισιν ἐβδο-
μήκοντα τῶν ἐκ τῆς “βήθης κώμης, oUs* οὐκ
ὄντας ἀξίους ἅψασθαι τῆς κιβωτοῦ, ἱερεῖς γὰρ οὐκ
ἦσαν, καὶ προσελθόντας αὐτῇ βαλὼν ἀπέκτεινεν.
ἔκλαυσαν δὲ ταῦτα παθόντας αὐτοὺς οἱ κωμῆται,
καὶ πένθος ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς" ἤγειραν οἷον εἰκὸς ἐπὶ
θεοπέμπτῳ κακῷ καὶ τὸν ἴδιον ἕκαστος ἀπεθρήνει"
τοῦ τε μένειν τὴν κιβωτὸν παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἀναξίους
ἀποφαίνοντες αὑτοὺς καὶ πρὸς τὸ κοινὸν τῶν
‘EBpaiwy πέμψαντες ἐδήλουν ἀποδεδόσθαι τὴν
κιβωτὸν ὑπὸ τῶν ἰ]αλαιστίνων. κἀκεῖνοι γνόντες
τοῦτο ἀποκομίζουσιν αὐτὴν εἰς ΪΧαριαθιαρεὶμ
γείτονα πόλιν τῆς ByOns, κωμὴς" ἔνθα τινὸς
Λευίτου τὸ γένος ᾿Αμιναδάβου δόξαν ἔχοντος ἐπὶ
δικαιοσύνῃ καὶ θρησκείᾳ καταβιοῦντος εἰς οἰκίαν
1 Niese: ὡς codd. 2 edd.: αὐτοὺς codd.
C τῆς B. κώμης] τοῖς βηθσαμίταις M (Lat.): rots Βηθάμης SP.
a ΠῸ URTON, ἐᾧ. 16.
δ Bibl. “ seventy men (and) fifty thousand men ”’ (similarly
Lxx); an impossible reading. The larger figure is com-
monly rejected as a gloss, from which, it appears, the Biblical
text of Josephus was free.
¢ Not in Scripture, which merely says that “they had
looked into (or rather ‘* gazed upon’) the ark.” Vor the
170
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 14-18
in the crops, $0 soon as they saw the ark, they were
transported with delight and, dropping their work
from their hands, ran straight for the wain. Then,
having taken down the ark and the vessel containing
the images and the miee, they set them upon a rock
which stood in the plain, and, after offering splendid
sacrifice to God and keeping merry feast, consumed
wagon and kine as a burnt-offering. And, having
seen all this, the lords of the Philistines turned baek
again.
(4) Howbeit, the wrath and indignation of God
visited seventy ἢ of them of the village of Bethes,
whom He smote and slew for approaching the ark,
which, not being priests,° they were not privileged
to touch. The villagers bewailed these victims, rais-
ing over them lamentation sueh as was fitting over a
God-sent evil, and each man mourned for hie own.
Then, pronouncing themselves unworthy of retaining
the ark among them, they sent word to the general
assembly 4 of the Hebrews that the ark had been
restored by the Philistines. And these, on hearing
thereof, conveyed it away to Kariathiareim,é a
neighbouring city of the village of Bethes; and
since there ie ed there a man of the stock of Levi,
Aminadab,f reputed for his righteousness and piety,
Rabbinical opinions concerning the nature of their crime
see ΔΙ. Weill’s note.
¢ Jn Scripture (1 Sam. vi. 9.) word is sent, not to all the
Hebrews, but only to the inhabitants of Kirlath-jearim.
€ So uxx: Heb. Kiriath-jearim, perhaps the modern
Nuryet el ‘nab, some 9 miles N.E. of Beth-shemesh. Shiloh,
the original home of the ark, was possibly now in Philistine
hands.
’ So txx: Heb. Abinadab. Scripture does not say that
he was a Levite. A Levite Aminadab, contemporary with
David, is mentioned in 1 Chr. xv. 11.
173
The penalty
for touching
the ark: its
removal to
the house of
Aminadab.
1 Sam. vi.19,
vii. 1.
19
20
2]
JOSEPHUS
τὴν κιβωτὸν ἤγαγον, ὥσπερ εἰς πρέποντα TH θεῷ
τόπον ἐν ᾧ κατῴκει δίκαιος ἄνθρωπος. ἐθεράπευον
δὲ τὴν κιβωτὸν οἱ τούτου παῖδες, καὶ τῆς ἐπιμελείας
ταύτης ἕως ἐτῶν εἴκοσι προέστησαν: τοσαῦτα
γὰρ ἔμεινεν ἐν τῇ ΪΚαριαθιαρεὶμ ποιήσασα παρὰ
τοῖς ἸΙαλαιστίνοις μῆνας τέσσαρας.
(ii. 1) Tod δὲ λαοῦ παντὸς ἐκείνῳ τῷ χρόνῳ,
καθ᾽ ὃν εἶχεν ἡ τῶν Νκαριαθιαριμιτῶν πόλις τὴν
κιβωτόν, em εὐχὰς καὶ θυσίας τραπέντος τοῦ
~ Α Ἁ >] 7 A ‘ 9 A
θεοῦ Kat πολλὴν ἐμφανίζοντος τὴν τ αὐτὸν
θρησκείαν καὶ φιλοτιμίαν, ὁ προφήτης Σιαμουῆλος
ἰδὼν αὐτῶν τὴν προθυμίαν, ὡς εὔκαιρον ὄν" πρὸς
οὕτως ἔχοντας εἰπεῖν περὶ ἐλευθερίας καὶ τῶν
ἀγαθῶν τῶν ἐν αὐτῇ, χρῆται λόγοις οἷς ᾧετο
μάλιστα τὴν διάνοιαν αὐτῶν προσάξεσθαι καὶ
πείσειν. “ἄνδρες, γὰρ εἶπεν, “᾿οἷς ἔτι νῦν βαρεῖς
3 ᾽ a A , 4 A Μ
μὲν πολέμιοι Ἰ]αλαιστῖνοι, θεὸς δ᾽ εὐμενὴς ἄρχεται
f 4 / 9 9 ~ 9 , ~
γίνεσθαι καὶ φίλος, οὐκ ἐπιθυμεῖν ἐλευθερίας δεῖ
, δ 4 \ πὶ > Ὄ a ” ‘
μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ποιεῖν δι’ ὧν ἂν ἔλθοι πρὸς
ὑμᾶς, οὐδὲ βούλεσθαι μὲν ἀπηλλάχθαι δεσποτῶν
ἐπιμένειν δὲ πράττοντας ἐξ ὧν οὗτοι διαμενοῦσιν.
ἀλλὰ γίνεσθε δίκαιοι, καὶ τὴν πονηρίαν ἐκ-
βαλόντες τῶν ψυχῶν καὶ θεραπεύοντες αὐτάς,"
ὅλαις ταῖς διανοίαις προστρέπεσθε" τὸ θεῖον καὶ
τιμῶντες διατελεῖτε: ταῦτα γὰρ ὑμῖν ποιοῦσιν
oe \ ᾽ , 7 ? \ \ ,
ἥξει τὰ ἀγαθά, δουλείας ἀπαλλαγὴ καὶ νίκη
7 Δ “ wf? ¢ » 4
πολεμίων, ἃ λαβεῖν ovA ὅπλοις οὔτε σωμάτων
1 con). Niese.
sex al: easque purgantes : καὶ θεραπεύοντες (-cavres RQ)
αὐτὴν codd.: καὶ 0. ἀρετὴν Weill.
3 Hudson: προτρέπεσθε codd.
α Bibl. “ Eleazar his son.”
174
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 18-21
they brought the ark into his house, as to a place
beseeming God, being the abode of a righteous man.
This man’s sons @ tended the ark and had the charge
of it for twenty years ; for it remained all that ΤΩΝ
αἱ Kariathiareim, after spending four months ὃ among
the Philistines.
Gi. 1) Now throughout the time when the eity Samuel
of Kariathiareim had the ark in its keeping, the pane
whole people betook themselves to prayer and the δύ musters
offering of sacrifices to God, and displayed great Mizpah.
zeal in serving Him. So the prophet Samuel, seeing “A +
their ardour and reckoning the oecasion meet, while
they were of this mind, to speak to them of liberty
and the blessings that it brings, addressed them in
words which he deemed most apt to win and to per-
suade their hearts. “Sirs,” said he, “ ye who yet
to-day have grievous enemies in the Philistines,
albeit God is beginning to be gracious to you and a
friend, ye ought not to be eontent to yearn for liberty,
but should do also the deeds whereby ye may
attain it, nor merely long to be rid of your masters,
while eontinuing so to act that they shall remain so.
Nay, be ye righteous and, casting out wiekedness°¢
from your eeu and purging ἘΣΘ turn with all
your hearts to the Deity and persevere in honouring
Him. Do ye but so and there will eome prosperity,
deliverance from bondage and victory over your foes,
blessings whieh are to be won neither by arms nor
® Bibl. “ὁ seven months ”’ (1 Sam. vi. 1).
¢ Bibl. ‘“‘ put away the strange gods and the Ashtaroth
from among you ”’ (vil. 3).
4 Text a little doubtful: it has been proposed, by a slight
change, to read “ and cultivating virtue ” (ἀρετήν in place of
auras).
175
JOSEPHUS
> ~ » ’ ΄ 4 > >
ἀλκαῖς οὔτε πλήθει συμμάχων δυνατόν ἐστιν" οὐ
γὰρ τούτοις ὁ θεὸς ὑπισχνεῖται παρέξειν αὐτά,
~ >
τῷ ὃ ἀγαθοὺς εἶναι καὶ δικαίους" ἐγγυητὴς δὲ
,ὔ
22 αὐτοῦ τῶν ὑποσχέσεων ἐγὼ γίνομαι. ταῦτ᾽ εἰ-
23
24
πόντος ἐπευφήμησε τὸ πλῆθος ἡσθὲν τῇ παραινέσει
καὶ κατένευσεν αὑτὸ παρέξειν κεχαρισμένον τῷ
θεῷ. συνάγει δ᾽ αὐτοὺς ὁ Σαμουῆλος εἴς τινα
πόλιν λεγομένην δΔΙασφάτην: κατοπτευόμενον τοῦτο
σημαίνει κατὰ τὴν τῶν ‘EBpatwy γλῶτταν: ἐντεῦ-
θεν ὑδρευσάμενοί τε σπένδουσι τῷ θεῷ καὶ δια-
νηστεύσαντες ὅλην τὴν ἡμέραν ἐπ᾽ εὐχὰς τρέπονται.
(2) Οὐ λανθάνουσι δὲ τοὺς [[αλαιστίνους ἐκεῖ
συναχθέντες, ἀλλὰ μαθόντες οὗτοι τὴν ἀθροισιν
αὐτῶν, μεγάλῃ στρατιᾷ καὶ δυνάμει κατ᾽ ἐλπίδα
τοῦ μὴ προσδοκῶσι μηδὲ παρεσκευασμένοις ἐπι-
πεσεῖσθαι τοῖς Ἑβραίοις ἐπέρχο ονται. καταπλήττει
δ᾽ αὐτοὺς τοῦτο καὶ εἰς ταραχὴν ἄγει καὶ δέος,
καὶ δραμόντες πρὸς Σαμουῆλον, ἀναπεπτωκέναι
τὰς ψυχὰς αὐτῶν ὑπὸ φόβου καὶ τῆς προτέρας
ἥττης ἔφασκον καὶ διὰ τοῦτ᾽ ἠρεμεῖν, “iva μὴ
κινήσωμεν τὴν τῶν πολεμίων δύναμιν, σοῦ δ᾽
> , Ch α > 9 Pret \ ,ὕ \
αναγαγοντος μας ETT ευχᾶς Kal θυσίας Kat
~ \ 2.» > 4
ὅρκους γυμνοῖς καὶ ἀόπλοις ἐπεστράτευσαν οἱ
πολέμιοι" ἐλπὶς οὖν ἡμῖν οὐκ addr σωτηρίας, ἢ
μόνη ἡ παρὰ σοῦ καὶ τοῦ θεοῦ ἱκετευθέντος ὑπὸ
¢ Bibl. Mizpah ( =“ watch-tower,”’ “‘ outlook-point ’’),
LXX Mao(o)ngaé: identified by some scholars with modern
Neby Samwil, 5 miles N.W. of Jerusalem, by others with
Tell-en-Nasbeh, about 8 miles due N. of Jerusalem.
δ Or “a conspicuous (place).”
¢ Gr. ‘“‘ with a great army and strength,’ an instance
of hendiadys or the use of two words for one, which from
176
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 21-24
by personal prowess nor by a host of combatants ; for
it is not for these that God promises to bestow those
blessings, but for lives of virtue and righteousness.
And as surety for His promises, here I take my stand.”
These words were acclaimed by the people, who were
delighted with the exhortation and vowed to render
themselves acceptable unto God. Samuel then
gathered them to a city called Masphate, which in
the Hebrew tongue signifies ‘‘espied.”’’) There, hav-
ing drawn water: they made libations to God and,
fasting throughout the day, gave themselves unto
prayer.
(2) However their gathering at this spot did not
pass unperceived by “lie Plilisunes: who, having
learnt of their mustering, advanced upon the Hebrews
with an army mighty in strength,’ hoping to sur-
prise them while off their guard and unprepared.
Dismayed by this attack and plunged into con-
fusion and alarm, the Hebrews, hastening to Samuel,
declared that their courage had flagged through fear
and the memory of their former defeat. “ That,’ "said
they. ἂν as why we sat still, in order not to stir up
the enemy’s forces. But, when thou hadst brought us
up hither for prayers, sacrifices and oaths, now the
enemy are upon us W hile we are naked and unarmed.
Other hope of salvation therefore have we none, save
from thee alone and from God, should He be entreated
this point onward characterizes this book: cf. ὃ 24 ταραχὴ
καὶ δέος, γυμνοῖς καὶ admdos, ὃ 25 νίκη καὶ κράτος ete.
The preference for the double word distinguishes the writer
of this portion —w hether Jose phus himself or another assistant
—from the ** Sophoclean ”’ assistant who has a partiality for
grouping in threes (6.9. 8 2t τὰ ἀγαθά, δουλείας ἀπαλλαγὴ
καὶ νίκη. .. οὔθ᾽ ὅπλοις οὔτε σωμάτων ἀλκαῖς οὔτε πλήθει). See
Vol. IV. Introduetion.
177
vii. 5.
Hebrew
victory
over the
Philistines.
1 Sam. vii 7.
25
26
27
28
JOSEPHUS
σοῦ παρασχεῖν ἡμῖν διαφυγεῖν []αλαιστίνους.᾽ ὁ
δὲ θαρρεῖν τε προτρέπεται καὶ βοηθήσειν αὐτοῖς
τὸν θεὸν ἐπαγγέλλεται, καὶ λαβὼν ἄρνα γαλαθηνὸν
ὑπὲρ τῶν ὄχλων θύει καὶ παρακαλεῖ τὸν θεὸν
ὑπερσχεῖν αὐτῶν τὴν δεξιὰν ἐν τῇ πρὸς Παλαιστί-
vous μάχη καὶ μὴ περιϊδεῖν αὐτοὺς δεύτερον δυσ-
τυχήσαυτας. ἐπήκοος δὲ γίνεται τῶν εὐχῶν ὃ
θεὸς καὶ προσδεξάμενος εὐμενεῖ καὶ συμμάχῳ τῇ
διανοίᾳ τὴν θυσίαν ἐπινεύει νίκην αὐτοῖς καὶ
κράτος. ἔτι δ᾽ ἐπὶ τοῦ βωμοῦ τὴν θυσίαν ἐ ἔχοντος
τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ μήπω πᾶσαν διὰ τῆς ἱερᾶς φλογὸς
ἀπειληφότος, προῆλθεν ἐκ τοῦ στρατοπέδου 7 τῶν
πολεμίων δύναμις καὶ παρατάσσεται εἰς μάχην,
ἐπ᾿ πὶ. μὲν νίκης, ws ἀπειλημμένων ἐν ἀπορίᾳ
τῶ ᾿Ιουδαίων “μήτε ὅπλα ἐχόντων μήτε ὡς ἐπὶ
ΤΣ ἐκεῖσε ἀπηντηκότων, περιπίπτουσι δὲ οἷς
οὐδ᾽ εἰ προύλεγέ τις ῥᾳδίως ἐπείσθησαν. πρῶτον
μὲν γὰρ αὐτοὺς ὁ θεὸς κλονεῖ σεισμῷ καὶ τὴν
γῆν αὐτοῖς ὑπότρομον καὶ σφαλερὰν κινήσας τί-
θησιν, ὡς σαλευομένης τε τὰς βάσεις ὑποφέρεσθαι
καὶ διϊσταμένης εἰς ἔνια τῶν χασμάτων καταφέρε-
σθαι, ἔπειτα βρονταῖς καταψοφήσας καὶ διαπύροις
ἀστραπαῖς ὡς καταφλέξων αὐτῶν τὰς ὄψεις
περιλάμψας καὶ τῶν χειρῶν ἐκκροτήσας τὰ ὅπλα,
γυμνοὺς εἰς φυγὴν ἀπέστρεψεν. ἐπεξέρχεται δὲ
Σαμουῆλος μετὰ τῆς πληθύος καὶ πολλοὺς κατα-
σφάξας κατακολουθεῖ μέχρι Koppaiwy τόπου τινὸς
οὕτω λεγομένου, καὶ καταπήξας ἐκεῖ λίθον ὥσπερ
31
¢ Gr. ** God still had the sacrifice upon the 1180 ete. ;
a Semitic form of expression (sacrifice being conceived as
the food of the Deity) here imported into the Biblical text,
which has merely ‘‘ And as Samuel was offering up the
burnt-offering.”’
178
JEWISH ANTIQUIT iss, VI. 25-28
by thee to afford us eseape from the Philistines.”
But Samuel bade them be of good cheer and promised
that God would succour them. Then, taking a suck-
ing lamb, he saerificed it on behalf of the throng and
besought God to extend His right hand over them in
the battle with the Philistines and not suffer them to
undergo a second reverse. And God hearkened to
his prayers and, accepting the sacrifice in gracious
and befriending spirit, gave them assurance of victory
and triumph. God’s victim was still upon the altar
and He had not yet wholly consumed it through the
sacred flame,? when the enemy’s forces issued from
their camp and drew up for battle, expectant of
victory, thinking to have caught the Jews ὃ in a hope-
less plight, seeing that they were without arms and
had assembled there with no intention of battle. But
the Philistines encountered what, had one foretold
it, they would scarcely have believed. For, first,
God vexed them with earthquake,° rocking and mak-
ing tremulous and treacherous the ground beneath
them, so that from its reeling their footsteps staggered
and at its parting they were engulfed in sundry of
its chasms. Next He deafened them with thunder-
elaps, made fiery lightning to flash around them as
it were to burn out their eyes, struck the arms from
their hands, and so turned them weaponless to flight.
But Samuel now rushed upon them with his people
and, having massacred many, pursued them to a
certain place called Korraea?; and there he set up
® A recurrent anachronism for ‘‘ Hebrews ”’ or “ἡ Israel-
ites ᾿ (§§ 30, 40 etc.).
¢ Scripture mentions only “ a great thunder.”
4 Bibl. Beth-car, txx Βαιθχόρ: possibly modern ‘afin
Karim, some 5 miles S. of Mizpah, and due W. of Jerusalem.
179
vii. 10.
29
90
91
2.0
bo
JOSEREHUS
ὅρον τῆς νίκης καὶ τῆς φυγῆς τῶν πολεμίων,
ἰσχυρὸν αὐτὸν προσαγορεύει, σύμβολον. τῆς παρὰ
τοῦ θεοῦ γενομένης αὐτοῖς κατὰ τῶν ἐχθρῶν
ἰσχύος.
¢ Ἁ 3 ᾽ ’ Ἁ Ἁ 3 4 3 3 “
(3) Οὐ δὲ μετ᾽ ἐκείνην τὴν πληγὴν οὐκέτ᾽ ἐστρά-
1 3. " A 3 , 3 3 ¢ \ U ‘
τευσαν' ἐπὶ τοὺς Ισραηλίτας, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὸ δέους καὶ
μνήμης τῶν συμβεβηκότων ἡσύχαζον: 6 ὃ HY
πάλαι θάρσος τοῖς [Παλαιστίνοις ἐπὶ τοὺς Ἕβραί-
ous, τοῦτ᾽ ἐκείνων “μετὰ τὴν νίκην ἐγένετο. καὶ
Σαμουῆλος στρατεύσας ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἀναιρεῖ πολλοὺς
καὶ τὰ φρονήματ᾽ αὐτῶν εἰς τὸ παντελὲς ταπεινοῖ
καὶ τὴν χώραν ἀφαιρεῖται, ἣν τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων
ἀπετέμοντο πρότερον κρατήσαντες τῇ μάχη: αὕτη
δ᾽ ἦν μέχρι πόλεως ᾿Ακκάρων ἀπὸ τῶν τῆς Γίύττης
ὅρων ἐκτεταμένη. ἣν δὲ κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον τὸν καιρὸν
φίλια τοῖς ᾿Ισραηλίταις τὰ ὑπολειπόμενα τῶν
Χαναναίων.
(iii, 1) δὲ προφήτης Σιαμουῆλος διακοσμήσας
τὸν λαὸν καὶ πόλιν ἑκάστοις" ἀποδοὺς εἰς ταύτην
ἐκέλευσε συνερχομένοις περὶ τῶν πρὸς ἀλλήλους
, a >A \ >» 3. >?
κρίνεσθαι διαφορῶν, αὐτὸς δὲ δι᾿ ἔτους" ἐπ-
id \ / γ0.» 3 ~ ‘ A
ερχόμενος Tas πόλεις ἐδίκαζεν αὐτοῖς Kat πολλὴν
3 , 3 , +38 A f 7, 3
εβράβευεν εὐνομίαν ἐπὶ χρόνον πολύν. (2) ἔπειθ
ὑπὸ γήρως βαρυνόμενος καὶ τὰ συνήθη πράττειν
ἐμποδιζόμενος, τοῖς υἱοῖς τὴν ἀρχὴν καὶ τὴν προ-
1 οὐκέτ᾽ ἐστράτ. Niese: οὐκ ἐπεστράτευσαν codd.
2 conj.: αὐτοῖς codd.
8 δι €rovs RO: δὶς τοῦ ἔτους rell., Lat., E (vid.).
4. Bibl. Eben-‘ezer (=‘“‘ stone of help’’), Lxx ᾿Αβενέζερ
(adding the translation λίθος τοῦ βοηθοῦ, “ stone of the
helper ’’); in place of ‘ezer Josephus probably read ‘oz
(‘‘ strength °’).
180
JEM ISH ΤΟ 1 115, Vi. 5850)
a stone as landmark of the victory and of the flight
of the foe, and called it “ Strong (stonc),’’¢ in token
of the strength which God had lent them against their
enemies.
(3) Those enemies, after that discomfiture, in-
vaded the Israelites no more, but through fear and
a remembrance of what had befallen them remained
still: and that confidence which of old had animated
the Philistines against the Hebrews passed after this
victory to their opponents. And so Samuel, taking
the field against them, slew multitudes, utterly
humbled their pride, and took from them the country
which they had erstwhile torn from the Jews after
their victory in battle, to wit the region extending
from the borders of Gitta to the city of Akkaron.?
And at that time there was amity between the
Israelites and the remnant of the Canaanitces.¢
(iii. 1) Moreover, the prophet Samuel, having re-
divided the people and assigned a city to each
group,? bade them resort thither for trial of the
differences that arose betweenthem. He himself going
annually ¢ on circuit to these cities judged their causes
and so continued for long to administer perfect Justice.
(2) Thereafter, oppressed with age and impeded
from following his wonted course, he consigned the
® ye.‘ from: Ekron even unto Gath ” (1 Sam. vil. 14).
¢ Bibl. ‘* And there was peace between Israel and the
Amorites.”
ἀ With slight emendation of the Greek, which reads ὁ
city to them.” Scripture mentions three etic Bethel:
Gilgal, Mizpah—which Samuel annually visited from his
home at Ramah.
¢ Another reading is “ twice a year.’ ΔΙ. Weill, adopting
this text, suggests that it is “ἃ Haggadie deduction from
the repetition of the word shanah (year) in the Hebrew (Lxx
Kar ἐνιαυτὸν évaurér).””
181
Samuel
recovers
conquered
territory.
Sam. vil. 13,
Samuel
as inudge.
1 Sam.
vil 15.
Degeneracy
of Samuel's
sons,
JOSEPHUS
στασίαν τοῦ ἔθνους" παραδίδωσιν, ὧν ὁ μὲν
πρεσβύτερος ᾿Ιοῦλος" προσηγορεύετο, τῷ δὲ νεω-
τέρῳ ᾿Αβίρα" ὄνομα ἦν. προσέταξε δὲ τὸν μὲν ἐν
Βεθήλῳ πόλει καθεζόμενον κρίνειν, τὸν δ᾽ ἕτερον
ev BepoovBet* μερίσας τὸν ὑπακουσόμενον ἑκατέρῳ
A e
33 λαόν. ἐγένοντο δὲ σαφὲς οὗτοι παράδειγμα Kal
3.
ro
τεκμήριον TOD μὴ TOV τρόπον ὁμοίους Tots φύσασι
γίνεσθαί τινας, ἀλλὰ τάχα μὲν χρηστοὺς καὶ
μετρίους ἐκ. πονηρῶν, τότε μέν γε φαύλους ἐξ
ἀγαθῶν παρέσχον αὑτοὺς γενομένους" τῶν γὰρ τοῦ
πατρὸς ἐπιτηδευμάτων ἐκτραπόμενοι καὶ τὴν
ἐναντίαν ὁδὸν ἀπελθόντες δώρων καὶ λημμάτων
αἰσχρῶν καθυφίεντο τὸ δίκαιον, καὶ τὰς κρίσεις οὐ
πρὸς τὴν ἀλήθειαν ἀλλὰ πρὸς τὸ κέρδος ποιού-
μενοι καὶ πρὸς τρυφὴν καὶ πρὸς διαίτας πολυτελεῖς
ἀπονενευκότες, πρῶτον μὲν ὑπεναντία ταῦτα ἔπρασ-
σον τῷ θεῷ, δεύτερον δὲ τῶ προφήτῃ πατρὶ δ᾽
ἑαυτῶν, ὃς πολλὴν καὶ τοῦ τὸ πλῆθος εἶναι δίκαιον
σπουδὴν εἰσεφέρετο καὶ πρόνοιαν.
(9 ) Ὃ δὲ λαὸς ἐξυβριζόντων. εἰς τὴν προτέραν
κατάστασιν καὶ πολιτείαν τῶν τοῦ προφήτου
παίδων, χαλεπῶς τε τοῖς πραττομένοις ἔφερε καὶ
πρὸς αὐτὸν συντρέχουσι, διέτριβε δ᾽ ἐν ᾿Αρμαθᾶ
πόλει, καὶ τάς τε τῶν υἱῶν παρανομίας ἔλεγον καὶ
ὅτι γηραιὸς ὧν αὐτὸς ἤδη καὶ παρειμένος ὑπὸ τοῦ
χρόνου τῶν πραγμάτων οὐκέτι τὸν αὐτὸν προ-
) εστάναι δύναται τρόπον' ἐδέοντό TE καὶ ἱκέτευον
3 - ,ὕὔ 2 - / Δ » -ΦΟΨ ΡΜ
ἀποδεῖξαί τινα αὐτῶν βασιλέα, ὃς ἄρξει τοῦ ἔθνους
3
καὶ τιμωρήσεται Iladavorivous ὀφείλοντας ἔτ᾽ ad-
1 RO: πλήθους rell. ΒΟ: Οὔηλος vel ᾿Ιώηλος (Ἰωήλ) rell.
89. M(SP): ᾿βίᾳ RO: ᾿Αβίας Εἰ Lat.; ᾿Αβία Zon.
4 Bapoov3ei MSP: Bersabe Lat.
182
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 32-36
government and direetion of the nation to his sons, 1 Sam.
of whom the elder was ealled Iulus ¢ and the younger Ὁ
bore the name of Abira®; and he charged the one
to sit in judgement at the city of Bethel and the
other at Bersubei,© apportioning the people that
should come under the jurisdietion of each. Howbeit
these youths furnished a signal illustration and proof
that sons need not be like in character to thcir sires,
nay, that maybe good, honest folk are sprung from
knaves, while the offspring of virtuous parents have
proved depraved. [or they, turning from their
father’s ways and taking the contrary road, betrayed
justice for bribes and filthy lucre, pronounced judge-
ment with regard not to the truth but to their own
profit, and abandoned themselves to luxury and
sumptuous fare, thereby acting in defiance first of
God and secondly of the prophet, their own father,
who was devoting much zeal and eare to instilling
even into the multitude the idea of righteousness.
(3) But the people,? seeing these “outrages upon The people's
their former eonstitution and government committed eee io
by the prophet’s sons, brooked their proceedings il] 1 Sam.
and together sped to Samuel, then living in the city a
of Armatha.? They told him of his sons’ iniquities
and added that, old as he now was and enfeebled
by age, he could no longer himself direct affairs as
aforetime ; they ther efore begged and implored him
to appoint from among then a king, to rule the
nation and to wreak vengcanee on the Philistines,
¢ Bibl. Joel.
e Bibl: Abijah (ixx ‘Asia, with vl. ’Apecpa as in Josephus).
¢ Bibl. “‘ They were judges in Beer-sheba”’ (Bethel not
being mentioned).
4 Bibl. ** all the elders of Israel.”’
¢ Ramah.
VOL: V N 183
JOSEPHUS
tots δίκας τῶν προτέρων ἀδικημάτων. ἐλύπησαν
δὲ σφόδρα τὸν Σαμουῆλον οἱ λόγοι διὰ τὴν σύμ-
φυτον δικαιοσύνην καὶ τὸ πρὸς τοὺς “βασιλέας μῖσος"
ἥττητο γὰρ δεινῶς τῆς ἀριστοκρατίας ὡς θείας καὶ
μακαρίους ποιούσης τοὺς χρωμένους αὐτῆς τῇ
, ¢ \ \ LAN Α ὔ ~ > 4%
37 πολιτείᾳ. ὑπὸ δὲ φροντίδος καὶ βασάνου τῆς ἐπὶ
τοῖς εἰρημένοις οὔτε τροφῆς ἐμνημόνευσεν οὔτε
ὕπνου, dv ὅλης δὲ τῆς νυκτὸς στρέφων τὰς περὶ
τῶν πραγμάτων ἐννοίας διεκαρτέρει.
88 (Ὁ) ἔχοντι δὲ οὕτως ἐμφανίζεται τὸ θεῖον καὶ
~ 4 ~ 2.13 Φ 2 ’ \
παραμυθεῖται μὴ δυσφορεῖν ἐφ᾽ ois ἠξίωσε τὸ
~ ¢ > > ~ ς 7 2 2
πλῆθος, ὡς οὐκ ἐκεῖνον ὑπερηφανήσαντας ἀλλ
¢t , 1} @ 2 A ᾽ὔ 3 ,ὔ ~ 4 > > es
ἑαυτόν," ἵνα" μὴ βασιλεύσῃ μόνος" ταῦτα δὲ ἀφ᾽ ἧς
ἡμέρας μὰ αὐτοὺς ἀπ᾽ Αἰγύπτου μηχανᾶσθαι
τὰ épya’ λήψεσθαι μέντοι γε οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν
μετάνοιαν αὐτοὺς ἐπίπονον, ‘bh’ ἧς οὐδὲν μὲν
ἀγένητον ἔσται τῶν ἐσομένων, ἐλεγχθήσονται δὲ
καταφρονήσαντες καὶ βουλὰς οὐκ εὐχαρίστους πρὸς
39 ἐμὲ καὶ τὴν σὴν προφητείαν λαβόντες. κελεύω 57)
σε' χειροτονεῖν αὐτοῖς ὃν ἂν ἐγὼ" προείπω βασιλέα
προδηλώσαντα ποταπῶν τε πειραθήσονται βασι-
λευόμενοι κακῶν καὶ διαμαρτυράμενον ἐφ᾽ οἵαν
σπεύδουσι μεταβολήν.
40 (5) Ταῦτ᾽ ἀκούσας Σαμουῆλος apa ἕῳ συγ-
, 4 > , > ,ὔ > ~ ,
καλέσας τοὺς ‘lovdatous ἀποδείξειν αὐτοῖς βασιλέα
ὡμολόγησεν, ἔφη δὲ δεῖν πρῶτον μὲν αὐτοῖς
ἐκδιηγήσασθαι τὰ παρὰ τῶν βασιλέων ἐσόμενα καὶ
οσοίς συνενεχθήσονται κακοῖς: ᾿γινώσκετε γὰρ
1 ἢ αὐτόν SP: εἰς αὐτόν E: αὐτόν M. 3 εἰ RO.
3. βασιλεύσει Rs: βασιλεὺς ἢ SP.
4 σοι SE. 5 4¢0 SPE.
184
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 36-40
who yet owed them an accounting for past injuries.
These words sorely grieved Samuel by reason of his
innate righteousness and his hatred of kings ; for he
was keenly enamoured of aristocratic gov amninent,
accounting it divine and productive of bliss to those
who adopted it. So, from the anxiety and the torment
which these speeches caused him, he had no thought
for food or sleep, but passed the whole night turning
over these matters in his mind.¢
(4) Such was his state when the Deity appeared
and consoled him, telling him not to take these
demands of the multitude amiss, since it was not him
whom they had spurned, but God Himself, not wish-
ing Him to reign alone ; these deeds, moreover. they
had (He said) been devising from the day when He
had brought them forth from Egypt; howbeit they
would ere long be seized with painful remorse, ὁ 8
remorse by which nought will be undone of that
which is to be, but w hich will convict them of con-
tempt and of adopting a course ungrateful toward
Me and to thy prophetic office. I therefore now
charge thee to elect for them whomsoever [ shall
name as king, after forewarning them what ills
they will ee under kingly rile and solemnly
testifying into what a change they are rushing.”
(5) Having heard these w "γᾶς, Samuel at day break
called the Jews? together and consented to appoint
them a king, but he said that he must first set forth
to them what would befall them at the hands of their
kings and how many ills they would encounter.
‘For ye must know,” said he, “ that first they will
“ Amplification (ef. A. ii. 171): Scripture says merely
“* And Samuel] prayed unto the Lord ”’ (1 Sam. viii. 6).
δ See § 26 note.
185
God charges
Samuel to
elect a king.
1 Sam, viil.7.
Samuel
warns the
people of
the evils of
monarchy.
1 Sam.
viii. 10.
4}
42
43
JOSEPHUS
ὅτι πρῶτον μὲν ὑμῶν ἀποσπάσουσι τὰ τέκνα καὶ
τὰ μὲν αὐτῶν ἁρματηλάτας εἶναι κελεύσουσι, τοὺς
δ᾽ ἱππεῖς καὶ σωματοφύλακας, δρομεῖς δὲ ἄλλους
καὶ χιλιάρχους καὶ ἑκατοντάρχους, ποιήσουσι δὲ
καὶ “τεχνίτας ὁπλοποιοὺς καὶ ἁρματοποιοὺς καὶ
ὀργάνων τέκτονας yewpyous τε καὶ τῶν ἰδίων
ἀγρῶν “ἐπιμελητὰς καὶ σκαπανεῖς “ἀμπέλων, καὶ
οὐδέν ἐστιν ὃ μὴ κελευόμενοι ποιήσουσιν ἀνδρα-
πόδων ἀργυρωνήτων τρόπον" καὶ τὰς θυγατέρας δ᾽
ὑμῶν μυρεψοὺς ἀποφανοῦσι καὶ ὀψοποιοὺς καὶ
σιτοποιούς, καὶ πᾶν ἔργον ὃ θεραπαινίδες ἐξ
ἀνάγκης πληγὰς φοβούμεναι καὶ βασάνους ὑπ-
ἠρετήσουσι. κτῆσιν δὲ τὴν ὑμετέραν ἀφαιρήσονται
καὶ ταύτην εὐνούχοις καὶ σωματοφύλαξι δωρήσονται
καὶ βοσκημάτων ἀγέλας τοῖς αὑτῶν προσνεμοῦσι.
συνελόντι δ᾽ εἰπεῖν, δουλεύσετε μετὰ πάντων τῶν
ὑμετέρων τῷ βασιλεῖ σὺν" τοῖς αὑτῶν οἰκέταις"
ὃς γενόμενος" μνήμην ὑμῖν τῶνδε τῶν λόγων
γεννήσει καὶ τῷ" πάσχειν αὐτὰ μεταγινώσκοντας
ἱκετεῦσαι τὸν θεὸν ἐλεῆσαί τε ὑμᾶς καὶ δωρή-
σασθαι ταχεῖαν ἀπαλλαγὴν τῶν βασιλέων: ὁ δ᾽ οὐ
προσδέξεται τὰς δεήσεις, ἀλλὰ παραπέμψας ἐάσει
δίκην ὕ ὑποσχεῖν ὑμᾶς τῆς αὑτῶν κακοβουλίας.᾿
(6) Ἦν δ᾽ ἄρα καὶ πρὸς τὰς προρρήσεις τῶν
συμβησομένων ἀνόητον. τὸ πλῆθος καὶ δύσκολον
ἐξελεῖν τῆς διανοίας κρίσιν ἤδη παρὰ τῷ λογισμῷ
καθιδρυμένην᾽ ὅς γὰρ ἐπεστράφησαν οὐδ᾽ ἐμέλη-
καὶ MISE ome Lat:
2 ὃς γενόμενος] ὍΣ γενόμενοι M Lat. (+ καὶ Lat. ut vid.).
3 76 ROSP.
¢ ** Hundreds”? as in rxx (1 Sam. viii. 12), whereas the
Heb. has * fifties.”’
186
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 40-43
carry off your children and will order some of them
to be charioteers, others horsemen and bodyguards,
others runners or captains of thousands or of hun-
dreds?; they will make of them craftsmen also,
makers of armour, of chariots and of instruments ;
husbandmen too, tillers of their estates, diggers of
their vineyards; nay, there is nothing which your
sons will not do at their behest, after the manner of
slaves bought at a price. Of your daughters also
they will make perfumers, cooks and bakers, and
subject them to every menial task which handmaids
must perforce perform from fear of stripes and
tortures. They will moreover rob you of your
possessions and bestow them upon eunuchs and
bodyguards, and confer your herds of cattle upon their
retainers. In a word, ye with all yours will be bond-
servants to the king along with your own domestics ;
and he, when he is come,” will beget in you a memory
of these words of mine and (cause you) through these
sufferings to repent and to implore God to take pity
on you and to grant you speedy deliverance from
your kings. Howbeit He will not hearken to your
prayers, but will disregard them and suffer you to
pay the penalty for your own perversity.”
(6) Yet even to these predictions of what was to
come the multitude was deaf and obstinately refused ὃ
to eradicate from their minds a resolution now deep-
seated in their calculations. Nay, they would not be
turned, nor recked they aught of ‘the words of Samuel,
> Text doubtful. According to another reading, “‘ . . . to
the king, being made equal to your own domestics ; and
your suffering will beget, ete., . . . and (cause you) to
Repent, Ficy
¢ Or ‘and it was difficult.”
187
He yields
to their
insistence.
1 Sam.
viii. 19.
JOSEPHUS
3 “- ~ ᾽ὔ ὔ 3 3 b /
σεν αὐτοῖς τῶν Σαμουήλου λόγων, ἀλλ᾽ ἐνέκειντο
~ \ A
λιπαρῶς καὶ χειροτονεῖν ἠξίουν ἤδη τὸν βασιλέα
44 καὶ μὴ φροντίζειν τῶν ἐσομένων" ἐπὶ γὰρ τιμωρίᾳ
τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἀνάγκη τὸν πολεμήσοντα σὺν αὑτοῖς
ἔχειν, καὶ οὐδὲν ἄτοπον εἶναι τῶν πλησιοχώρων
βασιλενομένων τὴν αὐτὴν ἔχειν αὐτοὺς πολιτείαν.
- AY “A
ὁρῶν δ᾽ αὐτοὺς μηδ᾽ ὑπὸ τῶν προειρημένων
“- >
ἀπεστραμμένους ὁ Σαμουῆλος, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπιμένοντας
“νῦν μέν, εἶπεν, “᾿άπιτε πρὸς αὑτοὺς ἕκαστος,
7 λ e ~ > 7 σ / X
μεταπέμψομαι δὲ ὑμᾶς εἰς δέον, ὅταν μάθω παρὰ
- ~ / -
τοῦ θεοῦ τίνα δίδωσιν ὑμῖν βασιλέα.
Ω > 3 “A “-
45 (iv. 1) Ἦν δέ τις ἐκ τῆς Βενιαμίτιδος φυλῆς
3 Ἁ > λ \ 3 X \ > \ Mv
ἀνὴρ εὖ γεγονὼς καὶ ἀγαθὸς τὸ ἦθος, Kets ὄνομα"
τούτῳ παῖς ὑπῆρχεν, ἣν δὲ νεανίας τὴν μορφὴν
ἄριστος καὶ τὸ σῶμα μέγας, τό τε φρόνημα καὶ τὴν
46 διάνοιαν ἀμείνων τῶν βλεπομένων: Σαοῦλον αὐτὸν
e / - “- “-
ἐκάλουν. οὗτος ὁ Κείς, ὄνων αὐτῷ ἐκ τῆς νομῆς
καλῶν ἀποπλανηθεισῶν, ἥδετο γὰρ αὐταῖς ὡς
οὐκ ἄλλῳ τινὶ τῶν κτημάτων, τὸν υἱὸν μεθ᾽ ἑνὸς
θεράποντος ἐπὶ ζήτησιν τῶν κτηνῶν ἐξέπεμψεν:
ς 3 3 Ἁ \ / ~ \ ? ~
ὁ δ᾽ ἐπεὶ τὴν πάτριον περιῆλθε φυλὴν ἐξερευνῶν
\ ” 1 > ‘ ” ae 909 9 ;
τὰς ὄνους εἰς τὰς ἄλλας ἀφίκετο, οὐδ᾽ ἐν ταύταις
\ \
δ᾽ ἐπιτυχὼν ἀπιέναι" διεγνώκει, μὴ ποιήσῃ περὶ
“- ~ Ἁ “A > e
47 αὑτοῦ TW TATPL λοιπὸν φροντίδα. τοῦ ὃ ἑπομένου
2
θεράποντος ὡς ἐγένοντο κατὰ τὴν ᾿Αρμαθὰ πόλιν
εἶναι προφήτην ἐν αὐτῇ φήσαντος ἀληθῆ καὶ πρὸς
αὐτὸν βαδίζειν συμβουλεύσαντος, γνώσεσθαι γὰρ
eal αὐτοῦ TO περὶ τῶν ὄνων τέλος, οὐθὲν ἔχειν
ἐξερ. 7. ὄνους om. RO. 2 ἀνιέναι conj. Boysen.
® Gr. Keis (with txx): Heb. Kish.
188
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 43-47
but pressed him importunately and insisted that he
should elect their king forthwith, and take no thought
for the future ; sinee for the punishment of their foes
they must needs have one to fight their battles with
then, and there could be nothing strange, when their
neighbours were ruled by kings, in their having the
same form of government. So Samuel, secing that
even by his predictions they were not turned from
their intent but persisted therein, said, ‘‘ For the
present, depart ye each to his home: I will summon
you at need, when I shall have learnt from God whom
He gives you for your king.”’
(iv. 1) Now there was a man of the tribe of Benja- βασι, in
min of good birth and virtuous character, named Kis.” angen! ls
father’s
He had a son, a youth of a noble presence and tall asses,
of stature, and withal gifted with a spirit and mind samuel.
surpassing these outward advantages; they called | Sam i}
him Saul. This Kis, one day when some fine asses
of his had strayed from the pastures, in which he
took more delight than in all that he possessed,
sent off his son with one servant in search of the beasts.
And he, after going all over his father’s tribe in
quest of the asses, passed to the other tribes and fail-
ing there also to find them, resolved to return, lest he
should now cause his father anxiety concerning him-
self. But when they were come over against the city
of Armatha,” the servant who accompanied him told
him that there was there a true prophet, andcounselled
that they should go to him, since they would learn
from him what had become of the asses. Whereto
> Ramah (v. 342 note, vi. 35): bibl. ‘‘ when they were
come to the land of Zuph”’ (1 Sam. ix. 5), naming the dis-
trict in Ephraim wherein Ramah lay, cf. 1 Sam. 1. 1 “a
certain man of Ramathaim-zophim.”’
189
48
49
50
51
JOSEPHUS
πορευθέντας εἶπεν ἀντὶ τῆς προφητείας ὃ παρά-
σχωσιν αὐτῶ: κεκενῶσθαι γὰρ ἤδη τῶν ἐφοδίων.
τοῦ δ᾽ οἰκέτου τέταρτον αὐτῷ παρεῖναι σίκλου
φήσαντος καὶ τοῦτο δώσειν, ὑπὸ γὰρ ἀγνοίας τοῦ
μὴ λαμβάνειν τὸν προφήτην μισθὸν ἐπλανῶντο,
παραγίνονται καὶ πρὸς ταῖς πύλαις παρατυγχά-
νοντες παρθένοις ἐφ᾽ ὕδωρ βαδιζούσαις ἐρωτῶσιν
αὐτὰς τοῦ προφήτου τὴν οἰκίαν. αἱ δὲ σημαίνουσι
καὶ σπεύδειν παρεκελεύσαντο πρὶν αὐτὸν εἰς τὸ
δεῖπνον κατακλιθῆναι: πολλοὺς γὰρ ἑστιᾶν καὶ
προκατακλίνεσθαι τῶν κεκλημένων. ὁ δὲ Σαμου-
jAos διὰ τοῦτο πολλοὺς ἐπὶ τὴν ἑστίαν τότε
συνήγαγε" δεομένῳ γὰρ κατὰ πᾶσαν ἡμέραν αὐτῷ
τοῦ θεοῦ προειπεῖν τίνα ποιήσει βασιλέα τῇ
παρελθούσῃ τοῦτον μηνύσαντος, πέμψειν γὰρ
αὐτός τινα νεανίσκον ἐκ τῆς Βενιαμίτιδος φυλῆς
κατὰ τήνδε τὴν ὥραν, αὐτὸς μὲν ἐπὶ τοῦ δώ-
ματος καθεζόμενος ἐξεδέχετο τὸν καιρὸν γενέσθαι,
πληρωθέντος δ᾽ αὐτοῦ καταβὰς ἐπὶ τὸ δεῖπνον
ἐπορεύετο. συναντᾷ δὲ τῷ Σαούλῳ καὶ ὁ θεὸς
αὐτῷ σημαίνει τοῦτον εἶναι τὸν ἄρξειν μέλλοντα.
Σαοῦλος δὲ πρόσεισι τῷ Σαμουήλῳ καὶ προσ-
αγορεύσας ἐδεῖτο μηνύειν τὴν οἰκίαν τοῦ προφήτου"
ξένος γὰρ ὧν ἀγνοεῖν ἔφασκε. τοῦ δὲ Σαμουήλου
αὐτὸν εἶναι φράσαντος καὶ ἄγοντος ἐπὶ τὸ δεῖπνον,
ὡς τῶν ὄνων ep wv τὴν ζήτησιν ἐκπεμφθείη
σεσωσμένων τά τε πάντα ἀγαθὰ ἔχειν αὐτῷ
κεκυρωμένα, ὑποτυχών' “ἀλλ᾽ ἥττων, εἶπεν,
ἐ{. >
ἐγώ, δέσποτα, ταύτης τῆς ἐλπίδος καὶ φυλῆς
1 Holwerda: προστυχών codd.
@ Scripture does not say that Samuel accepted no reward.
190
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 47-51
Saul replied that, if they went to the prophet, they
had nothing to offer him in return for his oracle, sinee
their supplies were by now exhausted. However, the
servant said that he had a quarter of a shekel and
would present that—for their ignorance that the
prophet aeeepted no reward misled them ¢—and so
they went and, mecting at the gates maidens going
to draw water, they asked them which was the
prophet’s house. And these pointed it out and bade
them make speed ere he sat down to supper, for he
was entertaining many and would take his seat before
his invited guests.” Now the reason why Samuel had
at that hour assembled so many to the feast was this :
he had been praying daily to God to reveal to him
whom He would make king and, on the day before,
God had announced him, saying ‘that He would Him-
self send him a young man ‘of the tribe of Benjamin
at that selfsame hour. So,seated upon the housetop,
Samuel was awaiting fie coming of the time, and
when the hour was ripe he descended to go to the
supper. And he met Saul, and God revealed to him
that this was he that was torule. But Saul approached
Samuel and greeting him prayed him to show him
the prophet’s ; honse, “for he said that as a stranger he
was ignorant of it. Samuel then told him at he
was the prophet and led him to the supper, assuring
him that the asses in quest of which he had been
sent were safe and that for him (Saul) were destined
all good things®; whereat Saul broke in, “ Nay,
master, I am too lowly to hope for this, I come of a
Ὁ According to Scripture, Samuel was not the host, but
attended the feast as one in charge of public sacrifice.
¢ The text is a little awkward. but the meaning is clear.
Cf, 1 Sam. ix. 20, “To whom belong all the desirable
things of Israel, if not to thee (Saul) and thy father’s hause ?”’
191
δ9
53
δέ
or
qn
JOSEPHUS
- ’ ~ ~
μικροτέρας ἣ βασιλέας ποιεῖν καὶ πατριᾶς ταπει-
νοτέρας τῶν ἄλλων πατριῶν. σὺ δὲ παίζεις καὶ
/ ‘
γέλωτά με τίθεσαι περὶ μειζόνων ἢ κατὰ τὴν
ἐμὴν χώραν' dtadeyoperos. ὁ δὲ προφήτης ἀγα-
γὼν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τὴν ἑστίασιν κατακλίνει καὶ τὸν
ἀκόλουθον ἐπάνω τῶν κεκλημένων: οὗτοι δ᾽ ἦσαν
e -
ἑβδομήκοντα τὸν ἀριθμόν: προστάσσει δὲ τοῖς
ὃ , θ ~ ~ ys iA [ὃ λ 4
ιακόνοις παραθεῖναι τῷ LaovAw μερίδα βασιλικήν.
> λ Ἁ ’ ~ 4
ἐπεὶ δὲ κοίτης WPA προσῆγεν, οἱ μὲν ἀναστάντες
». 4 Α e \ σ ἐς \ ~ A
ἀνέλυον πρὸς αὑτοὺς ἕκαστοι, ὁ δὲ LaovAos παρὰ
τῷ προφήτῃ σὺν τῷ θεράποντι κατεκοιμήθη.
“- Α
2) “Apa δὲ ἡμέρᾳ Σαμουῆλος ἀναστήσας αὐτὸν
ι aa ἼΒερς mae Parana
EK τῆς κοίτης προύπεμπε Kal γενόμενος ἔξω τῆς
, ~
πόλεως ἐκέλευσε τὸν μὲν θεράποντα ποιῆσαι
a e ’ \ 5. Ἂ᾿ μέ \ > A
προελθεῖν, ὑπολείπεσθαι δὲ αὐτὸν: ἔχειν yap αὐτῷ
, \ ” / 2 © 2 \
τι φράσαι μηδενὸς ἄλλου παρόντος. καὶ ὁ μέν
~ 3 4 4 3 7 ‘ > ς
Σαοῦλος ἀποπέμπεται τὸν ἀκόλουθον, λαβὼν ὃ
,ὔ - - “-- --
προφήτης τὸ ἀγγεῖον, ἔλαιον καταχεῖ τῆς τοῦ
νεανίσκου κεφαλῆς καὶ κατασπασάμενος ““ἴσθι,᾽
φησί, “βασιλεὺς ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ κεχειροτονημένος
ἐπί τε Παλαιστίνους καὶ τὴν ὑπὲρ Ἑβραίων
ἄμυναν. τούτων δὲ ἔσται σοι σημεῖον ὅ σε
βούλομαι προγινώσκειν: ὅταν ἀπέλθῃς ἐντεῦθεν
καταλήψη τρεῖς ἀνθρώπους ἐν τῇ ὁδῷ προσκυνῆσαι
~ ~ e 4
τῷ θεῷ πορευομένους εἰς Βέθηλα, ὧν τὸν μὲν
~ a > ‘ Ἀ
πρῶτον τρεῖς ἄρτους ὄψει κομίζοντα, τὸν δὲ
᾿ Α ?
δεύτερον ἔριφον, ὃ τρίτος δὲ ἀσκὸν οἴνου φέρων
1 χρείαν Uae 2 μηδενὸς παρόντος om. RO.
SNOK Lat. (cf. 1 Sam. x. 1, υχχ τὸν φακὸν τοῦ ἐλαίου):
ἅγιον rell.
192
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES. Vil. δ1-85
tribe too little to create kings, and of a family of
humbler sort than all others. Thou but mockest and
makest sport of me in speaking of matters too high
for my station.”” Howbeit the prophet led him to
the banquet-chamber, gave him and his attendant
places above the invited guests, who were seventy 4
in number, and charged his henchmen to set a royal
portion before Saul. Then, when bedtime came, the
rest arose and departed each to his own home, but
Saul and his servant slept at the prophet’s house.?
(2) At break of day Samucl roused him from his
bed, escorted him on his way, and, when outside
the town, bade him cause his servant to go on before
and to remain behind himself, for he had somewhat
to tell him privately. So Saul dismissed his com-
panion, and the prophet, taking his vial, poured oil
upon the young man’s head and kissed him and said :
‘“ Know that thou art king, elected of God to combat
the Philistines and to defend the Hebrews. And of
this there shall be unto thee a sign which I would
have thee learn beforehand. When thou art departed
hence, thou shalt find on thy road three men® going
to worship God at Bethel; the first thou shalt see
carrying three loaves, the second a kid,? and the third
@ So rxx: Heb. “ about thirty,”’ 1 Sam. ix. 22.
>’ After txx, which here preserves the true text, καὶ
διέστρωσαν Tw Σαοὺλ ἐπὶ τῷ δώματι καὶ ἐκοιμήθη, Heb. ‘he
communed with 5. upon the housetop,” 1 Sam. ix. 25.
In the Biblical narrative the sacrifice and subsequent feast
are held at ** the high place,’ whence Samucland Saul descend
to the city to the prophet’s house.
¢ Josephus reverses the Biblical order of the first two
incidents: there the meeting with the messenger at Rachel’s
tomb comes first.
¢‘**One carrying three kids and another carrying three
loaves,” 1 Sam.
193
Samuel
anoints
Saul.
1 Sam.
iG)
JOSEPHUS
> 4 > ’ 4 Φ 4
ἀκολουθήσει. ἀσπάσονται δέ σε οὗτοι Kat φιλο-
\ , )
φρονήσονται Kat δώσουσί σοι ἄρτους δύο, σὺ δὲ
> ~ ω > \
66 λήψη. κἀκεῖθεν ἥξεις ets τὸ ‘PayyAas Kadov-
μενον μνημεῖον, ὅπου συμβαλεῖς τῶ σεσῶσθα!ι
3 ~
σου τὰς ὄνους εὐαγγελιουμένῳ: ἔπειτ᾽ ἐκεῖθεν
>
ἐλθὼν εἰς “ αβαβθὰ' προφήταις ἐκκλησιάζουσιν
ἐπιτεύξῃ καὶ γενόμενος ἔνθεος προφητεύσεις σὺν
αὐτοῖς, ws πάνθ᾽ ὅντιν᾽" ὁρῶντα ἐκπλήττεσθαί
τε καὶ θαυμάζειν λέγοντα “᾿πόθεν εἰς τοῦτο εὐ-
, ¢ “ a ~ }} cd /
57 δαιμονίας ὁ Κεισαίου παῖς παρῆλθεν; ὅταν δέ
σοι ταῦτα γένηται τὰ σημεῖα, τὸν θεὸν ἴσθι μετὰ
σοῦ τυγχάνοντα, ἄσπασαΐί τε τὸν πατέρα σου καὶ
τοὺς συγγενεῖς. ἥξεις δὲ μετάπεμπτος εἰς Γάλγαλα
3 ~ ~
ὑπ᾽ ἐμοῦ, iva χαριστήρια τούτων θύσωμεν τῷ
“ ~ Α
θεῶ. φράσας ταῦτα καὶ προειπὼν ἀποπέμπει
A ~
τὸν νεανίσκον: τῷ LaovAw δὲ πάντα κατὰ τὴν
᾽ὔ “
Σαμουήλου προφητείαν ἀπήντησεν.
8 Ὁ δ᾽ AQ 3 \ 3 , ~ ~
68 (3) “Qs ηλῦεν εἰς τὴν OLKLAV, TOV GUYyyEVoUS
> ~ 2-3 ᾽ὔ 4 4 > ~ ~ M
αὐτοῦ ᾿Λβηνάρου, Kat yap ἐκεῖνον τῶν ἄλλων
οἰκείων μᾶλλον ἔστεργεν, ἀνερωτῶντος περὶ τῆς
~ > ~
ἀποδημίας Kal τῶν κατ᾽ αὐτὴν' γεγονότων, τῶν
\ Mv 3 \ > , 30.» ¢ > ,ὔ
μὲν ἄλλων οὐδὲν ἀπεκρύψατο οὐδ᾽ ὡς ἀφίκοιτο
~ 93 ~
παρὰ Σαμουῆλον tov προφήτην οὐδ᾽ ws ἐκεῖνος
αὐτῷ σεσῶσθαι τὰς ὄνους ἔφρασε, περὶ δὲ τῆς
‘ 4 ‘ ~ > > , as ’ὔ 3 ’
59 βασιλείας καὶ τῶν κατ᾽ αὐτήν, a φθόνον ἀκουό-
μ Γεβαθὰ RO; Γαιβαθὰ SP. 2+ οὖν MSP.
3 ἐξ OF. 4 αὐτὸν ROE.
6 ἃ καὶ AISP Lat.
@ Bibl. “* two men.’
bP pivle- 40 Gibeah (or “the hill,’ txx τὸν βουνόν) of
God.” Cf. on § 95.
¢ These last words are amplification. Scripture has “ do
what thy hand shall find.”
194
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 55-89
will follow bearing a wine-skin. These men will
salute thee, show thee kindness and give thee two
loaves; and thou shalt accept them. And thenee 2.
thou shalt come to the place ealled ‘ Rachel's tomb,’
where thou shalt meet one® who will bring thee
news that thy asses are safe. Thereafter, on coming
thence to Gabatha,? thou shalt light upon an assembly 5
of prophets and, divinely inspired, thou shalt prophesy
with them, insomuch that whosoever beholdeth thee Cf. 11 f.
shall be aniaved and marvel, saying, ‘ How hath the
son of Kis come to this pitch of felicity 2?” And when τ.
these signs are come unto thee, know thou that God
is with thee; and go to salute thy father and thy
kinsfolk.© But thou shalt come. when summoned by
me, to Galgala, that we may offer thank-offerings to
God for these mercies.”” After these declarations and
predictions he let the young man go ; and everything
befell Saul as Samuel had foretold.
(3) But when he entered his ὦ house and his kins- seul :
a . . ΕΠ τ
man Abénar ¢@—for he was of all his relatives the one silence.
whom he loved the best—questioned him concerning 1 83m.
his journey and the events thereof, Saul eoncealed ἡ
from him nothing of all the rest, how he had visited
Samuel the prophet and how he had told him that
the asses were safe. But concerning the kingdom
and all relating thereto, deeming that the recital}
4 Gr. ‘‘the’’; perhaps render ‘ the house of his kins-
man A, ... and he questioned him.”’ Josephus appears
to have read in I Sam. x. 13 “ he came to the house”’ (a
reading preferred by modern critics) instead of δ“ he came
to the high place.”
¢ Scripture mentions his *‘ uncle,”’ here unnamed but else-
where called Ner. Josephus speaks of his cousin Abner,
the son of Ner and afterwards captain of Saul’s host, 1 Sam.
xiv. 50. Cf. § 130.
195
60
61
JOSEPHUS
μενα Kal ἀπιστίαν ἔχειν ᾧετο, σιωπᾷ πρὸς αὐτὸν
καὶ οὐδὲ πρὸς εὔνουν σφόδρα δοκοῦντα εἶναι
καὶ περισσότερον τῶν ἀφ᾽ αἵματος ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ
στεργόμενον ἀσφαλὲς ἢ σῶφρον ἔδοξε μηνύειν
ογισάμενος, οἶμαι, τὴν ἀνθρωπίνην φύσιν οἵα ταῖς
ἀληθείαις ἐστίν; ὅτι βεβαίως οὐδεὶς εὔνους" οὔτε
φίλων οὔτε συγγενῶν οὐδ᾽ ἄχρι τῶν παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ
λαμπρῶν ἀποσώζει τὴν διάθεσιν, ἀλλὰ πρὸς τὰς
ὑπεροχὰς κακοήθεις τυγχάνουσιν ἤδη καὶ i βάσκανοι.
(4) Σαμουῆλος δὲ συγκαλεῖξ τὸν λαὸν εἰς
Maodaba πόλιν καὶ πρὸς αὐτὸν διατίθεται λόγους,
οὗς κατ᾽ ἐντολὴν φράζειν ἔλεγε τοῦ θεοῦ, ὅτι τὴν
ἐλευθερίαν αὐτοῖς ἐκείνου παρασχόντος καὶ τοὺς
πολεμίους δουλώσαντος ἀμνημονήσειαν τῶν εὐ-
εργεσιῶν, καὶ τὸν μὲν θεὸν ἀποχειροτονοῦσι τῆς
βασιλείας οὐκ εἰδότες ὡς συμφορώτατον ὑπὸ τοῦ
πάντων ἀρίστου προστατεῖσθαι, θεὸς δὲ πάντων
ἄριστος, αἱροῦνται δ᾽ ἔχειν ἄνθρωπον βασιλέα, ὃς
ὡς κτήματι τοῖς ὑποτεταγμένοις κατὰ βούλησιν
καὶ ἐπιθυμίαν καὶ τῶν ἄλλων παθῶν ὁρμὴν
χρήσεται τῆς ἐξουσίας ἀφειδῶς ἐμφορούμεν ος, ἀλλ᾽
οὐχ ὡς ἴδιον ἔργον καὶ κατασκεύασμα τὸ τῶν
ἀνθρώπων γένος οὕτως διατηρῆσαι σπουδάσει, ὁ
θεὸς δὲ κατὰ ταύτην τὴν αἰτίαν av κήδοιτο.
ὺ ἀλλ᾽ ἐπεὶ δέδοκται ταῦτα ὑμῖν καὶ κεκράτηκεν ἡ
πρὸς τὸν θεὸν ὕβρις, τάχθητε πάντες κατὰ φυλάς
τε καὶ σκῆπτρα καὶ κλήρους βάλετε.
1 εὔνους om. ROE. 2 καλεῖ RO: ἐκάλει E.
3 κτήμασι ed. pr.: jumentis Lat. 4 ἂν om. codd.
¢ The renewed strictures of Samuel are an amplification of
Scripture. His earlier warning (1 Sam. viii. 10) is given
above in § 40.
196
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 59-61
thereof would excite jealousy and distrust, he held
his peace ; nay, even to one who seemed most loyal
of friends and whom he loved more affectionately than
all those of his blood, he judged it neither safe nor
prudent to disclose this secret—reflecting, I ween,
on what human nature in truth is, and how no one,
be he friend or kinsman, shows unwavering loyalty
or preserves his affection when brilliant distinctions
arc bestowed by God, but all men straightway regard
these eminences with malice and envy.
(4) Samuel now called the people together to the The
city of Masphatha and made them an address, which ene δι
he delivered, as he told them, at the commandment 1 sam. x.17
of God. He said that, albeit God had granted them
liberty and enslaved their enemies, they had been
unmindful of His benefits and rejected His sove-
reignty, unaware that it was to their highest interest
to have the best of all rulers at their head and that
the best of all was God; nay, they chose to have a
man for their king, who would treat his subjects as
chattels at his will and pleasure and at the impulse
of his other passions, indulging his power to the
full; one who, not being the author and creator of
the hunen race, would not lovingly study to preserve
it, while God for that very reason w ould cherish it
with care.? ‘‘ Howbeit,” he added. “‘since it pleases
you thus, and this intent to outrage God has pre-
vailed, range yourselves all of you by tribes and
families ὃ and cast lots.”
> The Gr. σκῆπτρον, lit. “" staff,”’ is the usual txx rendering
of Heb. sh7bet which means both ‘staff’? and ‘tribe.’
Josephus here reverses the order of words in the Lxx, 1 Sam.
x. 19, where σκῆπτρον =“ tribe’ and φυλή =“ family ’’; φυλή
in the Lxx usually =“‘ tribe,”’ less often = “‘ family.”
197
62
63
64
66
JOStPHUS
(5) HLlowmoavrwy δὲ τοῦτο τῶν Ἑβραίων ὁ τῆς
Βενιαμίτιδος κλῆρος ἐξέπεσε, ταύτης δὲ κληρω.
θείσης ἔλαχεν ἡ Δίατρὶς καλουμένη πατριά, ἧς
κατ᾽ ἄνδρα κληρωθείσης λαγχάνει ὁ ΚΚεισαίου
βασιλεύειν παῖς Σαοῦλος. γνοὺς δὲ τοῦθ᾽ ὁ νεανί-
σκος φθάσας ἐκποδὼν αὑτὸν ποιεῖ μὴ βουλόμενος,
οἶμαι, δοκεῖν τὴν ἀρχὴν ἑκὼν λαμβάνειν, ἀλλὰ
τοσαύτην ἐνεδείξατο ἐγκράτειαν καὶ σωφροσύνην,
ὥστε τῶν πλείστων οὐδ᾽ ἐπὶ μικραῖς εὐπραγίαις
τὴν χαρὰν κατασχεῖν δυναμένων, ἀλλ᾽ εἰς τὸ πᾶσι
γενέσθαι φανεροὺς προπιπτόντων, ὁ δ᾽ οὐ μόνον
οὐδὲν ἐνέφηνε τοιοῦτον ἐπὶ βασιλείᾳ καὶ τῷ
τοσούτων καὶ τηλικούτων ἐθνῶν ἀποδεδεῖχθαι
δεσπότης, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῆς ὄψεως αὑτὸν τῆς τῶν βασι-
λευθησομένων ἐξέκλεψεν καὶ ζητεῖν αὐτὸν καὶ περὶ
τοῦτο πονεῖν παρεσκεύασεν. ὧν ἀμηχανούντων
καὶ φροντιζόντων O πὸ καὶ γένοιτο ἀφανὴς ὁ
Σαοῦλος, ὁ ὁ προφήτης & ἱκέτευε τὸν θεὸν δεῖξαι ποῦ
ποτ᾽ εἴη καὶ παρασχεῖν εἰς ἐμφανὲς τὸν νεανίσκον.
μαθὼν δὲ παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ τὸν τόπον ἔνθα κέκρυπταιδ
ὁ Σιαοῦλος πέμπει τοὺς ἀξοντας αὐτὸν καὶ παρα-
γενόμενον ἵστησι μέσον τοῦ πλήθους. ἐξεῖχε δὲ
ἁπάντων καὶ τὸ ὕψος ἦν βασιλικώτατος.
(6) Λέγει δὲ ὁ προφήτης" ὰ τοῦτον ὑμῖν ὁ θεὸς
ἔδωκε βασιλέα. ὁρᾶτε δὲ ὡς καὶ κρείττων ἐστὶ
πάντων καὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἄξιος.᾿ ὡς δ᾽ ἐπευφήμησε
τῷ βασιλεῖ σωτηρίαν ὁ λαός, τὰ μέλλοντα συμ-
βήσεσθαι καταγράψας αὐτοῖς ὁ προφήτης ἀνέγνω
τοῦ βασιλέως ἀκροωμένου καὶ τὸ βιβλίον τίθησιν
1 RE: προσπιπτόντων ΤΟΪ].
2 καὶ οἴη. MSP: ἔτι μὴ conj. Schmidt.
3 κρύπτεται ROE.
198
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 62-66
(5) The Hebrews having so done, the lot fell to Saul chosen
the tribe of Benjamin, and when lots had been ΠΕ eee ΤΒΝΝ
for it the family called Matris 5 was successful ; and
lots being east for the individuals of that family
Saul son of Kis obtained the kingdom. Learning
thereof, the young man promptly took himself away,
not wishing, I imagine, to appear eager to take the
sov ercignty. Nay, yeh was the restraint and modesty?
display ed by him that, whereas most persons are un-
able to contain their joy over the slightest success
but rush to display themselves before all the w orld,
he, far from showing any such pride on obtaining a
kingdom and being appointed lord of all those mighty
peoples, actually stole away from the view of his future
subjects and forced them to seareh for him, not
without trouble. These being baftled and perplexed
at Saul’s disappearance, the prophet besought God
to show where the young man was and to bring him
before their eyes. “And having learnt from Cou the
place where Saul lay in hiding, he sent to fetch him
and, when he was come, set him in the midst of the
throng. And he ov ertopped them all and in stature
was indeed most kingly.
(6) Then said the prophet, “ This is he whom God Roe
hath given you for king; see how he both excels and retums
all and is worthy of sov ereignty ! i et ateer the ΡΠ ete
aeelamations of the people, © Long live the king!”
the prophet, having put in writing >for them all thet
should eome to pass, read it in the hearing of the
king¢ and then laid up the book in the tabernacle of
α Bibl. Matri, .xx ΔΙατταρεί, ete.
> Rabbinic tradition (ef. Ginzberg, vi. 231) also emphasizes
Saul’s modesty.
¢ 1 Sam. x. 25 ‘Then Samuel told the people the manner
of the kingdom and wrote it in a book.”
VOL. V O 199
JOSEEMUS
ἐν τῇ τοῦ θεοῦ σκηνῇ ταῖς μετέπειτα γενεαῖς
67 μαρτύριον WV προείρηκε. ταῦτ᾽ ἐπιτελέσας ὁ
68
69
70
7
"κω
4 A
Σαμουῆλος ἀπολύει τὴν πληθύν: Kat αὐτὸς δὲ εἰς
3 “᾿ ~
Αρμαθὰ παραγίνεται πόλιν, πατρὶς yap ἣν αὐτῷ,
4 A > “ 3 7 3 e
Σαούλῳ δὲ ἀπερχομένῳ ets Γαβαθήν, ἐξ ἧς
“- \
ὑπῆρχε, συνήρχοντο πολλοὶ μὲν ἀγαθοὶ τὴν
a ‘ \
προσήκουσαν βασιλεῖ τιμὴν νέμοντες, πονηροὶ δὲ
“- ~ 3 A
πλείους, ot καταφρονοῦντες αὐτοῦ καὶ τοὺς
Μ 1 > , \ ” “- ’
ἄλλους ἐχλεύαζον καὶ οὔτε δῶρα προσέφερον
3 “- \
ovr’ ἐν σπουδῇ καὶ λόγῳ τὸ ἀρέσκεσθαι τὸν
Σ αοῦλον ἐτίθεντο.
4 > ὦ » 2 ~ Ἁ /
(v. 1) ΔΙηνὲ δ᾽ ὕστερον ἀρχειῦ τῆς παρὰ πάντων
“- ~ Ty \ “-
αὐτῷ τιμῆς ὁ πρὸς Ναάσην πόλεμος τὸν τῶν
“Ὁ \
᾿Αμμανιτῶν βασιλέα: οὗτος γὰρ πολλὰ κακὰ τοὺς
πέραν τοῦ ᾿Ιορδάνου ποταμοῦ κατῳκημένους τῶν
~ ,ὔ
*Tovdatwy διατίθησι, μετὰ πολλοῦ καὶ μαχίμου
στρατεύματος διαβὰς ἐπ᾽ αὐτούς" καὶ τὰς πόλεις
~ ‘
αὐτῶν εἰς δουλείαν ὑπάγεται, ἰσχύι μὲν καὶ
a
Bia πρὸς τὸ παρὸν αὐτοὺς χειρωσάμενος, σοφίᾳ
δὲ καὶ ἐπινοίᾳ πρὸς τὸ μηδ᾽ αὖθις ἀποστάντας
~ ‘ : ς » 9 ~ / ~ >
δυνηθῆναι τὴν ὑπ᾽ αὐτῷ δουλείαν διαφυγεῖν ἀσθε-
νεῖς ποιῶν: τῶν yap ἣ κατὰ πίστιν ὡς αὐτὸν
ἀφικνουμένων ἢ λαμβανομένων πολέμου νόμῳ τοὺς
\ 3 A 3 ’ὔ 3 , \ ᾿ af?
δεξιοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς ἐξέκοπτεν. ἐποίει δὲ τοῦθ᾽,
“ “- ~ aA ~ ~
ὅπως τῆς ἀριστερᾶς αὐτοῖς ὄψεως ὑπὸ τῶν θυρεῶν
καλυπτομένης ἄχρηστοι παντελῶς εἶεν. καὶ ὁ μὲν
~ 3 ~ ~
τῶν ᾿Αμμανιτῶν βασιλεὺς ταῦτ᾽ ἐργασάμενος τοὺς
, -. ’ 3 \ ‘ A
πέραν τοῦ ᾿Ιορδάνου, ἐπὶ τοὺς Tadadnvovs Aeyo-
1 πολλοὺς ROE. 2 SP: ἀρχὴ rell.
5 Josephus follows the rxx, which begins a new chapter
(1 Sam. xi.) with the words μετὰ μῆνα, probably reading
mi-hodesh δ after a month,’’ whereas the ΠΡ. (x. 27 =end of
200
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 66-71
God, as a testimony to after generations of what he
had foretold. That task accomplished, Samuel dis-
missed the multitude and betook himself to the city
of Armatha, his native place. Saul, for his part,
departed for Gabatha, whence he was sprung; he
was aceompanied by many honest folk, tendering
him the homage due to a king, but by knaves yet
more, who, holding him in contempt, derided the
rest and neither offered him presents nor took any
pains or care to gain the favour of Saul.
(v. 1) However, a month later,? he began to win
the esteem of all by the war with Naas,’ king of the
Ammanites. For this monarch had done much harm
to the Jews who had settled beyond the river Jordan,
having invaded their territory with a large and war-
like army. Reducing their cities to servitude, he
not only by foree and violence secured their sub-
jeetion in the present, but by cunning and ingenuity
weakened them in order that they might never
again be able to revolt and escape from servitude
to him; for he cut out the right cyes of all who
either surrendered to him under oath or were
captured by right of war. This he did with intent—
since the left eye was covered by the buckler—to
render them utterly unserviceable. Having then so
dealt with the people beyond Jordan,’ the Ammanite
king carried his arms against those called Galadenians.¢
preeeding ehapter) has maharish ‘“ was silent,” referring to
Saul’s attitude toward the disaffected elements.
6 Bibl. Nahash, rxx Naas.
¢ These earlier conquests of Nahash are not mentioned in
Scripture.
4 Bibl. Jabesh Gilead, that is the city Jabesh (perhaps
modern Wady Yabis) in Gilead, the country east of the
Jordan, extending north and south of the river Jabbok.
201
War with
Nahash the
Ammonite.
1 Sam. xi. L
JOSEPHUS
μένους ἐπεστράτευσε καὶ στρατοπεδευσάμενος πρὸς
τῇ μητροπόλει τῶν πολεμίων, ᾿Ιαβὶς δ᾽ ἐστὶν αὕτη,
πέμπει πρὸς αὐτοὺς πρέσβεις κελεύων non" παρα-
δοῦναι σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ἐπὶ τῷ τοὺς δεξιοὺς αὐτῶν
ὀφθαλμοὺς ἐξορύξαι, ἢ πολιορκήσειν" ἠπείλει καὶ
τὰς πόλεις αὐτῶν ἀναστήσειν' ayo αἵρεσιν ἐπ᾽
αὐτοῖς εἶναι, πότερόν ποτε βραχύ τὸ τοῦ σώματος
ἀποτεμεῖν (λούσω ἢ παντάπασιν" ἀπολωλέναι.
οἱ δὲ Γαλαδηνοὶ καταπλαγέντες πρὸς οὐδέτερον
μὲν ἐτόλμησαν οὐδὲν εἰπεῖν, οὔτ᾽ εἰ παραδιδόασιν
αὑτοὺς οὔτ᾽ εἰ πολεμοῦσιν, ἀνοχὴν δ᾽ ἡμερῶν ἑπτὰ
λαβεῖν ἠξίωσαν, ἵνα πρεσβευσάμενοι πρὸς τοὺς
ὁμοφύλους παρακαλέσωσι συμμαχεῖν αὐτοῖς καὶ εἰ
μὲν ἔλθοι βοήθεια πολεμῶσιν, εἰ δ᾽ ἄπορα εἴη τὰ
παρ᾽ ἐκείνων, παραδώσειν αὑτοὺς ἔφασκον ἐπὶ τῷ
παθεῖν ὅ τι ἂν αὐτῷ δοκῇ.
(2) Ὃ δὲ Ναάσης καταφρονήσας τοῦ τῶν [αλα-
δηνῶν πλήθους καὶ τῆς ἀποκρίσεως αὐτῶν, δίδωσί
τε αὐτοῖς τὴν ἀνοχὴν καὶ πέμπειν πρὸς οὗς ἂν
θέλωσι συμμάχους ἐπιτρέπει. πέμψαντες" οὖν εὐθὺς
κατὰ πόλιν τοῖς ᾿Ισραηλίταις διήγγελον" τὰ παρὰ
τοῦ Ναάσου καὶ τὴν ἀμηχαν iav ἐν ἡ καθειστή-
74 κεσαν. οὗ δ᾽ εἰς δάκρυα καὶ λύπην ὑπὸ τῆς ἀκοῆς
τῶν περὶ τοὺς ᾿Ιαβισηνοὺς προήχθησαν καὶ πέρα
τούτων οὐδὲν αὐτοῖς ἄλλο πράττειν συνεχώρει τὸ
δέος" γενομένων δὲ τῶν ἀγγέλων καὶ ἐν τῇ LaovAov
τοῦ βασιλέως πόλει καὶ τοὺς κινδύνους ἐν οἷς εἶναι
συνέβαινε τοὺς ᾿Ιαβισηνοὺς φρασάντων, ὁ μὲν
λαὸς ταὐτὰ τοῖς πρώτοις ἔπασχεν: ὠδύρετο γὰρ
1RO} 7 rell: 2 conj. Niese: πολιορκῆσαι codd.
3 πάντες MSP Lat. 4 πέμπουσιν ROK.
5 οἱ ἤγγελον RO.
202
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 71:74
Pitehing his eamp near the eapital of his enemies, to
wit Jabis, he sent envoys to them, bidding them
instantly to surrender on the understanding that
their right eyes would be put out: if not, he
threatened to besiege and overthrow their cities: it
was for them to choose, whether they preferred the
cutting out a small portion of the body or to perish
utterly. The Galadenians, terror-struck, durst not
reply at all to either proposal, whether they would
surrender or whether they would fight; but they
asked for a seven days’ respite, in order to send
envoys to their countrymen and solicit their support :
if assistance were fortheoming they would fight, but
if there should be no hope from that quarter, they
undertook to deliver themselves up to suffer what-
soever should seem good to him.
(2) Naas, contemptuous of these Galadenian people
and their answer, gave them their respite and per-
mission to send to whatever allies they would. They
therefore straightway sent messengers to each city
of the Israelites to report the menaees of Naas and
the desperate straits whereto they were reduced.
These, on hearing of the plight of the men of Jabis,
were moved to tears and grief, but, beyond that,
fear permitted them to do no more. When, however,
the messengers reached the city of king Saul and
recounted the peri] wherein they of Jabis lay, the
people here toowere moved even as were those others,
203
1 Sam. xi. 2
Saul learns
of the
Gileadites
plight.
Sam. xi. 4,
JOSEPHUS
% a Ἁ ~ ~ ¢ A ~
στὴν συμφορὰν τὴν τῶν συγγενῶν: ὁ δὲ Σαοῦλος
“1
77
78
7
9
ἀπὸ τῶν περὶ τὴν γεωργίαν παραγενόμενος ἔργων
εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἐπιτυγχάνει κλαίουσι τοῖς αὑτοῦ
πολίταις, καὶ πυθόμενος τὴν αἰτίαν τῆς συγχύσεως
καὶ κατηφείας αὐτῶν μανθάνει τὰ παρὰ τῶν
ἀγγέλων. καὶ ἔνθεος γενόμενος ἀποπέμπει μὲν
Ἁ 9 7 Ὁ ’ 3 ~ ey 4
tous ᾿Ιαβισηνοῦς, ὑποσχόμενος αὐτοῖς ἥξειν βοηθὸς
τῇ τρίτῃ τῶν ἡμερῶν καὶ πρὶν ἥλιον ἀνασχεῖν
κρατήσειν τῶν πολεμίων, ἵνα καὶ νενικηκότας ἤδη
Α ~ f »] [4 ς [τὰ 3 Fd
καὶ τῶν φόβων ἀπηλλαγμένους ὁ ἥλιος ἐπιτείλας
» ξ “- 3 > ] ? ͵ > ~ € ?
ion’ ὑπομεῖναι δ᾽ ἐκέλευσέ Twas αὐτῶν ἡγησομέ-
νους τῆς ὁδοῦ.
é
(3) Βουλόμενος δὲ φόβῳ ζημίας τὸν λαὸν ἐπὶ
A 4 > ¢ > a 4 4
τὸν πρὸς Appavitas ἐπιστρέψαι πόλεμον καὶ
συνελθεῖν αὐτοὺς ὀξύτερον, ὑποτεμὼν τῶν αὑτοῦ
A ‘ A 2 AY t ) , ‘
βοῶν τὰ νεῦρα ταὐτὰ; διαθήσειν ἠπείλησε τοὺς
¢ 7 > \ \ 4 $ ’ὔ ¢ a 4
ἁπάντων, εἰ μὴ πρὸς τὸν ᾿Ιόρδανον ὡπλισμένοι κατὰ
Α 3 ~
τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν ἀπαντήσουσιν ἡμέραν καὶ ἀκολου-
θὴ > | ~ 4 wv ‘A ~ [4 @
noovaw αὐτῷ Kat Σαμουήλῳ τῷ προφήτῃ, ὅπου
3 bh} 3 4 > A ~ 4 > 9 f
ποτ᾽ ἂν αὐτοὺς ἀγάγωσι. τῶν de δι᾽ εὐλάβειαν
~ 3 A
τῆς κατεπηγγελμένης ζημίας εἰς τὸν ὡρισμένον
4 ὔ 3 “- 3 ~ ~
καιρὸν συνελθόντων ἐξαριθμεῖται ἐν Bada τῇ
’ Α - ¢ f 4 4 3 4 A
πόλει τὸ πλῆθος: εὑρίσκει δὲ τὸν ἀριθμὸν γωρὶς
τῆς ᾿Ιούδα φυλῆς εἰς ἑβδομήκοντα μυριάδας
συνειλεγμένους, τῆς δὲ φυλῆς ἐκείνης ἦσαν μυ-
7 ¢ a A % 4 > J f ‘ ,ὔ
ριάδες ἑπτά. διαβὰς δὲ τὸν ᾿Ιόρδανον καὶ σχοίνων
1 Niese: ταῦτα RO Lat.: ταὐτὸ SPE: τοῦτο ΔΙ.
204
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 75-79
for they bewailed the calamity of their brethren ; but
Saul, entering the city from his labours in husbandry,
encountered his fellow-eitizens in tears and, on asking
the reason for their distress and dejection, learnt the
messengers’ report. hereon, divinely inspired, he
dismissed the men from Jabis with a promise to
come to their aid on the third day @ and ere sunrise
to defeat the foe, so that the ascending sun should
see them already victors and freed from their fears.
Some, however, among them he bade remain with
him so that they might guide bim on his march.
(8) Then wishing to urge the people, through fear
of the penalty, to the war against the Ammanites
and that they rout eome together more quickly
he cut the sinews ὃ of his own oxen and threatened to
do the like to the beasts of all who should fail to
appear at the Jordan in arms on the following day
and follow him and Samuel the prophet whithersoever
they should lead them. But when they, through
fear of the threatened penalty, mustered at the
appointed hour, he had the host numbered at the
eity of Bala® and found them to have gathered to-
ecther to the number of 700,000,@ apart from the tribe
of Judah : of that tribe there were 70,000.¢ Then
crossing the Jordan and accomplishing in an all-
2 In Seripture (1 Sam. xi. 9) Saul (or, in the Heb., the
Israelites) promises that deliverance will come on the morrow;
moreover, the τως is made after the tribes are summoned.
’ In Scriptnre (1 Sam. xi. 7) Saul dismembers a team of
oxen and sends the piecees throughout the borders of Israel.
¢ Bibl. Bezek, uxx Béfex ("Apidtex ete.) ἐν Baud, perhaps
the modern Ahirbet [bziq, about twelve miles N.E. of Sheehem
and a little W. of the Jordan, opposite Jabesh Gilead.
4 Heb. 300,000, Lxx 600,000.
¢ Tleb. 90,000, Lxx 70,000.
205
1 Sam xi. ἃ
8
“--
—
—
JOSEPHUS
, , ὁ a ‘ 2 + ea , \
δέκα de ὅλης τῆς νυκτὸς ἀνύσας ὁδὸν φθάνει μὲν
ἥλιον ἀνίσχοντα, τριχῇ δὲ τὸ στράτευμα διελὼν
, ᾽ , ~
ἐπιπίπτει πανταχόθεν αἰφνιδίως οὐ προσδοκῶοι
a 3 - \ ‘ > / ”
τοῖς ἐχθροῖς, Kat συμβαλὼν eis μάχην ἀλλους τε
~ > ~
πολλοὺς ἀποκτείνει τῶν ᾿Αμμανιτῶν καὶ Nadonv
- A ? , ~
tov βασιλέα. τοῦτο λαμπρὸν ἐπράχθη τῷ Σαούλῳ
τὸ ἔργον καὶ πρὸς πάντας αὐτὸν διήγγειλε τοὺς
‘ ~
‘EBpatous ἐπαινούμενον καὶ θαυμαστῆς ἀπολαύοντα
δόξης ἐπ᾽ ἀνδρείᾳ: καὶ γὰρ εἴ τινες ἦσαν οἵ
πρότερον αὐτοῦ κατεφρόνουν, τότε μετέστησαν ἐπὶ
~ /
TO τιμᾶν καὶ πάντων ἀριστον νομίζειν: οὐ yap
~ ‘ ‘
ἤρκεσεν αὐτῷ τοὺς ᾿Ιαβισηνοὺς σεσωκέναι μόνον,
- ~ >] ~ >
ἀλλὰ καὶ τῇ τῶν ᾿Αμμανιτῶν ἐπιστρατεύσας χώρᾳ
- b] ‘ , ‘ ‘ \
πᾶσαν αὐτὴν καταστρέφεται καὶ πολλὴν λαβὼν
’ ‘4 > ‘ ee ce ς ‘
λείαν λαμπρὸς" εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν ὑπέστρεψεν. ὁ δὲ
\ ey? ς a a το , ,
λαὸς ὑφ᾽ ἡδονῆς τῶν NaotdAw κατωρθωμένων
ἔχαιρε μὲν ὅτι τοιοῦτον ἐχειροτόνησε βασιλέα,
Ἁ A A > A ld 3 \ ov ~
πρὸς δὲ τοὺς οὐδὲν ὄφελος αὐτὸν ἔσεσθαι Tots
πράγμασι λέγοντας ἐβόων “᾿ ποῦ νῦν εἰσιν οὗτοι᾽᾽
’ὔ \ Ly A
καὶ “‘doTwaav δίκην᾽᾽ Kat πάνθ᾽ ὅσα φιλεῖ λέγειν
2 , > ‘ >
ὄχλος ἐπ᾽ εὐπραγίαις ἡρμένος πρὸς τοὺς ἐξευτε-
λίζοντας ἔναγχος τοὺς τούτων αἰτίους. Σαοῦλος
δὲ τούτων μὲν ἠσπάζετο τὴν εὔνοιαν καὶ τὴν περὶ
αὐτὸν προθυμίαν, ὥμοσε δὲ μήτινα περιόψεσθαι
τῶν ὁμοφύλων ἀναιρούμενον ἐπ᾽ ἐκείνης τῆς
\ ~ -
ἡμέρας: ἄτοπον γὰρ εἶναι τὴν ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ δε-
,ὔ ’ὔ ¢ ~ ‘ ’, ~ >
δομένην νίκην αἵματι φῦραι καὶ φόνῳ τῶν ἐκ
1 λαμπρῶς ROME,
206
ΤΕΡΙΒΗ ἈΝ ΤΙΟΙΓ ΙΝ, 719-82
night march a distance of ten schoenoz,? he arrived
before the sun was up and, dividing his army into
three, fell suddenly from all sides upon the foe, who
looked for no sueh thing, and having joined battle
he slew multitudes of the Ammanites and king Naas
himself. This brilliant exploit achieved by Saul
spread his praises throughout all the Hebrews and
procured him a marvellous renown for valiance ; for
if there were some who before despised him, they
were now brought round to honour him and to deem
him the noblest of all men. For, not content with
having rescued the inhabitants of Jabis. he invaded
the country of the Ammanites, subdued it all, and,
having taken much booty, returned in glory to his
own land.¢ The people, in their delight at Saul’s
achievements, exulted at having elected such a king,
and, turning upon those who had declared that he
would bring) no profit to the state. they cried, “ Where
now are those men?”, “ Let them pay for it!”
in short all that a crow d, elated by success, is wont to
utter against those who were of late disparaging the
authors of it. But Saul, while welcoming their good-
will and devotion to himself. yet swore that he would
not suffer one of his countrymen to be pnt to death
that day, for it were monstrous to defile that God-
given victory with bloodshed and murder of men of
@ The schoenos varied in length between thirty and forty
stades, that is, roughly between four and five miles. The
length of Saul’s march, not given in Seripture, was, therefore,
between forty and fifty miles. The distance hetween the
supposed sites of Bezek and Jabesh Gilead is less than
twenty miles.
> 1 Sam. xi. 1 “ποῖ two men were left together.
¢ ‘This conquest of Aninonite territory is not mentioned
in Scripture.
+3
207
Saul’s
victory over
Nahash the
Ammonite.
1 Sam. xi.12,
JOSEPHUS
ταὐτοῦ γένους αὐτοῖς, πρέπειν δὲ μᾶλλον πρὸς
> ’, 3 ~ ‘4 1 e é
ἀλλήλους εὐμενῶς διακειμένους, ἑορτάζειν.
838 (4) Σαμουήλου δὲ φήσαντος καὶ δευτέρᾳ δεῖν
χειροτονίᾳ Σαούλῳ τὴν βασιλείαν ἐπικυρῶσαι
συνίασι πάντες εἰς Τ᾿ ἄλγαλα πόλιν: ἐκεῖ yap
᾿] A 3 , 3 “a N ? ς ~ ~
αὐτοὺς ἐκέλευσεν ἐλθεῖν. καὶ πάλιν ὁρῶντος τοῦ
πλήθους ὁ προφήτης χρίει τὸν Σαοῦλον τῷ ἁγίῳ
ἐλαίῳ καὶ δεύτερον ἀναγορεύει βασιλέα. καὶ
οὕτως ἡ τῶν Ἑβραίων πολιτεία εἰς βασιλείαν
84 μετέπεσεν. ἐπὶ γὰρ Δίωυσέος καὶ τοῦ μαθητοῦ
~ > ~ “a > ’ 3
αὐτοῦ ᾿Ιησοῦ, ὃς ἦν στρατηγός, ἀριστοκρατού-
μενοι διετέλουν: μετὰ δὲ τὴν ἐκείνου" τελευτὴν
3, ~ ~ Ἁ
ἔτεσι τοῖς πᾶσι δέκα καὶ πρὸς τούτοις ὀκτὼ τὸ
-- ~ ’ -
85 πλῆθος αὐτῶν ἀναρχία κατέσχε. μετὰ ταῦτα δ᾽
εἰς τὴν προτέραν ἐπανῆλθον πολιτείαν τῷ κατὰ
, “~
πόλεμον ἀρίστῳ δόξαντι γεγενῆσθαι καὶ κατ᾽
4 ~
ἀνδρείαν περὶ τῶν ὅλων δικάζειν ἐπιτρέποντες"
-- a] ~ ~
καὶ διὰ τοῦτο τὸν χρόνον τοῦτον τῆς πολιτείας
κριτῶν ἐκάλεσαν.
A ~
80 (5) “ExxAnotav δὲ Σαμουῆλος ποιήσας ὁ προφή-
me ἢ roa, See | 93 , «ἐς « \
τῆς τῶν “KBpatwy “ ézouvupat, * φησίν, “duty τὸν
a ’ « A 10 δ᾽ A 4 3 θ a 4 3 ’ὔ
μέγιστον θεόν, ὃς τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς τοὺς ἀγαθοὺς" ἐκεί-
᾽ Ἁ ~ 3 ~
vous, λέγω δὴ Μωυσῆν καὶ ᾿Λαρῶνα, παρήγαγεν εἰς
τὸν βίον καὶ τοὺς πατέρας ἡμῶν ἐξήρπασεν Αἰγυπ-
~ b ~ / -
τίων καὶ τῆς ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῖς δουλείας, μηδὲν μήτ᾽ αἰδοῖ
χαρισαμένους μήτε ὑποστειλαμένους φόβῳ μήτε
ἄλλῳ τινὶ πάθει παραχωρήσαντας εἰπεῖν, εἰἢ τί μοι
4 Ἅ “
πέπρακται σκαιὸν καὶ ἄδικον ἢ κέρδους ἕνεκα ἢ
é a a ~ A ¢ 9 a A
87 πλεονεξίας ἢ χάριτος τῆς πρὸς ἄλλους: ἐλέγξαι δὲ
1 τῶν ἐκ ταὐτοῦ. .. διακειμένου; SP: τῶν πρὸς ἀλλήλους
συγγενῶν RO. 2 ἐκείνων SP Lat. 3 ἐπόμνυμι SPE.
4 robs ἀγαθοὺς om. RO. δ᾽ εἴ οιῃμ, ROME.
208
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 82-87
their own race, and it better beseemed them to keep
feast in a spirit of mutual goodwill.¢
(4) Samuel having now declared it necessary to Samuel a
confirm the kingdom to Saul by a second election, eee
all assembled at the city of Galgala,® for thither had Pee
he bade them eome. So yet again, in the sight of all —
the people, the prophet anointed Saul with the holy
oil, and for the second time proclaimed him king.
And thus was the government of the Hebrews trans-
formed into a monarehy. For under Moses and his
diseiple Joshua, who was commander-in-ehief, they
remained under aristocratic rule: after Joshua’s
death for full eighteen years* the people continued
in a state of anarchy: whereafter they returned to
their former polity, entrusting supreme judicial
authority to him who in battle and in bravery had
proved himself the best; and that is why they called
this period of their political life the age of Judges.
(5) Samuel the prophet now called an assembly of Samuel's
° ςς . address to
the Hebrews and said: “1 adjure you by the most the people.
High God, who brought those excellent brothers, J }8am.xi1
mean Moses and Aaron, into this world, and rescued
our fathers from the Egyptians and bondage beneath
their yoke, that without showing favour through
respeet, without suppressing aught through fear,
without giving room to any other fecling, ye tell me
if I have done anything sinister and unjust through
love of luere or cupidity or out of favour to others.
* Variant reading (after “‘ bloodshed ’’): “ and to celebrate
it (the victory) with the murder of their kinsmen.”’
δ Pibl. Gilgal. Probably the city near Jericho is meant.
Ch. A. 2 20,
¢ The only basis for this number seems to be the interval
of Moabite oppression after the death of Kenaz, the first
judge (according to Josephus). Cf. A. v. 187.
209
88
89
90
JOSERHUS
εἰ καὶ τῶν τοιούτων TL προσηκάμην, μόσχον ἢ
πρόβατον, ἃ πρὸς τροφὴν ἀνεμέσητον δοκεῖ
λαμβάνειν, ἢ εἴ τινος ὑποζύγιον εἰς ἐμὴν ἀπο-
σπάσας χρείαν ἐλύπησα, τούτων ἕν τι κατειπεῖν
παρόντος ὑμῶν τοῦ βασιλέως.᾽᾿ ot δὲ ἀνέκραγον
τούτων οὐδὲν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ γεγονέναι, προστῆναι δὲ
ὁσίως αὐτὸν καὶ δικαίως τοῦ ἔθνους.
(0) Σαμουῆλος δὲ ταύτης ἐξ ἁπάντων τῆς
μαρτυρίας αὐτῷ γενομένης “ἐπεὶ δεδώκατέ μοι,
dyat, “To μηδὲν ἄτοπον ἐθ᾽ ὑμᾶς περὶ ἐμοῦ
δύνασθαι λέγειν, φέρε νῦν μετὰ παρρησίας ἀκού-
σατέ μου λέγοντος, ὅτι μεγάλα ἡἠσεβήσατε εἰς
τὸν θεόν, αἰτησάμενοι βασιλέα. διαμνημονεύειν δὲ
ὑμᾶς προσῆκεν, ὅτι σὺν ἑβδομήκοντα μόνοις ἐκ
τοῦ γένους ἡμῶν ὁ πάππος ᾿Ιάκωβος διὰ λιμὸν
εἰς Λἴγυπτον ἦλθε, κἀκεῖ πολλῶν μυριάδων ἐπι-
τεκνωθεισῶν, ἃς εἰς δουλείας καὶ χαλεπὰς ὕβρεις
ἤγαγον οἱ Λίγύπτιοι, ὁ θεὸς εὐξαμένων τῶν
πατέρων χωρὶς βασιλέως παρέσχεν αὐτοῖς pu-
σασθαι τῆς ἀνάγκης τὸ πλῆθος, διωυσῆν αὐτοῖς
καὶ ᾿Λαρῶνα πέμψας ἀδελφούς, οἵ ἤγαγον ὑμᾶς
εἰς τήνδε τὴν γῆν, ἣν νῦν ἔχετε. καὶ τούτων
ἀπολαύσαντες ἐκ τοῦ θεοῦ προδεδώκατε τὴν
θρησκείαν καὶ τὴν εὐσέβειαν. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ
τοῖς πολεμίοις ὑποχειρίους γενομένους ἠλευθέρωσε
πρῶτον μὲν ᾿Ασσυρίων καὶ τῆς ἐκείνων ἰσχύος
ὑπερτέρους ἀπεργασάμενος, ἔπειτα ᾿Αμμανιτῶν
κρατῆσαι παρασχὼν καὶ δὶωαβιτῶν καὶ τελευ-
ταίων' [Ι]αλαιστίνων. καὶ ταῦτ᾽ οὐ βασιλέως
ἡγουμένου διεπράξασθε, ἀλλ᾽ ᾿Ιεφθάου καὶ Te-
1 τελευταῖον MSP.
210
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 87-90
Convict me if I have aecepted aught of such things,
heifer or sheep, the acceptance of which for food is
yet deemed void of offence ; or if I have aggrieved
any man by purloining his beast of burden for my
own use, convict me of any one such erime here
in the presence of your king.”’ Thereat all cried out
that he had done none af these things, but had
governed the nation with holiness and justice.
(6) Then Samuel, having received this testimony
from them all, said : “ Seeing that ye grant me that
ye can lay no erime to my charge to this day, come
now and hearken while I tell youw vith all boldness what
great impiety ye have shown towards God in asking
for aking. Nay, it behoved you to remember how that
with but seventy souls of our race our grandsire Jacob,
through stress of famine, came into Egypt ; and how
there, when his posterity, inereased by many myriads,
had been subjected to bondage and grievous outrage
by the Egyptians, God, at the prayer of our fathers,
without any king, brought deliverance to the mul-
titude from their distress by sending to them the
brothers Moses and Aaron, who brought you into
this land whieh ye now possess. And yet after enjoy-
ing these things from God, ye have been traitors to
His worship and Ilis religion. Yet for all that, when
ye were fallen under the hand of your enemies, He
delivered you, first by causing you to triumph over
the Assyrians ? and their might, then by granting you
victory over the nimanive: and Moabites, and last
over the Philistines. And all this ye accomplished,
not under the leadership of a king, but with Jephthah
4 A reference to the victory over King Cushan of Aram-
Naharaim (Jd. iii. 8), whom Josephus, cf. v. 180, calls
“king of the Assyrians.”
211
Samuel pro-
tests avainst
election of
a king.
1 Sam. xi.7.
9]
92
JOSEPHUS
δεῶνος στρατηγούντων. τίς οὖν ἔσχεν ὑμᾶς ἄνοια
“- , A 4 [4 A / \ is
φυγεῖν μὲν tov θεόν, ὑπὸ βασιλέα δὲ εἶναι θέλειν;
3 > ᾽ A A > / ~ a 3 ‘ > /
ἀλλ᾽ ἐγὼ μὲν ἀπέδειξα τοῦτον ὃν αὐτὸς ἐπελέξατο.
ἵνα μέντοι γε φανερὸν ὑμῖν' ποιήσω τὸν θεὸν
> ~ ~ f
ὀργιζόμενον καὶ δυσχεραίνοντα τῇ τῆς βασιλείας
ὑμῶν αἱρέσει, δηλῶσαι τοῦθ᾽ ὑμῖν τὸν Geov’ παρα-
“ ~
σκευάσω διὰ σημείων ἐναργῶς: 6 yap οὐδέπω
πρότερον εἶδεν" ὑμῶν οὐδεὶς ἐνταῦθα γεγενημένον,
θέρους ἀκμῇ χειμῶνα, αἰτησάμενος τὸν θεὸν
παρέξω τοῦτο νῦν ὑμῖν ἐπιγνῶναι." καὶ ταῦτα
εἰπόντος πρὸς τὸ πλῆθος τοῦ Σαμουήλου, βρονταῖς
σημαίνει τὸ θεῖον καὶ ἀστραπαῖς καὶ χαλάζης
καταφορᾷ τὴν τοῦ προφήτου περὶ πάντων ἀλήθειαν,
ὡς τεθαμβηκότας αὐτοὺς καὶ περιδεεῖς γινο-
2 Μ
μένους. ἁμαρτεῖν τε ὁμολογεῖν καὶ κατ᾽ ἄγνοιαν
2
εἰς τοῦτο προπεσεῖν, καὶ ἱκετεύειν τὸν προφήτην
ὡς πατέρα χρηστὸν καὶ ἐπιεικῆ, τὸν θεὸν αὐτοῖς
~ ~ > ~ A
εὐμενῇ καταστῆσαι Kal ταύτην ἀφεῖναι τὴν
ς ; a ‘ es ΝΜ \
ἁμαρτίαν, ἣν πρὸς οἷς ἐζύβρισαν ἄλλοις Kat παρ-
93 ηνόμησαν προσεξειργάσαντο. ὁ δὲ ὑπισχνεῖται
\
Kal παρακαλέσειν τὸν θεὸν συγγνῶναι περὶ τούτων
αὐτοῖς καὶ πείσειν, συνεβούλευε μέντοι δικαίους
εἶναι καὶ ἀγαθοὺς καὶ μνημονεύειν ἀεὶ τῶν
διὰ τὴν παράβασιν. τῆς ἀρετῆς αὐτοῖς κακῶν
συμπεσόντων καὶ τῶν σημείων τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ τῆς
Mwuoéos νομοθεσίας, εἰ σωτηρίας αὐτοῖς καὶ
τῆς μετὰ τοῦ βασιλέως εὐδαιμονίας ἐστὶν ἐπιθυμία.
94 εἰ δὲ τούτων ἀμελήσουσιν, ἔλεγεν ἥξειν αὐτοῖς τε
καὶ τῷ βασιλεῖ μεγάλην ἐκ θεοῦ πληγήν. καὶ
᾿ ae ας εἰ ὙΠ ae Ss
6' Σαμουῆλος μὲν ταῦτα τοῖς ‘EBpaiots προφη-
1 ὑμῖν om. RO. 2 τὸν θεὸν om. RO.
3 οἷδεν conj. Niese. ‘60m. RO.
212
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 91-94
and Gedeon for generals. What madness then
possessed you to flee your God and to wish to be
under aking ? Nay, I have appointed him whom He
Himself hath chosen. Howbeit, tomanifest to youthat
God is wroth and ill-content at your choice of kingly
rule, I will prevail with Him to reveal this to you by
signs clearly. For that which not one of you ever saw
befall here before—a tempest at midsummer—that
through prayer to God I shall cause you now to
witness.”’ Scarce had Samuel spoken these words to
the people, when the Deity by thunderings, lightning,
and a torrent of hail, attested the truth of all] that the
prophet had said; whereat astounded and terrified
they confessed their sin, into which, they said, they had
fallen through ignorance, and implored the prophet,
as a kind and gentle father. to render God gracious
to them that He might forgive this sin which they
had committed in addition to all their other insolences
and transgressions. And he promised that he would
beseech God to pardon them in this thing and would
withal move Him thereto; howbeit, he exhorted them
to be righteous and good, and ever to remember the
ills that their transgression of virtue had brought
upon them, the miracles of God and the legislation
of Moses, if they had any desire for continued
salvation and continued felicity under their king.
But should they neglect these things, there would
come, said he, both on them and on their king a
great visitation from God. And after thus prophesy-
ing to the Hebrews, Samuel dismissed them to their
213
The storm
attests
God’s dis-
pleasure,
1 Sam. xii,
18.
JOSEPHUS
? > 7 > ‘ 2 4 \ > - /
τεύσας ἀπέλυσεν αὐτοὺς ἐπὶ τὰ οἰκεῖα βεβαιώσας
> ὃ tf ~ ὯΝ ΄ | rv ,
ἐκ δευτέρου τῷ NaovAw τὴν βασιλείαν.
95 (vi. 1) Οὗτος δ' ἐπιλέξας ἐκ τοῦ πλήηθοὺς ὡς
περὶ; τρισχιλίους, τοὺς μὲν δισχιλίους ὥστε
᾿Ξ ae ὁ \ ae ,
σωματοφυλακεῖν αὐτὸν λαβὼν αὐτὸς διέτριβεν
3 7 ‘ ~ A λ
ἐν πόλει Bedi Ber,” Ιωνάθῃ δὲ τῷ παιδὶ τοὺς
λοιποὺς δοὺς ὥστε σωματοφυλακεῖν αὐτὸν εἰς
Πέβαλ᾽" ἔπεμψεν. ὁ δ᾽ ἐκπολιορκεῖ τι φρούριον
ΒΞ : ἢ > , τ , ς ν΄ δ
96 τῶν [[αλαιστίύίων οὐ πόρρω ] εβάλων. ot yap
Ι]αλαιστῖνοι καταστρεφόμενοι τοὺς ᾿Ιουδαίους τά
τε ὅπλα αὐτοὺς ἀφῃροῦντο καὶ τοὺς ὀχυρωτάτους
τῆς χώρας τόπους φρουραῖς κατελαμβάνοντο καὶ
σιδηροφορεῖν χρῆσθαί" τε καθάπαξ ἀπηγόρενον
σι ήρῳ, καὶ διὰ ταύτην τὴν ἀπόρρησινἶἷ ot γεωργοί,
εἴποτε δεήσει᾽ αὐτοὺς ἐπισκευάσαι τι τῶν ἐργα-
λείων, ἢ ὕνιν ἢ δίκελλαν" ἢ ἄλλο τι τῶν εἰς γεωργίαν
χρησίμων, φοιτῶντες εἰς τοὺς []αλαιστίνους ταῦτα
97 ἔπραττον. ὡς δὲ ἠκούσθη τοῖς [Ταλαιστίνοις ἡ
TIS φρουρᾶς ἀναίρεσις ἀγανακτήσαντες καὶ δεινὴν
ὕβριν τὴν καταφρόνησιν ἡγησάμενοι στρατεύουσιν
ἐπὶ τοὺς ᾿Ιουδαίους πεζῶν μὲν τριάκοντα μυριάσιν
ἅρμασι δὲ τρισμυρίοις, ἵππον δὲ ἑξακισχιλίαν
98 ἐπήγοντο" καὶ στρατοπεδευσαμένων" πρὸς πόλει
δ ἢ τοῦτο Σαοῦλος 6 τῶν ‘KBpaiwy βασιλεὺς
1 περὶ Olle. 1h) 2 ὥστε. .. αὐτὸν Om. Liat:
8 Bethleein Lat. 4 TaBas MSP: Gabatha Lat.
5+77s TaBas MSP: Lat.
6 κεχρῆσθαι Schmidt cnm KO,
7 πρόρρησιν RO: causam fat.
8 RO: μάκελλαν (-nr) rell.
® στρατοπεδεύονται MSP I.at.
@ Gr. Bethébos, bibl. Bethel.
> The repetition of the Greek phrase “ to guard his body”
indicates a text corruption.
214
—_
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 94-98
homes, having for the second time confirmed the
kingdom to Saul.
(vi. 1) But Saul chose out of the multitude some Saul pre-
three thousand men, and taking two thousand for his δῖτος ἰὸς
bodyguard abode for his part in the city of Bethél(os)¢; fe λίπον
the rest he gave as guards? to his son Jonathan and 1 δα aif?
sent him to Gebala.© And Jonathan besieged and |
took a fortress of the Philistines not far from Gebala.
For the Philistines, in their subjugation of the Jews, 19.
had deprived them of their arms and occupied the
strongest positions in the country with garrisons,
further forbidding the vanquished to carry any
weapon of iron or to make any use at all of iron. In
consequence of this interdict, whenever the peasantry
needed to repair any of their tools, ploughshare or
mattock or other agricultural instrument, they would
go to the Philistines to do this. So when the Philis-
tines heard of the destruction of their garrison,
infuriated and deeming such scorn of them a mon-
strous affront, they marched against the Jews with
800,000 footmen,? 30,000 chariots, and 6000 horse to
support them, and pitched their camp beside the
city of Machma.* On learning of this, Saul, king of 3.
A)
¢ Bibl. Gibeath Benjamin, rxx Ταβεὲ (Γαβαὰ etc.) τοῦ
Βενιαμείν, perhaps a different site from the Gaba (bibl.
Gibeah) mentioned in 4. v. 140. Gibeah (of which Gibeath
is a construct form in Ilebrew) and Gaba or Geba arc related
words meaning “‘hill,”’ cf. rxx βουνός. The relation of various
sites by these names in the same territory is uncertain
because of their confusion in Scripture.
4 Scripture gives no number for the foot-soldiers. CY/.
1 Sam. xiii. 5 ‘‘and people like the sand on the seashore in
multitude.”
¢ Bibl. Michmash, txx Maxeuds, Maxuas, etc., modern
Mukhmas, about two miles N.W. of the supposed site of
Geba, and eight miles N.W. of Jerusalem.
Corey P 215
99
100
101
102
103
JOSEEBUS
μαθὼν ets [Γάλγαλα καταβαίνει πόλιν καὶ διὰ πάσης
κηρύσσει τῆς χώρας, ἐπ᾽ ἐλευθερίᾳ καλῶν τὸν
αὸν ἐπὶ τὸν πόλεμον τὸν πρὸς ἰ]αλαιστίνους, τὴν
δύναμιν ἐκφαυλίζων αὐτῶν καὶ διασύρων ὡς οὐκ
ἀξιόλογον οὐδ᾽ ὥστε φοβεῖσθαι διακινδυνεύειν πρὸς
αὐτούς. κατανοήσαντες δὲ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν αλαι-
στίνων οἱ τοῦ LaovAov κατεπλάγησαν, καὶ οἱ μὲν
εἰς τὰ σπήλαια καὶ τοὺς ὑπονόμους ἔκρυψαν
αὑτούς, οἱ πλείους δὲ εἰς τὴν πέραν τοῦ ᾿Ιορδάνου
γῆν ἔφυγον: αὕτη δ᾽ ἦν Γάδου καὶ “ῬΡουβήλου.
(2) Πέμψας δὲ Σαοῦλος πρὸς τὸν προφήτην
ἐκάλει πρὸς αὑτὸν συνδιασκεψόμενον περὶ τοῦ
πολέμου καὶ τῶν πραγμάτων. ὁ δὲ περιμένειν
αὐτὸν ἐκέλευσεν αὐτόθι καὶ παρασκευάζειν θύματα"
μετὰ γὰρ ἡμέρας €€' πρὸς αὐτὸν ἥξειν, ὅπως
θύσωσι τῇ ἑβδόμῃ τῶν ἡμερῶν, ἔπειθ᾽ οὕτως
συμβάλωσι τοῖς πολεμίοις. καὶ περιμένει μὲν ὡς
ὁ προφήτης ἐπέστειλεν, οὐκέτι μέντοι γε διατηρεῖ
τὴν ἐντολήν, ἀλλ’ ὡς ἑώρα βραδύνοντα μὲν τὸν
προφήτην, αὑτὸν δὲ ὑπὸ τῶν στρατιωτῶν κατα-
λειπόμενον, λαβὼν τὰ θύματα τὴν θυσίαν ἐπετέλει"
ἐπεὶ δὲ τὸν Σαμουῆλον ἤκουσε προσιόντα ὑπ-
αντησόμενος ἐξῆλθεν. ὁ δ᾽ οὐκ ὀρθῶς αὐτὸν ἔφη
πεποιηκέναι παρακούσαντα ὧν ἐπέστειλεν αὐτὸς
καὶ φθάσαντα τὴν παρουσίαν, ἣν κατὰ βούλησιν
γινομένην τοῦ θείου πρὸς τὰς εὐχὰς καὶ τὰς
θυσίας τὰς ὑπὲρ τοῦ πλήθους προλάβοι, κακῶς
ἱερουργήσας καὶ προπετὴς γενόμενος. ἀπολογου-
μένου δὲ τοῦ Σαούλου καὶ περιμεῖναι μὲν τὰς
1 om. RO: septem Lat. 2 προσήγαγεν MSP.
216
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 98-103
the Hebrews, came down to the city of Galgala and
sent heralds throughout all the eountry to call up the
people in the name of liberty to the war against the
Philistines, belittling and disparaging their strength
as inconsiderable and not sueh that they need fear
to hazard battle with them.? But, on pereciving that ὁ.
host of Philistines, Saul’s recruits were in consterna-
tion ; and while some hid themselves in the eaverns
and eavities, the more part fled beyond the Jordan '
into the territory of Gad and Rubel.?
(2) Saul then sent word to the prophet, summoning Sau1’s
him to his presence to eonfer with him coneerning ΕΓ α1
the war and the situation. Samuel bade him wait 1 Sam, sii
where he was and make ready vietims for sacrifice, "
for after six days he would come to him, that so they x. 8,
might saerifice on the seventh day and, that done,
join battle with the enemy. So Saul waited awhile
as the prophet had enjoined upon him; then, however,
he would observe his eommand no longer, but when
he saw that the prophet tarried and that his own
soldiers were deserting him, he took the victims and xiii. 9.
performed the sacrifice himself. Then, hearing that
Samuel was approaching, he went out to meet him.
But the prophet told him that he had not done rightly
in disobeying his injunctions and anticipating his
advent : he was paying that visit in aecordanee with
the will of the Deity to preside at the prayers and
the sacrifiees on behalf of the people, and now he had
forestalled him by having offered sacrifice wrongly
and by his precipitate haste. Thercat Saul excused
himself, saying that he had waited during those
~
¢ Saul’s disparaging remarks about the Philistines are an
addition to Scripture.
> 1 Sam. xiii. 7 ‘and the land of Gad and Gilead.”
217
10
4
Jv
JOSEPHUS
ἡμέρας ἃς ὥρισε λέγοντος, ὑπὸ δὲ ἀνάγκης καὶ
ἀναχωρήσεως μὲν τῶν αὑτοῦ στρατιωτῶν διὰ φό-
βον, στρατοπεδείας δὲ τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἐν Δίαχμᾶ καὶ
ἀκοῆς τῆς ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν εἰς Γάλγαλα καταβάσεως
> ~ ‘ λ ’ ς A +. ¢
ἐπειχθῆναι πρὸς τὴν θυσίαν, ὑπολαβὼν δὲ ὁ
“αμουῆλος “adda σύγε,᾽᾿ φησίν, “᾿ εἰ δίκαιος ἦσθα
καὶ μὴ παρήκουσας ἐμοῦ pnd ὧν ὑπέθετό μοι
περὶ τῶν παρόντων ὁ θεὸς ὠλιγώρησας ταχύ-
TEpOs ἢ συνέφερε τοῖς πράγμασι γεγονώς, σοί
T αὐτῷ πλεῖστον ἂν βασιλεῦσαι χρόνον ἐξεγένετο
καὶ τοῖς σοῖς ἐγγόνοις." Kal Σαμουῆλος μὲν
ἀχθόμενος ἐπὶ τοῖς γεγενημένοις ἀνεχώρησε
> Ls Fé v 5A δὲ > ᾿ \ 5A M
map αὑτόν, Σαοῦλος δὲ ets Γαβαὼν πόλιν ἔχων
ἑξακοσίους" μεθ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ μόνον ἧκε σὺν ᾿Ιωνάθῃ
oe ἢ / ἢ ς , 3 4 “ ;
τῷ παιδί. τούτων δὲ ot πλείους οὐκ εἶχον ὅπλα,
τῆς χώρας σπανιζούσης “σιδήρου καὶ τῶν Τὰ
χαλκεύειν. δυναμένων" οὐ γὰρ εἴων ot [[αλαι-
στῖνοι ταῦτα εἶναι, καθὼς" μικρὸν ἔμπροσθεν δεδη-
106 λώκαμεν. διελόντες 5 ets τρία μέρη τὴν στρατιὰν
οἱ Παλαιστῖνοι καὶ κατὰ τοσαύτας ὁδοὺς ἐπερ-
χόμενοι τὴν τῶν “Ἑβραίων χώραν ἐπόρθουν, βλεπόν -
των τε Σαούλου τοῦ βασιλέως αὐτῶν καὶ τοῦ
A 2 / > ~ é ~ ~ > ς
παιδὸς ᾿Ιωνάθου ἀμῦναί τε τῇ γῇ, μεθ᾽ ἕξακο-
ΟΝ \ , > 3 , ,
107 σίων γὰρ μόνων ἦσαν, οὐ δυναμένων. καθεζόμενοι
αὐτός τε καὶ ὁ παῖς αὐτοῦ καὶ ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς
3 ,ὔ 4 3 ’ Ἃ ᾽ A ~ > ὔ 3 \
Αχίας, ἀπόγονος ὧν “HAt τοῦ ἀρχιερέως, ἐπὶ
βουνοῦ ὑψηλοῦ καὶ τὴν γῆν λεηλατουμένην ὁρῶντες
ἐν ἀγωνίᾳ δεινῇ καθεστήκεσαν. συντίθεται δὲ ὁ
7 ~ ~ ς , 4 ’
Σαούλου παῖς τῷ ὁπλοφόρῳ, κρύφα πορευθέντες
αὐτοὶ εἰς τὴν τῶν πολεμίων παρεμβολὴν ἐκδρα-
1 ἐκγόνοις MSP. 2 διακοσίους E.
8. Ἀ καὶ SP: καθὰ καὶ M. 4 ᾿Εχίας RO.
218
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 103-107
days which Samuel had appointed, but that necessity,
the desertion of his terrified troops, the enemy’s
encampment at Machma and a report of their
intended descent upon him at Galgala, had impelled
him to speed the sacrifice. Then Samuel rejoining,
‘’ Nay, but for thy part,” said he, “ hadst thou been
righteous and not disobeyed me nor lightly regarded
the counsels which God has given me touching the
present matter, by acting more hastily than befitted
the matter, Mien would it have been given thee to
reign exceeding long, and to thy posterity as well.”’
So ” Samuel, vexed at what had befallen, returned
to his home, while Saul, with but six hundred followers,
came with his son Jonathan to the city of Gabaon.?
Most of his men had no arms, the country being desti- ;
tute of iron and of men capable of forging arms ; for
the Philistines had prohibited this, as we 2 said just now.?®
And now, dividing their army into three companies
and advancing by as many routes, the Philistines
proceeded to ravage the country ofthe Hebrews under
the eyes of Saul, their king, and of his son Jonathan,
who, with but six hundred followers, were powerless
to defend their land. Seated on a lofty hill, Saul and
his son and the high priest Achias,? a descendant of
Eli the high priest, as they watched the devastation
of the land, were in a state of deepest anguish.
Saul’s son then proposed to his armour-bearer that
they should secretly sally out alone into the enemy's
* Bibl. Gibeath Benjamin. Cf. on ὃ 95.
> § 96.
¢ 1 Sam. xiii. 17 specifies the roads to Ophrah, Beth Horon
and ‘‘the way of the border looking toward the valley of
Zeboim ’’—all in the territory N. of Jerusalem.
4 Bibl. Ahiah. His genealogy is given in 1 Sam, xiv. 3.
Cf. on § 122.
219
Saul and
Jonathan
encamp at
Gibeah.
1 Sam. xiii,
6.
Jonathan's
exploit.
1Sam. xiv.L
JOSEPHUS
μεῖν καὶ ταραχὴν ἐμποιῆσαι καὶ θόρυβον αὐτοῖς."
108 τοῦ δὲ ὁπλοφόρου προθύμως ἐφέψεσθαιΣ φήσαντος
ὅποι ποτ᾽ ἂν ἡγῆται, κἂν ἀποθανεῖν δέῃ, προσ-
λαβὼν τὴν τοῦ νεανίσκου συνεργίαν καὶ καταβὰς
ἀπὸ τοῦ βουνοῦ πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους ἐπορεύετο.
ἣν δὲ τὸ τῶν πολεμίων στρατόπεδον ἐπὶ κρημνοῦ,"
τρισὶν ἄκραις εἰς λεπτὸν ἀπηκονημέναις μῆκος
πέτρας ἐν κύκλῳ περιστεφανούσης ὥσπερ προ-
’ὔ A > , > ’ὔ »,
109 βόλοις τὰς ἐπιχειρήσεις ἀπομαχόμενον. ἔνθεν συν-
ἐβαινεν ἠμελῆσθαι τὰς φυλακὰς τοῦ στρατοπέδου
διὰ τὸ φύσει περιεῖναι τῷ χωρίῳ τὴν ἀσφάλειαν
καὶ παντὶ" νομίζειν ἀμήχανον εἶναι κατ᾽ ἐκείνας
110 οὐκ ἀναβῆναι μόνον ἀλλὰ καὶ προσελθεῖν. ὡς
111
112
οὖν ἧκον εἰς τὴν παρεμβολὴν ὁ ᾿Ιωνάθης παρ-
\ € / Ἁ ({ Uy ~
εθάρσυνε τὸν ὁπλοφόρον Kat “᾿προσβάλωμεν τοῖς
πολεμίοις, ἔλεγε, “᾿κὰν μὲν ἀναβῆναι κελεύσωσι
πρὸς αὑτοὺς ἡμᾶς ἰδόντες, σημεῖον τοῦτο νίκης
ς τὰ δ Py θ ss ¢ ’
ὕπο άμβανε, ἐὰν δὲ φθέγξωνται μηδὲν ὡς οὐ
καλοῦντες ἡμᾶς, ὑποστρέψωμεν ἡ προσιόντων δὲ
αὐτῶν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ τῶν πολεμίων trodat-
νούσης ἤδη τῆς ἡμέρας ἰδόντες ot ἰ]αλαιστῖνοι,
~ ’ Α “a ¢
πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἔλεγον ἐκ τῶν ὑπονόμων καὶ τῶν
eo € U \ \
σπηλαίων προϊέναι τοὺς Ἑβραίους, Kat πρὸς
3 ’, \ ‘ ς "ἢ 4 b) ~ νὰν mam 9 9d WF
᾿Ιωνάθην καὶ τὸν ὁπ οφόρον αὐτοῦ δεῦτ'᾽, ἔφασαν,
“᾿ἀνέλθετε πρὸς ἡμᾶς, ἵνα ὑμᾶς τιμωρησώμεθα
τῶν τετολμημένων ἀξίως. ἀσπασάμενος δὲ τὴν
φωνὴν ὁ τοῦ Σαούλου παῖς ὡς νίκην αὐτῷ ση-
ἢ :
μαίνουσαν, παραυτίκα μὲν ἀνεχώρησαν ἐξ οὗπερ
1 αὐτοῖς om. RO. 2 SP: ἕπεσθαι rell.
3S: κρημνῷ rell. 4 πάντῃ M: valde Lat.
5 Mo: ὑπολαμβάνειν SP. 6 ὑποστρέψομεν RO.
7 τῶν om. RO.
220
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 107-112
camp and create confusion and panic among them.
When the armour-bearer replied that he would gladly
follow whithersoever he led, though it were to his
death, Jonathan, having gained the young man’s
support, descended from the hill and set off towards
the enemy. Now the enemy’s camp lay on a cliff,
enclosed in a ring of rocks, with three? peaks tapering
to a long narrow ridge and serving as a bulwark to
beat off all attacks. Consequently it came about that
no care had been taken to guard the camp, because
nature had given the place security and it was
believed to be absolutely impossible for any man not
merely to scale those crags but even to approach them.
When therefore they were nearing the encampment,
Jonathan encouraged his armour-bearer, saying :
‘ Now let us attack the enemy ; and if, on seeing us,
they bid us mount up to them, take that for a presage
of victory, but if they utter not a word, as though they
invited us not, let us then return.” But, as they drew
nigh to the enemy’s camp, just at the dawn of day,?®
the Philistines espicd them and said one to another,
‘Here are the Hebrews coming out of their holes
and caverns,” and then to Jonathan and his armour-
bearer, ‘‘ Come οὐ, they cried, “‘ come up to us, to
receive the due punishment for your andacity.”’° But Jonathan
Saul’s son welcoming that shout as a token of victory, ἀν τὰ
: ‘ bearer
they straightway withdrew from the spot where they ;out the
* Scripture mentions only two peaks, Bozez and Seneb.
> The time of the attack is not given in Scripture.
¢ 1 Sam. xiv. 12, ‘come up and we will show you a thing.”
221
113
114
115
JOSEPHUS
ὥφθησαν τόπου τοῖς πολεμίοις, παραμειψάμενοι'
δὲ τοῦτον ἐπὶ τὴν πέτραν ἧκον" ἔρημον οὖσαν τῶν
φυλαττόντων διὰ τὴν ὀχυρότητα. κἀκεῖθεν ἀν-
ερπύσαντες μετὰ πολλῆς ταλαιπωρίας ἐβιάσαντο
τὴν τοῦ χωρίου φύσιν ὡς" ἀνελθεῖν ἐπὶ τοὺς
πολεμίους, ἐπιπεσόντες δ᾽ αὐτοῖς κοιμωμένοις ἀπο-
κτείνουσι μὲν ὡς εἴκοσι, ταραχῆς δὲ καὶ ἐκπλήξεως
αὐτοὺς ἐγέμισαν, ὡς τινὰς μὲν φυγεῖν τὰς παν-
οπλίας ἀπορρίψαντας, οἱ δὲ πολλοὶ μὴ γνωρίζοντες
ἑαυτοὺς διὰ τὸ ἐκ πολλῶν ἐθνῶν εἶναι, πολεμίους
ὑπονοοῦντες ἀλλήλους, καὶ yap* εἴκαζον ἀναβῆναι
πρὸς αὐτοὺς τῶν ‘EBpaiwy οὐδ δύο μόνους, εἰς
μάχην ἐτράποντο. καὶ οἱ μὲν αὐτῶν ἀπέθνησκον
κτεινόμενοι, τινὲς δὲ φεύγοντες κατὰ τῶν πετρῶν
ὠθούμενοι κατεκρημνίζοντο.
(3) Τῶν δὲ τοῦ Σαούλον κατασκόπων τετα-
ράχθαι τὸ στρατόπεδον τῶν Παλαιστίνων φρασάν-
των τῷ βασιλεῖ, Σαοῦλος ἠρώτα μή τις εἴη τῶν
αὑτοῦ κεχωρισμένος. ἀκούσας δὲ τὸν υἱὸν καὶ
σὺν αὐτῷ τὸν ὁπλοφόρον ἀπεῖναι, κελεύει τὸν
ἀρχιερέα ᾿λαβόντα τὴν ἀρχιερατικὴν στολὴν προ-
ητεύειν αὐτῷ περὶ τῶν μελλόντων. τοῦ δὲ νίκην
ἔσεσθαι καὶ κράτος κατὰ τῶν πολεμίων φράσαντος
ἐπεξέρχεται τοῖς []αλαιστίνοις καὶ τεταραγμένοις
1 παραμειψάμενος MSP.
2 conj. Niese: ἧκεν codd. Lat. 3 asom,. RO.
4 +otx SP. 5 οὐ om. SP.
4 Details of the fight are an amplification, in harmony
with Josephus’s rationalizing tendency.
> The unseriptural details about the rocks are perhaps
suggested by the Lxx rendering, in some mss. (ἐν πετροβόλοις),
of the obscure Hebrew text of 1 Sam. xiv. 14.
222
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 112-115
had been sighted by the enemy and, turning aside Philistines.
from it, reached the rock which by reason of its τως ἘΝ
strength had been left destitute of guards. Thence,
creeping up with great labour, they forced their way
over the difficulties of the ground and mounted up to
the enemy; falling upon these as they slept, they
slew some twenty of them and filled the host with
such tumult and alarm, that some flung off all their
arms and fled, while the more part, not recognizing
their comrades, because of the many nationalities of
which their army was composed, and taking each
other for enemies—for they did not suppose that
there had come up against them two only of the
Hebrews—they turned to fight one another. And
some of them perished by the swor d, others as {ΠΕΥ
fled were driven over the rocks and hurled headlong.
(3) Saul’s spies having now reported to. <the: king Sauls.
that there was a commotion in the camp of the allegiance.
Philistines, Saul inquired whether any of his men had 158™- *1¥:
gone from him. Then, on hearing that his son and,
with him, his armour-bearer were absent, he ordered
the high priest to don his high-priestly robes ὃ and to
prophesy to him what w ould befall. The high priest
having declared that it would be victory and “triumph
over his enemies, the king set off against the Philis-
tines and fell upon them while they were yet panic-
¢ In agreement with the LXX W hich reads “‘ ephod ”’ against
the Heb. which has “ ark,’’ although the ark was presumably
still at Kirjath Jearim. Josephus may, however, have read
"ephod for ’aron (ark) in his Heb. text, in which some seholars
suspect a deliberate alteration to obviate the inference that
there was more than one ark. (Cf. W. R. Arnold, Ephod
and Ark.) The rabbinic commentaries on this passage
aga that the ephod with the Urim and Thummin was in
the ark.
223
JOSEPHUS
\
116 προσβάλλει καὶ φονεύουσιν ἀλλήλους. προσρέουσι
~ \
δ᾽ αὐτῷ καὶ οἱ πρότερον εἴς TE τοὺς ὑπονόμους καὶ
εἰς τὰ σπήλαια συμφυγόντες, ἀκούσαντες ὅτι νικᾷ
Σαοῦλος: γενομένων δὲ ὡς μυρίων ἤδη τῶν
¢ ~
EBpaiwy διώκει τοὺς πολεμίους κατὰ πᾶσαν
3 ~ 3 Ἁ
ἐσκορπισμένους τὴν χώραν. εἴτε δὲ ὑπὸ τῆς ἐπι
~ ᾽ὔ ~ A? 4
τῇ νίκῃ χαρᾶς οὕτω παραλόγως γενομένῃ (συμ-
4 oa ~ ~
βαίνει yap μὴ κρατεῖν τοῦ λογισμοῦ τοὺς οὕτως
εὐτυχήσαντας) εἴθ᾽ ὑπὸ ἀγνοίας, εἰς δεινὸν προ-
ign ἢ 1 \ \ » , » ,
1}7 πίπτει Kat πολλὴν ἔχον κατάμεμψιν ἔργον" βουλό-
μενος γὰρ αὑτῷ τε τιμωρῆσαι καὶ δίκην ἀπολαβεῖν
~ ~ ~ /
παρὰ τῶν [[αλαιστίνων ἐπαρᾶται tots “Ἑβραίοις,
3 » 3 ~ 4
ἵν᾽ εἴ τις ἀποσχόμενος τοῦ φονεύειν τοὺς ἐχθροὺς
φάγοι: μέχρι νὺξ ἐπελθοῦσα τῆς ἀναιρέσεως
καὶ τῆς διώξεως αὐτοὺς παύσει τῶν πολεμίων,
118 οὗτος ἐπάρατος 7. τοῦ δὲ Σαούλου τοῦτο φήσαν-
\
τος, ἐπεὶ κατά τινα δρυμὸν ἐγένοντο βαθὺν Kat
~ ~ > ¢e
μελισσῶν γέμοντα τῆς ᾿Εφράμου κληρουχίας, ὁ
τοῦ Σαούλου παῖς οὐκ ἐπακηκοὼς τῆς τοῦ πατρὸς
3 ~ 3 A ~ 3 3 4 ~ ~ ᾽ὔ ς ’
ἀρᾶς οὐδὲ τῆς ἐπ᾽ αὐτῇ τοῦ πλήθους ὁμολογίας,
119 ἀποθλίψας τι κηρίον τοῦ μέλιτος ἤσθιε. μεταξὺ
δὲ γνοὺς ὅτι μετὰ δεινῆς ἀρᾶς ὁ πατὴρ ἀπεῖπε
Ἁ / 4 \ e / ~ 3 ’
μὴ γεύσασθαί τινα πρὸ ἡλίου δυσμῶν, ἐσθίων
Ἁ 3 ᾽ὔ » \ 3 3 ~ 4 ~ 4
μὲν ἐπαύσατο, ἔφη δὲ οὐκ ὀρθῶς κωλῦσαι τὸν
/ 5)
πατέρα: μετὰ μείζονος yap ἰσχύος av καὶ προ-
1 προσπίπτει MSP.
2 +xal μὴ codd. Glycas: an leg. καὶ δὴ ?
3 μέχρις οὗ MSP Glycas: ἕως οὗ E: antequam Lat.
4 ἐτοῦτο MSP
224
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 116-119
stricken and massacring one another. Moreover those
who earlier had taken refuge in the tunnels and caves,
on hearing that Saul was SichOhGuS, came streaming
toward him ; and with now some ten thousand®
Hebrews at Wig back, he pursued the enemy scattered
over the whole countryside. But, w hether through
exultation at a vietory so unexpected—for men are
apt to lose control of reason when thus blest by
fortune—or through ignorance,® he rushed into a
dreadful and very blameworthy deed. For, in his
desire to avenge himself and to exact punishment
from the Philistines, he invoked a curse upon the
Hebrews, that should any man desist from slaughter-
ing the foe and take food, before oncoming “night
should stay them from carnage and the pursuit of
the enemy, he should be accursed. Now after that Jonathan's
Saul had so spoken, when they were come to a dense Pieseh of
oak-eoppice ° swarming with ‘bees in the portion of 1 Sam. xiv.
Ephraim,’ Saul’s son, ey: having heard his father’s τῷ
eurse nor the people’s approbation thereof, broke off ¢
a piece of a honeycomb and began to eat it. But
learning, as he did so, how his father under a dire curse
had forbidden any man to taste aught before sun-
down, he ceased to eatf but said that his father’s
interdict was not right, for they would have had
more strength and ardour for the pursuit, had they
@ So in the txx; Heb. omits the number.
> Cf. uxx, 1 Sam. xiv. 2-4 Σαοὺλ ἡγνόησεν ἄγνοιαν μεγάλην:
Heb. has nothing corresponding.
¢ The ‘‘oak-coppice’’ is taken from the Lxx; Heb. has
ya‘ar which may mean either forest (so the Targum here) or
honeycomb.
4 So the rxx, 1S Sam. xiv. 25; not mentioned in {16}.
+) Samexiv. 2%, spt forth the end of the staff that was
in his hand and dipped it in the honeycomb.”
7 Scripture does not say that he ceased to eat.
oD
120
]
1
JOSEPHUS
, ~ ~
θυμίας διώκοντας, εἰ τροφῆς μετελάμβανον, πολλῷ
πλείονας καὶ λαβεῖν τῶν ἐχθρῶν καὶ φονεῦσαι.
(+) Πολλὰς γοῦν' κατακόψαντες μυριάδας τῶν
4 ’ > , > A A “-"-
Παλαιστίνων, δείλης ὀψίας ἐπὶ διαρπαγὴν τοῦ
στρατοπέδον τῶν [Παλαιστίνων τρέπονται, καὶ
’ ᾿: A “ / é
λείαν πολλὴν Kat βοσκήματα λαβόντες κατασφά-
ζουσι καὶ ταῦτ᾽ ἔναιμα" κατήσθιον. ἀπαγγέλλεται
δὲ τῷ βασιλεῖ ὑπὸ τῶν γραμματέων ὅτι τὸ πλῆ-
θος εἰς τὸν θεὸν ἐξαμαρτάνει θῦσαν καὶ πρὶν ἢ τὸ
αἷμα καλῶς ἀποπλῦναι καὶ τὰς σάρκας ποιῆσαι
θ \ 3 θί Α ¢ b 5A λ Ld r
καθαρὰς ἐσθίον. καὶ ὁ Σαοῦλος κελεύει κυλι-
“- Α
σθῆναι λίθον μέγαν εἰς μέσον καὶ κηρύσσει θύειν
ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῦ τὸν ὄχλον τὰ ἱερεῖα, καὶ τὰ κρέα μὴ σὺν
“- ’ “- “-
τῷ αἵματι δαίνυσθαι: τοῦτο γὰρ οὐκ εἶναι τῷ
θεῷ κεχαρισμένον. τοῦτο δὲ πάντων κατὰ τὴν
“- ’ a
πρόσταξιν τοῦ βασιλέως ποιησάντων ἵστησιν ἐκεῖ
“- > “-
βωμὸν 6 Σαοῦλος καὶ ὡλοκαύτωσεν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῦ
ἐκεῖ" τῷ θεῷ. τοῦτον πρῶτον βωμὸν κατεσκεύασεν.
oe 2 i Ὁ 52" A \ 2 A Α
(5) "“Ayew δ᾽ εὐθὺς τὴν στρατιὰν ἐπὶ τὴν
παρεμβολὴν τῶν πολεμίων ἐπὶ τὴν διαρπαγὴν
“- “- \ ς Α “
τῶν ἐν αὐτῇ βουλόμενος πρὶν ἡμέρας, καὶ τῶν
στρατιωτῶν οὐκ ὀκνούντων ἕπεσθαι, πολλὴν δ᾽ εἰς
ἃ προστάττει προθυμίαν ἐνδεικνυμένων, καλέσας
ε \ >A ἡ" \ ’ t Nee
ὁ βασιλεὺς ᾿Αχίτωβον τὸν ἀρχιερέα κελεύει
“- ~ \ Α
αὐτὸν γνῶναι εἰ δίδωσιν αὐτοῖς ὁ θεὸς καὶ συγ-
- ~ > ~
χωρεῖ βαδίσασιν ἐπὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον τῶν ἐχθρῶν
1 ΠΟ: δ᾽ οὖν MSP: οὖν E.
2 SPE: ἐν αἴματι rell.
8 ἐκεῖ secl. edd.; cf. Lxx, 1 Sam. xiv. 34.
4 ἐκέλευσεν MSP.
226
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 119-122
partaken of food, and would thus have captured
and slain many more of the foe.
(4) Many, for all that, were the myriads of Philis- pene
tines whom they cut down ere at dusk they turned Per caee
to the pillage of the enemy’s camp; where, having aes
taken much booty and cattle, they slaughtered and 31,
set to devouring them all reeking with blood. ‘There-
upon it was reported to the king by the scribes,? that
the host were sinning against God in that, having
sacrificed, they were now eating, before they had
duly washed away the blood and made the flesh
clean.?’ Then Saul ordered a great stone to be rolled
into the midst and made proclamation to the throng
to sacrifice their victims thereon and not to feast
upon the flesh with the blood, since that was not
well-pleasing to God. And when all had so done in
obedience to the king’s command, Saul set up an
altar there and offered burnt-offerings © thereon to
God. This was the first altar that he built.
(5) Being now desirous to lead his army forthwith Sau’s dis-
to the enemy’s encampment to plunder everything σηκοὶ ματος
therein before daybreak, and seeing that his soldiers, οι τος
far from hesitating to follow him, showed great3. ~~”
alacrity to obey his orders, the king summoned
Achitob? the high priest and bade him ascertain
whether God would grant and permit them to proceed
to the camp of the foe and destroy such as were
¢ Not mentioned in Scripture.
mCP. A. ill. 260. on Lev: xix, 96, Deut.-xiin 16.
¢ Scripture does not specify that the sacrifices were burnt-
offerings, as do Josephus and the rabbis in their discussion
of this passage, Bab. Talmud, Zebahim 120 a.
ἀ Priest’s name not mentioned in Scripture; according to
§ 107, the high priest at this time was Achias (bibl. Ahiah),
the son of Achitob (bibl. Ahitub),
227
JOSEPHUS
a \ > 3 ~ ’ > /
123 διαφθεῖραι τοὺς ἐν αὐτῷ τυγχάνοντας. εἰπόντος
134
126
μν--
«ἡ
Α - ¢ ’ A > / 4 4 €¢ 3 3 >
δὲ τοῦ ἱερέως μὴ ἀποκρίνεσθαι Tov θεόν “᾿ἀλλ᾽ οὐ
/ > 7 1? > ¢ Σ DA «{ θ 7
δίχα αἰτίας," ᾿ εἶπεν ὁ Σαοῦλος, “᾿πυνθανομένοις
ἡμῖν φωνὴν οὐ δίδωσιν ὃ θεός, ὃ ὃς πρότερον αὐτὸς
προεμήνυσε πάντα καὶ μηδ᾽ ἐπερωτῶσιν ἔφθασε:
λέγων, ἀλλ᾽ ἔστι τι λανθάνον ἐξ ἡμῶν ἁμάρτημα
πρὸς αὐτὸν αἴτιον τῆς σιωπῆς. καὶ ὄμνυμί γε
> 3 >
τοῦτον αὐτόν, ἢ μὴν Kav ὁ παῖς ὁ ἐμὸς ᾿Ιωνάθης ἢ
> / >
TO ἁμάρτημα τοῦτο ἐργασάμενος ἀποκτείνειν"
αὐτὸν καὶ τὸν θεὸν οὕτως ἱλάσασθαι," ὡς ἂν εἰ καὶ
παρ᾽ ἀλλοτρίου καὶ μηδὲν ἐμοὶ προσήκοντος τὴν
ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ δίκην ἀπελάμβανον. τοῦ δὲ πλήθους
“-- “-- 3 ’ ~
τοῦτο ποιεῖν ἐπιβοήσαντος, παραχρῆμα πάντας
ἵστησιν εἰς ἕνα τόπον, ἵσταται δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς σὺν
~ > / A i .
τῷ παιδὶ κατ᾽ ἄλλο μέρος καὶ κλήρῳ τὸν ἡμαρτη-
~ A ~
κότα μαθεῖν ἐπεζήτει" καὶ λαγχάνει δοκεῖν οὗτος
9 A ‘A ~
εἶναι ᾿Ιωνάθης. ἐπερωτώμενος δὲ ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς
᾿ 4 ‘ A ’
τί πεπλημμέληκε καὶ τί παρὰ τὸν βίον οὐκ
~ / ~ ’
ὀρθῶς οὐδὲ ὁσίως αὑτῷ διαπραξαμένῳ συνέγνωκε
{{ é a2 > ct M” A 3 7 a) 4 A ‘
πάτερ, εἶπεν, “dAdo μὲν οὐδέν,᾽᾽ ὅτι δὲ χθὲς
~ A ~ \ \ ¢
ἀγνοῶν τὴν ἀρὰν αὐτοῦ καὶ τὸν ὅρκον μεταξὺ
’ " , ~
διώκων τοὺς πολεμίους ἐγεύσατο κηρίων. Σαοῦλος
\ “A
δ᾽ ἀποκτείνειν αὐτὸν ὄμνυσι καὶ τῆς γενέσεως Kal
“~ ~ / / td
τῆς φύσεως τῶν φίλτρων ἐτίμησε" TOV ὅρκον. ὁ
οὐ καταπλήττεται τὴν ἀπειλὴν τοῦ θανάτου,
9 ~ A
παραστησάμενος δ᾽ εὐγενῶς Kat μεγαλοφρόνως
é¢ 0.» > 7 }} / cee / ᾽ 7
οὐδ᾽ ἐγώ σε, φησίν, “᾿ἱκετεύσω φείσασθαί μου,
πάτερ, ἥδιστος δέ μοι ὁ θάνατος ὑπέρ τε τῆς σῆς
1 «τινός SP.
2 edd.: ἔφθανε MSP: φθάσαι RO.
8 codd.: ἀποκτενεῖν Hudson. 4 ἱλάσεσθαι Naber.
6. ri περ RO: τί πεποίηκε καὶ τί SP Glycas.
δ προτιμήσας ed. pr.: praeponeret Lat.
228
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 193-107
found therein. The priest having reported that there
was no response from God, “‘ Nay, but it is not
without cause,” said Saul, ‘that God gives no
answer to our inquiry, He who ere now forewarned
us of all Himself and spoke to us even before we
inquired of Him. Nay, it is some secret sin against
Him on our part that is the cause of this silence. Aye
and I swear by God Himself that verily, be it my
own son Jonathan who hath committed this sin, I will
slay him and thus propitiate God, even as though it
were from a stranger without kinship with me that
I was taking vengeanee on His behalf.”” The multi-
tude thereon calling upon him so to do, he forthwith
caused them all to stand in one place, and stood
himself with his son in another, and sought by the
lot to discover the sinner; and the lot indicated
Jonathan. Being asked by his father wherein he
had gone astray and of what wrong or unholy act in
all his life he was conscious, “ΟΥ̓ nothing, father,”’
said he, “save that yesterday, all ignorant of that
imprecation and oath of thine,? while in pursuit of
the enemy, I tasted a honeycomb.” Saul thereat
swore to slay him, respecting his oath more than the
tender ties of fatherhood and of nature. Yet Jonathan
quailed not before this menace of death, but sur-
rendcring himselfnobly and magnanimously, ‘‘ Neither
will 1,”’ said he, “ entreat thee to spare me, father.
Very sweet to me were death undergone for thy
9 First part of Saul’s speech is an addition to Scripture.
δ Here the Gr. changes to indirect speech.
229
JOSEPHUS
εὐσεβείας γινόμενος καὶ ἐπὶ νίκῃ λαμπρᾷ" μέγιστον
γὰρ παραμύθιον τὸ καταλιπεῖν “Ιβραίους []αλαι-
‘ ~
128 orivwy Kekparnkoras.” ἐπὶ τούτοις ὁ λαὸς πᾶς
ἤλγησε καὶ συνέπαθεν, ὥμοσέ τε μὴ περιόψεσθαι
~ ‘
τὸν αἴτιον Ths νίκης ᾿Ιωνάθην ἀποθανόντα. καὶ τὸν
¢ ~ ~ “- 3
μὲν οὕτως ἐξαρπάζουσι τῆς τοῦ πατρὸς ἀρᾶς, αὐτοὶ
δὲ εὐχὰς ὑπὲρ τοῦ νεανίσκου ποιοῦνται τῷ θεῷ
ὥστ᾽ αὐτὸν ἀπολῦσαι τοῦ ἁμαρτήματος.
129 (6) Kat 6 Σαοῦλος εἰς τὴν ἑαυτοῦ πόλιν ὑπ-
[ , ς \ / Δ ~ Ἂ
ἔστρεψε διαφθείρας ὡσεὶ μυριάδας ἕξ τῶν πολε-
μίων. βασιλεύει δὲ εὐτυχῶς, καὶ τὰ πλησιόχωρα
~ ~ ~ 3 ~
τῶν ἐθνῶν πολεμήσας χειροῦται τό τε ᾿Αμμανιτῶν
‘ \ ~ \} Π r ’ ᾽ΤΙὸὃ /
καὶ Μωαβιτῶν καὶ; []αλαιστίνους, ᾿Ιδουμαίους τε
᾿Αμαληκίτας" καὶ τὸν βασιλέα τῆς Σωβᾶς."ἡ
ee δὲ παῖδες αὐτῷ τρεῖς μὲν ἄρσενες ᾿Ιωνάθης
᾿Ιησοῦς καὶ Μιέλχισος, θυγατέρες δὲ Μερόβη
t Μιχαάλ.Σ στρατηγὸν δὲ εἶχε τὸν τοῦ θείου
130 παῖδα ᾿Αβήναρον: Νῆρος δ᾽ ἐκεῖνος ἐκαλεῖτο,
Νῆρος δὲ καὶ Kets 6 Σαούλον πατὴρ ἀδελφοὶ
ἦσαν, υἱοὶ δ᾽ ᾿Αβελίου. ἣν δὲ καὶ πλῆθος ap-
, ‘\ 1 ς , Parise χὰ ,
μάτων Σαούλῳ καὶ ἱππέων, ois’ de° πολεμήσειε
? 3 f ‘ A ς / 3
νικήσας ἀπηλλάσσετο, καὶ τοὺς “Ἑβραίους εἰς
’ 2 /
εὐπραγίας Kat μέγεθος εὐδαιμονίας mponyayeTo
Α ~ » 3 ,ὔ »] - é 9
καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἀπέδειξεν ἐθνῶν δυνατωτέρους,
\ ~ 10 , ‘\ \ \ , \ f r
καὶ τῶν" νέων τοὺς δὴ καὶ μέγεθει καὶ κάλλει
διαφέροντας φύλακας τοῦ σώματος ἐποιεῖτο.
1 καὶ om. RO. 2 re καὶ SP: om. rell.
8 om. Lat.: +re ROME.
* Bosius ex Lat.: ὠβᾶς codd. E: σουβᾷ Zon.
5M: μελχαὰ SP: χϑααλ RO.
6 Abihel Lat.: ᾿Αβιήλον conj. Hudson ex ixx. 7 ods SE.
8 RO: δ᾽ ἂν rell. ® ROE: δυνατωτάτους rell. Lat.
10 καὶ τῶν RO: τῶν δὲ MSP.
230
JEWASH ANTIQUITIES. VI. 127-130
piety’s sake and after brilliant victory ; for highest
consolation were it to leave Hebrews triumphant
over Philistines.’’* Thereupon all the people were
moved to grief and sympathy and they swore that
they a ould not suffer Jonathan, the author of that
vietory, to die. Thus then did they snateh him from
his father’s eurse, and themselves offered prayers ὃ for
the young man to God, that He would grant him
absolution from his sin.
(6) So Sau} returned to his own city after destroy-
ing some sixty thousand of the enemy. He then
reigned happily and, having made war on the neigh-
bouring nations, Enbaucd fose of the Ammanites and
Mioabites, ἰδ δε Philistines, Idumaeans and Amale-
kites, and the king of Soba. He had three sons,
Jonathan, Jesus’and Melchis,?and his daughters were
Merobe ὁ and Michaal.? For eommander of his army
he had Abénar,? his uncle’s son; that uncle was
named Ner, and Ner and Kis, the father of Saul,
were brothers, sons of Abelios.” Saul had, moreover,
abundance of chariots and horsemen, and with whom-
soever he fought he returned victorious; and he
brought the Hebrews to greatness of suceess and
prosperity and rendered them more powerful than the
other nations, and of the young men such as excelled
in stature and beauty he took for his bodyguards.
@ Jonathan’s speech is unscriptural.
> “snatch” and ‘offered prayers’? combine the Heb.
redeemed” (or “rescued”’) and the rxx “ἢ prayed for” of
1 Sam. xiv. 45.
¢ Bibl. Ishui, Heb. Yishwi, uxx ᾿Τεσσιούλ (0.1. σουεί).
Bibl. Melchishua, xx ΔΙ ελχεισά.
Bibl. Merab, rxx ΔΙ ερόβ.
Bibl. Michal, n.xx δ ελχύλ,
Bibl. Abner, Heb. Abiner, uxx ’ABevyjp. Cf. ὃ 53.
Bibl. Abiel.
VOL. V Q 231
4
Ὁ “um 8 RK
Saul’s
victories.
1] Sam. xiv.
As
-
JOSEPHUS
oe ~ \ \
131. (vii. 1) Σαμουῆλος δὲ παραγενόμενος πρὸς τὸν
Σιαοῦλον πεμφθῆναι πρὸς αὐτὸν “ἔφασκεν ὑπὸ τοῦ
θεοῦ, ὅπως αὐτὸν ὑπομνήσῃ ὅτι βασιλέα προ-
κρίνας αὐτὸν ἁπάντων ὁ θεὸς ἀπέδειξε, καὶ διὰ
τοῦτο πείθεσθαι καὶ κατήκοον αὐτῷ γενέσθαι, ὡς
αὐτοῦ μὲν ἔχοντος τὴν τῶν ἐθνῶν ἡγεμονίαν, τοῦ
Α ~ ~ φ ’
δὲ θεοῦ τὴν καὶ; ἐκείνου καὶ τῶν ὅλων πραγμα-
, 7ὔ ” \ ’ ἐ. \
132 των. λέγειν τοίνυν ἔφασκε τὸν θεόν" “ἔπει
πολλὰ κακὰ τοὺς “Ιβραίους ᾿Αμαληκῖται διέθηκαν
\ \ wv 3 ’ 5 ’ > 4 3
κατὰ τὴν ἔρημον, ὅτε ἐξελθόντες ἀπ᾽ Αἰγύπτου εἰς
\ ~ ~
τὴν νῦν ὑπάρχουσαν αὐτοῖς ἐστέλλοντο χώραν,
’
κελεύω πολέμῳ τιμωρησάμενον τοὺς ᾿Αμαληκίτας
\ ἢ : ἘΣ eee | a Dy ,
133 καὶ κρατήσαντα μὴδεν “ αὐτῶν ὑπολιπεῖν, αλλὰα πα-
ans διεξελθεῖν ἡλικίας, ἀρξαμένους ἀπὸ γυναικῶν
κτείνειν καὶ νηπίων καὶ τοιαύτην ὑπὲρ ὧν τοὺς
προγόνους ὑμῶν εἰργάσαντο τιμωρίαν ἀπολαβεῖν,
’ὔ ~ 3
φείσασθαι δὲ μήτε ὑποζυγίων μήτε τῶν ἄλλων
βοσκημάτων εἰς ὠφέλειαν καὶ κτῆσιν ἰδίαν, ἅπαντα
> “- “- ~ 2 a
δ᾽ ἀναθεῖναι τῷ θεῷ καὶ τὸ ᾿Αμαλήκου ὄνομα ταῖς
M : λουθὴ ᾿ ἐντολαῖς ἐξαλεῖψαι.᾿᾽
ωυσέος κατακολουθήσαντ᾽ ἐντολαῖς ἐξαλεῖψαι.
¢€ “A “-
134 (9) “Ομολογεῖ δὲ ποιήσειν Σαοῦλος τὰ προστασ-
’ λ
σόμενα, τὴν δὲ πειθαρχίαν τὴν πρὸς τὸν θεὸν οὐκ
> ~
ἐν τῷ ,ποιήσασθαι τὴν “πρὸς τοὺς ᾿Αμαληκίτας
στρατείαν λογιζόμενος εἶναι μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῷ
τὴν ἑτοιμότητα καὶ τὸ τάχος ἀναβολῆς οὐ προσ-
ovans ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐμφανίζειν, ἀθροίζει τε πᾶσαν
\ ὃ , \ ? > θ ’ 3 ΙΓ λ LA
τὴν δύναμιν Kat ταύτην ἐξαριθμήσας ev Ladyadots
Cot ~ > ~ » “- 3 “ “
εὑρίσκει τῶν ᾿Ισραηλιτῶν ἔξω τῆς ᾿Ιούδα φυλῆς
\ , i itd A ¢ \ >
περὶ τεσσαράκοντα μυριάδας" ἥδε yap ἡ φυλὴ καθ
1 τὴν xaiconj. Niese: καὶ τὴν κατ᾽ codd.
2S: μηδὲν rell.
Sry τὴν... ἐμφανίζειν ex Late: rive... ἐμφανίζει codd.
232
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 131-134
(vii. 1) Samuel now came to Saul and said that he
had been sent to him by God to recall to him that
God had preferred him above all others and created
him king, and that he ought therefore to obey and
give ear to Him, for, while he had dominion over the
nations, God had dominion both over him and over
the universe. He thereupon announced that God
had spoken thus: “‘ Forasmuch as the Amalekites did
much evil to the Hebrews in the wilderness, when
they were come out of Egypt and on their way to
the land that now is theirs, I command thee to take
vengeance on the Amalekites in war and, when vic-
torious, to leave not one of them remaining; but you
shall deal death to all of every age, beginning with the
women and infants, and in this wise take vengeance
for what they did to your forefathers ; thou art to
spare neither beasts of burden nor any cattle at all
for private profit or possession, but to devote all to
God and, in compliance with the behests of Moses,?
to blot out the name of Amalek.”’
(2) These injunctions Saul promised to fulfil ; and
reflecting that obedience to God lay not merely in
making this campaign against the Amalckites, but
would be displayed yet more by an alacrity and haste
that brooked no delay, he mustcred all his forees and,
having numbered them at Galgala,? found that the
Israelites, apart from the tribe of Judah, were some
400,000 men; that tribe by itself furnished 30,000
¢ Cf. A. iii. 60 on Ex. xvii. 14, and A. iv. 304 on Deut.
xxv. 17. Moses is not mentioned in Scripture at this
point.
> So the txx; Heb. has Telaim, a city in southern Judah.
233
Samuel
sends Saul
to extermi-
nate the
Amalekites,
1 Sam. xv. 1
Saul
musters his
troops at
Gilgal.
1 Sam. xv. 4.
JOSEPHUS
135 αὑτήν ἐστι στρατιῶται τρισμύριοι. Σαοῦλος δ᾽
ἐμβαλὼν εἰς τὴν τῶν ᾿Αμαληκιτῶν χώραν ἐνέδρας
πολλὰς καὶ λόχους περὶ τὸν χειμάρρουν τίθησιν, ὡς
μὴ μόνον ἐκ τοῦ φανεροῦ μαχόμενος αὐτοὺς
κακῶς ποιεῖν, ἀλλὰ καὶ μὴ προσδοκῶσι κατὰ τὰς
ὁδοὺς ἐπιπίπτων καὶ κυκλούμενος" ἀναιρεῖν: καὶ
δὴ συμβαλὼν αὐτοῖς εἰς μάχην τρέπεται τοὺς
πολεμίους καὶ διαφθείρει πάντας, φεύγουσιν ἐπ-
136 ακολουθῶν. ὡς δ᾽ ἐκεῖνο τὸ ἔργον αὐτῷ κατὰ
τὴν τοῦ θεοῦ προφητείαν ἐχώρησε, ταῖς πόλεσι
τῶν ᾿Αμαληκιτῶν προσέβαλε καὶ τὰς μὲν unxa-
νήμασι, Tas δὲ ὀρύγμασιν ὑπονόμοις καὶ τείχεσιν
ἔξωθεν ἀντῳκοδομημένοις, τὰς δὲ λιμῷ καὶ δίψει,
τὰς δὲ ἄλλοις τρόποις ἐκπολιορκήσας καὶ λαβὼν
κατὰ κράτος, ἐπὶ σφαγὴν γυναικῶν καὶ νηπίων
ἐχώρησεν, οὐδὲν ὠμὸν οὐδ᾽ ἀνθρωπίνης σκληρό-
τερον διαπράσσεσθαι φύσεως ἡ ἡγούμενος, πρῶτον μὲν
πολεμίους ταῦτα δρῶν, ἔπειτα προστάγματι θεοῦ, ᾧ
τὸ μὴ πείθεσθαι κίνδυνον ἔφερε. λαμβάνει δὲ καὶ
τὸν βασιλέα τῶν ἐχθρῶν ” Ayayov αἰχμάλωτον,
οὗ θαυμάσας τὸ κάλλος καὶ τὸ μέγεθος τοῦ
σώματος σωτηρίας ἀξιον ἔκρινεν, οὐκέτι τοῦτο
ποιῶν κατὰ βούλησιν τοῦ θεοῦ, πάθει δὲ νικώμενος
ἰδίῳ καὶ χαριζόμενος ἀκαίρως περὶ ὧν οὐκ εἶχεν
ἀκίνδυνον ἐξουσίαν οἴκτῳ. ὁ μὲν" γὰρ θεὸς οὕτως
ἐμίσησε τὸ τῶν ᾿Αμαληκιτῶν ἔθνος, ὡς μηδὲ
137
~
μ-ω
we)
CO
1 conj. Niese ex Lat.: μαχομένους codd.
3 conj. Niese: mre καὶ κυκλουμένους codd.
3 μὲν om. MSP.
α Both numbers in agreement with most mss. of the Lxx;
Heb. has 200,000 and 10,000 respectively.
® Josephus here omits Saul’s invitation to the Kenites to
separate themselves from Amalek (1 Sam. xv. 6), before his
234
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 135-138
eombatants.? Haying then invaded the eountry of
the Amalekites,®? Saul posted numerous pickets and
ambuseades around the ravine,® with intent not only
to molest them in open warfare, but also to fall
upon them unexpectedly on the roads and envelop
and destroy them; and in faet, on joining battle
with them he routed the enemy and, pursuing the
fugitives, destroyed them all. That task having, in
aecordance with God’s prediction, been successfully
achieved, he attacked the cities of the Amalekites ;
and when, some by engines of war, others by mining
operations and exterior opposing walls, others by
hunger and thirst, and yet others by other means,‘ he
had carried and stormed them all, he then proeeeded
to the slaughter of women and infants, deeming
naught therein eruel or too savage for human nature
to perform, first because they were enemies whom
he was treating thus, and then because of the com-
mandment of God, whom it was dangerous to disobey.
But he also took prisoner the enemy's king, Agag, |
. ς : . Saul
whom out of admiration for his beauty and his stature ® captures
he accounted worthy to be saved; herein he was no S28
. - . . ain. xv 8,
longer aeting in accordance with the will of God, but
giving way to feelings of his own, and yielding inop-
portunely to compassion where it was not permitted
to him without peril. For God so hated the race of
the Amalekites that He had ordered him to spare not
attack upon the latter. In ὃ 140 he alludes to this scriptural
passage in mentioning the Sikimites. Cf. note ad loc.
¢ Scripture does not tell us what ravine (lleb. nahal, “ bed
of a stream,”’ ef. Arabic wady) is meant; the geographical
details are vague throughout this account.
4 Details of the invasion and sieges are an amplification.
¢ Saul’s aesthetic motive fur sparing Agag is an invention
of Josephus,
235
JOSEPHUS
’ ’ A ~
νηπίων φείσασθαι κελεῦσαι πρὸς ἃ μᾶλλον ἔλεος
’ θ , κ᾿ ay Se "» “1 \ XZ
γίνεσθαι πέφυκε, Σαοῦλος δὲ αὐτῶν' τὸν βασιλέα
\ \ id ~ ἜΝ] -
καὶ τὸν ἡγεμόνα τῶν εἰς ᾿Ιβραίους κακῶν ἔσωσε,
aA / e aA
τῆς μνήμης ὧν ἐπέστειλεν ὁ θεὸς τὸ τοῦ πολεμίου
139 κάλλος ἐπίπροσθεν ποιησάμενος. συνεξήμαρτε δ᾽
140
141
αὐτῷ Kal TO πλῆθος" καὶ γὰρ ἐκεῖνοι τῶν ὑπο-
ζυγίων καὶ τῶν βοσκημάτων ἐφείσαντο καὶ διήρ-
πασαν, μὴ τηρεῖν. αὐτὰ τοῦ θεοῦ κελεύσαντος, τά τε
ἄλλα χρήματα καὶ τὸν πλοῦτον ἐξεφόρησαν, εἰ δέ τι
μὴ σπουδῆς ἣν ἀξιον ὥστε κεκτῆσθαι διέφθειραν.
(3) Νικήσας δὲ Σαοῦλος ἅπαντας τοὺς ἀπὸ [Πη-
λουσίου τῆς Αἰγύπτου καθήκοντας ἕως τῆς ᾿Ερυθρᾶς
θαλάσσης διέφθειρε “πολεμίους, παραλιπὼν τὸ τῶν
Σικιμιτῶν ἔθνος" οὗτοι γὰρ ἐν τῇ Madura χώρᾳ
μέσοι κατῴκηνται. πρὸ δὲ τῆς μάχης πέμψας
παρήγγειλεν. αὐτοῖς ἀναχωρεῖν, μὴ τοῖς ᾿Αμαληκί-
ταις κοινωνήσωσι συμφορᾶς" συγγενεῖς γὰρ αὐτοὺς
ὄντας Ραγουήλου τοῦ Μωνσέος πενθεροῦ σώζειν
ἃ 3
αἰτίαν ἔχειν.
(4) Kat Σαοῦλος μὲν ὡς μηδενὸς παρακούσας
ὧν ὁ προφήτης ἐπέστειλε μέλλοντι τὸν πρὸς
᾿Αμαληκίτας ἐκφέρειν πόλεμον, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς ἐπὶ πᾶσιν
ἐκείνοις ἀκριβῶς πεφυλαγμένοις νενικηκὼς τοὺς
πολεμίους οἴκαδε πρὸς αὑτὸν ὑπέστρεψε χαίρων
1 αὐτὸν RUS: regein Agag Lat.
2 NO Lat. : τὴν τῶν πολεμίων NI (+ χώραν E): τὰ τῶν πολεμίων
Si
2 1 Sam. xv. 7 ‘from Havilah until thou comest to Shur
over against Egypt’’; Josephus reverses the directions, assum-
ing that Shur corresponds to Pelusium and that Havilah
is somewhere near the Ned Sea.
δ΄ 1 Sam. xv. 6 “ Kenites.”” “ Sikimites,” which is geo-
graphically impossible (=inhabitants of Shechem), may
236
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 138-141
even the infants. to whom it is more natural that
pity should be shown; but Saul saved their king,
the author of all the injuries to the Hebrews, having
had more regard for the beauty of his enemy than
for memory of what God enjoined. The people too
were his partners in sin; for they spared the beasts
and the cattle and took for their prey what God had
forbidden to be preserved, and carried off all the
chattels and riches beside ; but whatever was not
worth eoveting as a possession that did they destroy.
(3) Conquering the whole district extending from Sauls
Pelusium in Egypt to the Red Sea,? Saul destroyed πεν ΠΡΑ ;
the inhabitants as enemies, saving only the race) yam =v
of the Sikimites.? who had settled in the heart of ”
the country of Madian. To these he had, before
the combat, sent messengers admonishing them to
withdraw, lest they should share the fate of the
Amalekites; for, being kinsmen of Raguel, the
father-in-law of Moses, he had, as he said, good
reason to spare them.°¢
(4) So Saul, as though he had neglected none God’s anger
of the injunctions which he had receiv ved from the pee:
prophet when embarking on his campaign against sion
the Amalekites, but had strictly observed them all to
in having conquered his enemies, returned homeward
be due to corruption in Josephus’s text. Rappaport makes
the interesting suggestion that either Josephus wrote “ Sili-
mites,” the Greek form of the Targum’s name ὁ Shalma’ah ”’
for the Kenites, and that this was corrupted to ‘* Sikimites,”
or that he connected Shalma’ah with Shechem on the basis
of Gen. aes 18 ** Shalem a city of Shechem.”’
ΠΟ ee 127, The reference to the kinship with
Moses is eae in rabbinic tradition. Scripture ascribes
Saul’s consideration to the Israelites’ meniory of services
rendered them by the Kenites in the lxodus.
257
JOSERHUS
142 ἐπὶ τοῖς κατωρθωμένοις. ὁ δὲ θεὸς ἄχθεται τῇ
te’ τοῦ βασιλέως τῶν ᾿ Λμαληκιτῶν σωτηρίᾳ καὶ
τῇ τῶν βοσκημάτων διαρπαγῇ τοῦ πλήθους, ὅτι
μὴ συγχωρήσαντος αὐτοῦ ταῦτ᾽ ἐπράχθη" δεινὸν
γὰρ ἡγεῖτο νικᾶν μὲν καὶ περιγίνεσθαι τῶν ἐχθρῶν
ἐκείνου τὴν ἰσχὺν διδόντος αὐτοῖς, καταφρονεῖσθαι
δὲ καὶ παρακούεσθαι μηδὲ ὡς ἀνθρωπον βασιλέα.
143 μετανοεῖν οὖν ἔλεγε πρὸς τὸν εὐ εἰν Σιαμουῆλον
ἐπὶ τῷ “χειροτονῆσαι βασιλέα τὸν Σαοῦλον, μηδὲν
ὧν αὐτὸς κελεύει πράττοντα, THO οἰκείᾳ βουλήσει
χρώμενον. σφόδρα ταῦτ᾽ ἀκούσας ὁ Σαμουῆλος
συνεχύθη καὶ du ὅλης τῆς νυκτὸς παρακαλεῖν
ἤρξατο τὸν θεὸν καταλλάττεσθαι τῷ Ὡαούλῳ καὶ
144 μὴ χαλεπαίνειν. ὁ δὲ τὴν συγγνώμην οὐκ ἐπ-
ἔνευσεν εἰς τὸν Σαοῦλον αἰτουμένῳ τῷ προφήτῃ,
λογισάμενος οὐκ εἶναι δίκαιον ἁμαρτήματα" χαρίζε-
σθαι παραιτήσει" οὐ γὰρ ἐξ ἄλλου τινὸς φύεσθαι
μᾶλλον ἢ τοῦ καταμαλακίζεσθαι" τοὺς ἀδικου-
μένους: θηρωμένους γὰρ δόξαν ἐπιεικείας καὶ
χρηστότητος λανθάνειν αὑτοὺς" ταῦτα γεννῶντας.
145 ὡς οὖν ἀπεῖπεν ὁ θεὸς τῇ τοῦ προφήτου δεήσει
καὶ δῆλος ἦν͵ μεταμελόμενος, ἃ ἅμ᾽ ἡμέρᾳ Σαμονῆλος
εἰς [άλγαλα “παραγίνεται πρὸς Σαοῦλον" θεασά-
μενος δ᾽ αὐτὸν ὁ βασιλεὺς προστρέχει καὶ κατ-
ασπασάμενος “΄ τῷ OB,” φησίν, ἃ εὐχαριστῶ δόντι
μοι τὴν νίκην, ἅπαντα μέντοι γε τὰ κελευσθέντα
146 ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ πέπρακται. ᾿" Σαμουῆλος δὲ πρὸς τοῦθ᾽
ὑπολαβὼν “᾿ πόθεν οὖν ἀκούω θρεμμάτων, εἶπε,
1 M Suidas: τῇ ROK: ἐπί τε τῇ SP.
2 διεχύθη RO. 3 ed. pr.: ἁμαρτήμασι codd.
4 Niese: παραίτησιν codd. (-τήσεσιν ed. pr.).
δ᾽ μαλακίζεσθαι Ο. 6 P?; αὐτοὺς rell.
7 Ἐμὴ MSP Lat.vid- 8 O: πεπρᾶχθαι rell.
258
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 142-146
exultant at his suecess. But God was ill pleased at
his sparing the life of the king of Amalek and at the
people’s making plunder of the eattle, bceause these
things had not been permitted by Him; for He
deemed it an outrage that when they had conquered
and defeated the foe through the might whieh He
had given them, He should meet with such contempt
and disobedienee as they would show to no human
king. He therefore told the prophet Samuel that
He repented of having eleeted Saul as king, since
he was in no wise exeeuting His commands, but do-
ing aeeording to his own pleasure. On hearing this
Samuel was sore troubled, and all night long set him-
self to entreat God to be reeonciled to Saul and not
wroth with him. But God would grant no pardon
to Saul at the prophet’s request, aeecounting it not
just to condone sins at the intereession of another ;
for nothing more favoured their growth than laxity
on the part of the wronged, who in seeking a reputa-
tion for mildness and kindness are unwittingly the
begetters of erime. When therefore God had re-
fused the prophet’s prayer and showed that He re-
pented Himself,* Samuel at break of day repaired to
Galgala to meet Saul. At sight of him, the king ran
to him and embraeed him. ‘“ I render thanks,”’ said
he, “to God who has given me victory ; and more-
over, all Ilis commands have been performed.”
Whereto Samuel replied, “ Whenee eomes it then
«ὦ, 6. of having made Saul king, cf. 1 Sam. xv. 35. The
variant text δῆλος ἣν μὴ μεταμελόμενος ‘and showed no change
of mind” is probably due to scribes who thought that
Josephus was referring to God’s decision to punish Saul in
spile of Samuel’s intercession.
239
Samuel] at
Gilgal
prophesies
Saul’s doony
1 Sam. xv.
12,
147
148
149
150
JOSEPIHUS
66 \ ξ ,ὔ ~ 3 - ,ὔ be ¢ \
καὶ ὑποζυγίων βοῆς ev τῷ aotpatomédw;”’ ὁ δὲ
τὸν λαὸν ταῦτ᾽ εἰς θυσίας ἀπεκρίνατο τετηρηκέναι:
τὸ μέντοι γε τῶν ᾿Αμαληκιτῶν γένος ἅπαν ἐξη-
φανίσθαι κατὰ τὴν ἐντολὴν καὶ περιλείπεσθαι ἄλλον
μηδένα, πρὸς δ᾽ αὐτὸν ἀγαγεῖν μόνον τηρήσαντα
αὐτῶν τὸν βασιλέα, περὶ οὗ τί δεῖ ποιεῖν βουλεύσε-
σθαι; πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἔφασκεν. ὁ δὲ προφήτης
οὐχὶ θυσίαις ἔλεγεν ἥδεσθαι τὸ θεῖον, ἀλλὰ τοῖς
ἀγαθοῖς καὶ δικαίοις: οὗτοι δέ εἰσιν ot τῇ βουλήσει
καὶ ταῖς ἐντολαῖς αὐτοῦ κατακολουθοῦντες καὶ
μηδὲν ἄλλο πραχθήσεσθαι καλῶς ὑφ᾽ ἑαυτῶν vopi-
ζοντες ἢ ὃ τι ἂν ποιήσωσι τοῦ θεοῦ κεκελευκότος"
καταφρονεῖσθαι γὰρ οὐχ ὅταν αὐτῷ μὴ θύῃ τις,
ἀλλ᾽ ὅταν ἀπειθεῖν δοκῇ. “᾿ παρὰ δὲ τῶν οὐχ
ὑποτασσομένων οὐδ᾽ ἀληθῆ καὶ μόνην τῷ θεῷ
κεχαρισμένην θρησκευόντων θρησκείαν, οὔτ᾽ ἂν
πολλὰ καὶ πιμελῆ καταθύσωσιν ἱερεῖα, οὔτ᾽ ἂν
κόσμον ἀναθημάτων ἐξ ἀργύρου καὶ χρυσοῦ πε-
ποιημένων προσφέρωσι, δέχεται ταῦτ᾽ εὐμενῶς,
ἀλλ᾽ ἀποστρέφεται καὶ δείγματα τῆς πονηρίας οὐκ
εὐσέβειαν ἡγεῖται. τοῖς ὃ ev καὶ μόνον τοῦθ᾽ ὅ τι
περ ἂν φθέγξηται καὶ κελεύσῃ ὁ θεὸς διὰ μνήμης
ἔχουσι καὶ τεθνάναι μᾶλλον ἢ ἢ παραβῆναί τι τούτων
αἱρουμένοις ἐπιτέρπεται, καὶ οὔτε θυσίαν ἐπιζητεῖ
παρ᾽ αὐτῶν καὶ παρὰ θυόντων δέ, Kav ἡ λιτά, τῆς
πενίας ἥδιον τὴν τιμὴν ἢ παρὰ τῶν πλουσιωτάτων
δεξιοῦται. σὺ τοίνυν ἴσθι σαυτὸν δι᾿ ὀργῆς ὄντα
τῷ θεῷ' κατεφρόνησας γὰρ καὶ κατημέλησας. ὧν
ἐπέστειλε. πῶς οὖν οἴει τὴν θυσίαν av αὐτὸν
προσβλέπειν ἐξ ὧν κατέκρινεν ἀπολέσθαι γινο-
1 Ernesti ex Lat.: βουλεύεσθαι codd,
240
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES. VI. 146-150
that I hear sounds of cattle and beasts of burden in
the camp?” The king answered that the people
had reserved these for sacrifice, but that the race of
the Amalekites had been utterly exterminated in
accordance with the divine command, and that not
one had been left alive, save only their king, whom
he had preserved and brought to Samuel, and con-
cerning whose fate they w bald: he said, take counsel
together. But the prophet answered that the Deity
took not delight in sacrifices, but in good and righteous
men, namely such as Follow His will and Εἰ com-
mandments and deem that no act of theirs will have
been rightly done save what they do at God's bid-
ding ; for contempt of God, he said, is shown not in
withholding sacrifice but in appearing to disobey
Him. ‘‘ And from such as submit not nor offer
the true worship that alone is acceptable to God,
even though they sacrifice many fat victims, even
though they present to Him sumptuous offerings
wrought of silver and gold, yet does He not receive
these gifts graciously, but rejects them and regards
them as tokens of iniquity rather than as piety. But
they who are mindful of this one thing alone, to wit
what God has spoken and commanded, and who
choose rather to die than to transgress aught thereof,
in them does He rejoice ; from them He requires no
sacrifice, or, should they offer any, however modest,
more gladly does He welcome this homage from
poverty than that of the wealthiest. Know, then,
that thou thyself hast incurred the wrath of God, for
thou hast held lightly and neglected His command-
ments. How thinkest thou that He could look upon
a sacrifice offered from those things which He doomed
241
15
15
]
4
JOSEPIUS
, \ > \ , “ ty 7 1 \
μένην; πλὴν et μὴ νομίζεις ὅμοιον ὀλέθρῳ τὸ
θύεσθαι ταῦτα TH θεῶ. προσδόκα τοίνυν τὴν
, 3 ’ \ δ ? 7 3 >
βασιλείαν ἀφαιρεθησόμενος Kat τὴν ἐξουσίαν, ad
nS ὁρμώμενος τοῦ παρασχόντος σοι θεοῦ ταύτηι
2 “λ 3} vt 5A δὲ LO ~ ς λό A A ;
ἠμέλησας.᾽᾿ Naodbdos δὲ ἀδικεῖν ὡμολόγει Kat TI)
ἁμαρτίαν οὐκ ἠρνεῖτο: παραβῆναι γὰρ τὰς ἐντολὰς
τοῦ προφήτου: κατὰ μέντοι γε δέος καὶ τὸν ἀπὸ
τῶν στρατιωτῶν φόβον μὴ κωλῦσαι διαρπάζοντας
αὐτοὺς τὴν λείαν μηδ᾽ ἐπισχεῖν. “᾿ ἀλλὰ συγ-
’ A ~ # 33 / A >
γίνωσκε Kat πρᾷος ἴσθι φυλάξεσθαι yap εἰς
τοὐπιὸν ἁμαρτεῖν, παρεκάλει δὲ τὸν προφήτην
ὑποστρέψαντα θυσίας χαριστηρίους ἐπιτελέσαι τῷ
θεῷ: ὁ δέ, οὐ γὰρ ἑώρα τὸν θεὸν διαλλαττόμενον,
ἀπήει πρὸς ἑαυτόν.
(5) Σαοῦλος δὲ κατασχεῖν βουλόμενος τὸν Σα-
μουῆλον ἐλλαμβάνεταιξ τῆς διπλοῖδος, καὶ βιαίας
τῆς ὁλκῆς διὰ τὸ μεθ᾽ ὁρμῆς ἀπιέναι" τὸν Napov-
3 λον γενομένης διασχίζει τὸ ἱμάτιον. τοῦ δὲ προ-
,
φήτου τὴν βασιλείαν οὕτως αὐτοῦ διασχισθῆναι
φήσαντος καὶ λήψεσθαι ταύτην ἀγαθὸν καὶ δίκαιον,
ἐμμένειν γὰρ τὸν θεὸν τοῖς περὶ αὐτοῦ κεκριμένοις,
ὡς τοῦ μεταβάλλεσθαι καὶ στρέφειν τὴν γνώμην
ἀνθρωπίνου πάθους ὄντος οὐχὶ θείας ἰσχύος, δ'
LaovAos ἀσεβῆσαι μὲν ἔλεγεν, ἀγένητα δὲ ποιῆσαι
τὰ πεπραγμένα μὴ δύνασθαι: τιμῆσαί γε μὴν αὐτὸν
παρεκάλει, τοῦ πλήθους ὁρῶντος, σὺν αὐτῷ παρα-
γενόμενον τὸν θεὸν προσκυνῆσαι. δίδωσι δὲ τοῦτο
Σαμουῆλος αὐτῷ καὶ συνελθὼν προσκυνεῖ τῷ θεῷ.
ΣΘΡΔΙ; ὀλέθρου M?: ὄλεθρον Ο.
5. ἐπιλαῤβάνεται S? Zon (cf. ἀὐχὶ codd.).
3 Dindorf: ἀπεῖναι codd.
4 4+ 6€ cudd.
242
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 150-154
to destruction? Unless it be that thou regardest
the sacrificing of them to God as equiv alent to de-
stroying them ! Expeet, therefore, that thou wilt
be deprived of thy kingship and of the power upon
which thou hast presumed in neglecting the God who
gave it thee.”’ Saul admitted that he had done
wrong and did not deny his sin; yes, he said, he had
transeressed the prophet’s commands ; yet indeed it
was from fear and dread of his soldiers that he had
not prevented them from plundering the spoils nor
restrained them. “‘ But,” said he, “ pardon me and
be merciful,’ and promised to beware of offending in
future. Then he besought the prophet to return
(with him) and sacritice thank-offerings 4 to God. But
Samuel, seeing that God was not to be reconciled,
departed to his home.
(5) Then Saul, seeking to detain Samuel, laid hold
upon his mantle and, since Samuel was hastening
to be gone, pulled it so violently that he rent the
garment in twain. Whereat the prophet said that
even so had his kingdom been rent from him, and
that one would succeed to it who was virtuous and
just, for God would abide by what He had decreed
concerning him, as change and reversal of judgement
were the part of human frailty and not of divine
power. Saul replied that, impious though he had
been, he could not undo what had been done ; how-
beit he besought him at least to do him honour in
the eyes of the multitude by coming with him to wor-
ship God.’ Samuel granted him this request and
went with him and worshipped God. Then too was
* 1 Sam. xv. 25 “ that I may worship the Lord.”
> Josephus infers that Samuel also worshipped. Scripture
says that Samuel returned with Saul and ** Saul worshipped
the Lord.”’
243
Samuel has
Agaz put ta
death.
1 Sam. xv.
26.
JOSEPHUS
155 ἄγεται δὲ καὶ ὁ τῶν ᾿Αμαληκιτῶν βασιλεὺς “Ayayos
πρὸς αὐτόν: καὶ πυνθανομένου πῶς εἴη πικρὸς ὃ
θάνατος, εἶπεν “᾿ ὡς σὺ πολλὰς μητέρας ᾿Ββραίων
ἐπὶ τέκνοις ὀδύρεσθαι καὶ πένθος ἄγειν ἐποίησας,
οὕτως ὀδυνήσεις ἐπὶ σαυτῷ διαφθαρέντι τὴν μη-
f 4.2 \ f ~ 2 A >
τέρα. καὶ κελεύει παραχρῆμα αὐτὸν ev Tad-
γάλοις ἀποθανεῖν. καὶ αὐτὸς δὲ εἰς ᾿Αρμαθὰν πόλιν
ἀπαλλάσσεται.
156 (viii. 1) Σαοῦλος δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς αἰσθόμενος ὧν
dv' πειραθείΐη κακῶν ἐχθρὸν αὑτῷ τὸν θεὸν
κατασκευάσας, εἰς τὸ βασίλειον ἀναβαίνει Γαβᾶ,
σημαίνει; βουνὸν ἑ ἑρμηνευόμενον τὸ ὄνομα, καὶ μετ᾽
ἐκείνην οὐκέτι τὴν ἡμέραν εἰς ὄψιν ἔρχεται τῷ
157 προφήτῃ. Σαμουήλῳ δὲ λυπουμένῳ περὶ αὐτοῦ
παύσασθαι μὲν τῆς φροντίδος ἐκέλευσεν ὁ θεός,
λαβόντι δὲ τὸ ἅγιον ἔλαιον" εἰς Βηθλέμην ἀπελθεῖν
πόλιν πρὸς ᾿Ιεσσαῖον παῖδα ᾿Ωβήδου καὶ χρῖσαι
τῶν υἱῶν αὐτοῦ ov ἂν αὐτὸς ἐπιδείξη βασιλέα
γενησόμενον. ὁ δὲ εὐλαβεῖσθαι φήσας, μὴ “τοῦτο
μαθὼν Σαοῦλος ἀνέλῃ λοχήσας αὐτὸν ἢ καὶ
φανερῶς, ὑποθεμένου τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ δόντος ἀσφα-
158 Actas ὁδὸν ἧκεν εἰς τὴν προειρημένην πόλιν. καὶ
πάντες αὐτὸν ἠσπάζοντό τε καὶ τὴν αἰτίαν τῆς
ἀφίξεως ἀνηρώτων, ἔλεγε δὲ ἥκειν ἵνα θύσῃ τῷ
θεῷ. ποιήσας οὖν τὴν θυσίαν καλεῖ τὸν Ἰεσσαῖον
μετὰ τῶν τέκνων ἐπὶ τὰ ἱερὰ' καὶ θεασάμενος
1 ἂν ins. Niese. 2 « δὲ MSP.
3 ἅγιον ἔλαιον] ἀγγεῖον τοῦ ἐλαίου E Lat.
4 ἱερεῖα MSP.
4 So, apparently, the txx and Targum of 1 Sam. xv. 32.
The Hebrew is obscure and is variously explained by Jewish
interpreters.
2 44
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES. VI. 1η5::158
brought to him Agag, king of the Amalekites ; and
when the prisoner asked what manner of bitter death
his would be,” Samuel said, “* As thou hast made many
mothers of Hebrews to lament and mourn for their
children, so shalt thou eause thy mother to grieve
over thine own destruetion.”’ He then erdened him
instantly to be put to death ® in Galgala, and he him-
self departed to the city of Armatha.
(viti. 1) But King Saul, perceiving what ills he had samuel goes
ineurred in making God his enemy, went up to his to Beth:
palace at Gaba® (a name which is interpreted to anoint a_
66 lel)» son of Jesse
mean “ hill’’) and from that day onward came No as king.
niore into the prophet’s sight. As Samuel, however, aaah
yet prieved: for lum, Gad. bade him banish his care ~
and, taking the holy oil, to repair to the eity of
Bethlehem to Jesse son of Obed,? and to anoint
from among his sons him whom He Himself should
point out as the future king. Samuel replied that
he was fearful lest Saul on learning of this should slay
him by ambush or even openly ; but, God having
advised him ὁ and provided him a way of safety, he
came to the eity aforesaid. Here all greeted him
and questioned him concerning the cause of his
coming, and he said that he was eome to sacrifice to
God. Having then performed the sacrifice, he ealled
Jesse with his ehildren to the sacred feast, and when
> Josephus discreetly passes over the details; 1 Sam. xv.
33 “‘ and Samuel hewed Agag in pieces before the Lord.”
Rabbinic tradition states that the execution was not in aeccord-
ance with Jewish forms of justice.
¢ So uxx; Heb. Gibeah of Sanl. Cf. ὃ 95 note.
ἀ 1 Sam. xvi. 1 ‘ Jesse the Bethlehemite.”’ 1Π|5 father’s
name is given earlier, A. v. 336 (Ruth iv. 22).
¢ Scripture explains more fully by mentioning, at this
point, the pretext of sacrificing.
245
169
100
160]
162
163
JOSEPHUS
αὐτοῦ τὸν πρεσβύτατον τῶν υἱῶν εὐμεγέθη καὶ
of “ “
καλόν, εἴκασεν ἐκ τῆς εὐμορφίας τοῦτον εἶναι τὸν
/ f 7 κ ~ ~ ~
μέλλοντα βασιλεύειν. διαμαρτάνει δὲ τῆς TOD θεοῦ
Ud ~
προνοίας" ἐπερωτήσαντι yap αὐτὸν εἰ χρίσει TH
3 ᾽ὔ Α ’ὔ 3 Α “
ἐλαίῳ τὸν νεανίσκον ὃν αὐτός ἐτεθαυμάκει' καὶ τῆς
: / » ” 2 Α 3 A 7
βασιλείας ἄξιον ἔκρινεν, οὐ τὰ αὐτὰ βλέπειν
> , 4 A ᾽ cc 5 Α A A 3 A
ἀνθρώπους εἶπε Kat θεόν" “ ἀλλὰ σὺ μὲν εἰς τὸ
κάλλος ἀπιδὼν τοῦ νεανίσκου καὶ δὴ τοῦτον ἡγῇ
ἀξιον τοῦ βασιλεύειν εἶναι, ἐγὼ δ᾽ οὐ σωμάτων
εὐμορφίας ἔπαθλον ποιοῦμαι τὴν βασιλείαν ἀλλὰ
ψυχῶν ἀρετῆς, καὶ ζητῶ ὃ ὅστις ταύτης" ἐστὶ τελέως
εὐπρεπής, εὐσεβείᾳ καὶ δικαιοσύνῃ καὶ ἀνδρείᾳ καὶ
πειθοῖ, ἐξ ὧν τὸ τῆς ψυχῆς συνίσταται κάλλος,
κατακεκοσμημένος.᾽᾽ ταῦτα φράσαντος τοῦ θεοῦ
“ο 3 “A ‘ τυ
πάντας ἐκέλευσεν αὐτῷ τὸν ᾿Ιεσσαῖον τοὺς υἱοὺς
3 “ ~ Σ 3 ᾽
ἐπιδεῖξαι Σαμουῆλος: ὁ δὲ πέντε ἄλλους ἐποίησεν
“- oe /
ἐλθεῖν, ὧν ὁ μὲν πρεσβύτερος ᾿Βλίαβος, ὁ dev-
3 7 NV Ἃ ς , ¢ 7
τερος ᾿Αμινάδαβος, Napados ὁ τρίτος, ὁ τέταρτος
Ναθαναῆλ t “Ράηλος ὁ πέ καλεῖ 3 δὲ
ῆλος, καὶ “Pandos ὁ πέμπτος ἐκαλεῖτο, ὁ δέ
ἕκτος ᾿Ασαμος. ἰδὼν δὲ καὶ τούτους ὁ προφήτης
μηδὲν χείρους τοῦ πρεσβυτέρου" ταῖς “μορφαῖς ἐπ-
ηρώτησε τὸν θεὸν τίνα τούτων αἱρεῖται βασιλέα.
εἰπόντος δ᾽ οὐδένα, πυνθάνεται τοῦ ᾿Ϊεσσαίου, μὴ
\ ~ a /
πρὸς τούτοις αὐτῷ καὶ ἄλλοι παῖδές εἰσι. φήσαντος
/ Α Α ra
δὲ εἶναι Aavidyy’ τοὔνομα, ποιμαίνειν δὲ καὶ τῆς
1 αὐτός τε θαυμάζει RO.
ταύτῃ Cocceji: ταύτην Ernesti.
τ 3. Ἰαλίαβος RO. "
4 πρεσβυτάτου Niese. δ Δαβίδην RO et sic infra.
@ His name, Eliab, is given below, § 161.
> These virtues, perhaps intended to correspond to the
246
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 158-163
he beheld his eldest son,? well-grown and fair, he
surmised from his comeliness that this was the
destined king. But he mistook God’s design ; for,
when he asked Him whether he should anoint with
the oil this young man whom he himself had admired
and accounted worthy of the kingship, He replied
that men and God see not the same things. “ Nay,
thou, looking upon this young man’s beauty, thinkest
none other than him worthy to be king ; but I make
not of the kingdom a prize for comeliness of body,
but for virtue of soul, and I seek one who in full
measure is distinguished by this, one adorned with
piety, justice, fortitude and obedience, qualities ®
whereof beauty of soul consists.’”” When God had
thus spoken, Samuel bade Jesse bring all his sons
before him, and he caused five 5 others to appear.
The eldest was called Eliab, the second Aminadab,?
the third Samal,¢ the fourth Nathanael, the fifth
Rael,f and the sixth Asam.g The prophet, seeing
these to be in no way inferior to the eldest in appear-
ance, asked God which among them He chose for
king. When God answered, “ None,’ he inquired
of Jesse whether he had yet other children. He said
that he had one named David, but that he was a
Platonic-Stoic cardinal virtues, are, of course, not specified
in Scripture.
¢ 1 Sam. xvi. 10 (ef. xvii. 12) mentions seven sons excluding
David, and the chapter gives the names of only the three
eldest ; the others’ names are supplied from 1 Chron. ii. 13 ff.
which tells us that there were seven sons altogether.
¢ So txx ; Heb. Abinadab.
e las Shammah (Chron. Shim‘a), xx Laud (v.l. Σαμαά
ΚΤΝ.).
7 Bibl. Raddai, txx Zaddai (v.l. Ζαβδαί, ᾿Ῥαδδαί), Luc.
Penal.
° Bibl. Ozem (Heb. "Osem), υχχ Ασομ, Luc. “Acaz,
VOL. V R 947
104
166
JOSEPHUS
,
τῶν βοσκημάτων φυλακῆς ἐπιμελεῖσθαι, κελεύει
>
καλεῖν αὐτὸν ἐν τάχει' κατακλιθῆναι γὰρ εἰς
εὐωχίαν οὐκ εἶναι, δυνατὸν αὐτοῖς ἐκείνου μὴ
παρόντος. ὡς δ᾽ ἧκεν ὁ Δαυίδης μεταπεμφθεὶς
ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρός, παῖς ξαυθὸς μὲν τὴν χρόαν γοργὸς
δὲ τὰς ὄψεις καὶ καλὸς ἄλλως “ οὗτός ἐστιν,
εἰπὼν ἡσυχῇ πρὸς αὑτὸν Σαμουῆλος, “᾿ ὁ βασιλεύειν
~ ~ f
apéoas τῷ θεῷ, κατακλίνεται μὲν αὐτός, KaTa-
’, > e ᾽ “ \ \ ? ἣ \ 3 a
κλίνει δ᾽ ὑφ᾽ αὑτὸν Tov νεανίσκον Kat Tov ‘leaoatov
‘\ ~ / , ~ ~
ετὰ Kal τῶν παίδων. ἔπειτα λαβὼν ὁρῶντος τοῦ
, \ » 3 ,ὔ > ’ \ \ \ A
Δαυίδου τὸ ἔλαιον ἀλείφει τ᾽ αὐτὸν Kat πρὸς TO
> > “ ἃς \ , an? ¢ ,
οὖς ἠρέμα λαλεῖ καὶ σημαίνει τοῦθ᾽, ὅτι βασιλεύειν
αὐτὸν ὁ θεὸς ἥρηται. παρήνει δ᾽ εἶναι δίκαιον καὶ
κατήκοον αὐτοῦ τῶν προσταγμάτων" οὕτως γὰρ
αὐτῷ “παραμενεῖν τὴν βασιλείαν εἰς πολὺν χρόνον
καὶ τὸν οἶκον λαμπρὸν καὶ περιβόητον γενήσεσθαι,
καταστρέψεσθαιξ δὲ καὶ IlaAatotivous, καὶ οἷς ἂν
, “- ~ ~
ἔθνεσι πολεμῇ νικῶντα καὶ περιόντα TH μάχῃ
᾽ὔ > é ~ ~
κλέος ἀοίδιμον ζῶντά τε ἕξειν καὶ τοῖς μετ᾽ αὐτὸν
ἀπολείψειν.
(2) Kat Σαμουῆλος μὲν ἀπαλλάσσεται ταῦτα
Ἁ Ἁ \ QO
mapauéoas, πρὸς δὲ Tov Δαυίδην μεταβαίνει τὸ
a A ~
θεῖον καταλιπὸν Laodrov. Kat ὁ μὲν προφητεύειν
ἤρξατο τοῦ θείου πνεύματος εἰς αὐτὸν μετοικισα-
μένου" τὸν Σαοῦλον δὲ περιήρχετο πάθη τινὰ καὶ
δαιμόνια πνιγμοὺς αὐτῷ καὶ στραγγάλας ἐπι-
ς
φέροντα, ws τοὺς ἰατροὺς ἄλλην μὲν αὐτῷ θερα-
td - ᾽
πείαν μὴ ἐπινοεῖν, εἰ δέ τίς Seri e€ddew δυνάμενος
\ ’ ᾽ A ’ὔ ~ > / ’
καὶ ψάλλειν ἐπὶ κινύρᾳ τοῦτον ἐκέλευσαν ζητή-
1 Dindorf: παραμένειν. . . γενέσθαι codd.
2 ed. pri: καταστρέψασθαι MSP.
41 Sam. xvi. 12 “ with beautiful eyes.”
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 163-166
shepherd and busied with keeping the flocks ; whereat
Samuel bade him call him in haste, for it was not
possible for them to sit down to the feast without
him. Now so soon as David appeared at his father’s
summons,—a lad of ruddy colour, with piercing ¢ eyes
and in other ways handsome,—* This,” said Samuel
softly to himself,® “is he whom it has pleased God
to make king ” 5 and he sat himself down and made
the youth sit beside him, and then Jesse with his
other sons. Then, in the sight of David, he took the
oil and anointed him and spoke low into his ear, ex-
plaining that God had chosen him to be king. He
also exhorted © him to be righteous and obedient to
His commandments, for so would the kingship long
eontinue to be his, and his house would become
splendid and renowned ; he would subdue the Phil-
istines and, victorious and triumphant over al! nations
with whom he might wage war, he would in his life-
time attain glorious fame and bequeath it to his
posterity.
(2) So, after these exhortations, Samuel went his
way,? and the Deity abandoned Saul and passed over
to David, who, when the divine spirit had removed
to him, began to prophesy. But as for Saul, he was
beset by strange disorders and evil spirits which
caused him such suffocation 7 and strangling that the
physicians 2 could devise no other remedy save to
order search to be made for one with power to charm
away spirits and to play upon the harp, and, whenso-
In Scripture, God prompts Samuel to recognize David.
The exhortation is unseriptural, ¢Po-kamah.
Scripture does not say that David prophesied.
f After the txx of 1 Sam. xvi. Lb ἔπνιγεν: Heb. has
simply “‘ troubled.”
9 Bibl. “ the servants of Saul.”
ao oO
249
Samuel
anoints
David.
1 Sam. xvi
»
we
Saul takes
David as his
musician
and armours
bearer,
1 Sam. xvi.
18.
107
108
109
170
JOSEPHUS
σαντας, ὁπόταν αὐτῷ προσίῃ; τὰ δαιμόνια Kal
,ὔ 2 aA ξ \ a“ ͵ 7
ταράττῃ," ποιεῖν ὑπὲρ κεφαλῆς στάντα ψάλλειν τε
καὶ τοὺς ὕμνους ἐπιλέγειν. ὁ δὲ οὐκ ἠμέλησεν,
3 A a 7 “- Μ
ἀλλὰ ζητεῖσθαι προσέταξε τοιοῦτον ἀνθρωπον"
φήσαντος δέ τινος αὐτῷ τῶν παρόντων ἐν Βηθ-
λεέμῃ πόλει τεθεᾶσθαι ᾿Ιεσσαίου μὲν υἱὸν ἔτι
“A A ς / ΟῚ “~ A A \ 7
παῖδα τὴν ἡλικίαν, εὐπρεπῆ δὲ καὶ καλὸν τά τε
ἄλλα σπουδῆς ἀξιον καὶ δὴ καὶ ψάλλειν εἰδότα
καὶ adew ὕμνους καὶ πολεμιστὴν ἄκρον, πέμψας
‘ “A “A
πρὸς τὸν ᾿ΙΪεσσαῖον ἐκέλευσεν ἀποστέλλειν αὐτῷ
τὸν Δαυίδην τῶν ποιμνίων ἀποσπάσαντα: βού-
λεσθαι γὰρ αὐτὸν ἰδεῖν, περὶ τῆς εὐμορφίας καὶ
τῆς ἀνδρείας ἀκούσας τοῦ νεανίσκου. ὁ δὲ
᾿Ιεσσαῖος πέμπει τὸν υἱὸν καὶ ξένια δοὺς κομίσαι
“" 7 > / A Ὁ ‘ / €
τῷ LaovrAw. ἐλθόντι δὲ ἥσθη καὶ ποιήσας ὅπλο-
φόρον διὰ πάσης ἦγε" τιμῆς" ἐξήδετο γὰρ ὑπ᾽
αὐτοῦ καὶ πρὸς τὴν ἀπὸ τῶν δαιμονίων ταραχήν,
ὁπότε αὐτῷ ταῦτα προσέλθοι, μόνος ἰατρὸς ἦν
λέγων τε τοὺς ὕμνους καὶ ψάλλων ἐν τῇ κινύρᾳ
καὶ ποιῶν ἑαυτοῦ γίνεσθαι τὸν Naoddov. πέμπει
τοίνυν πρὸς τὸν πατέρα τοῦ παιδὸς ᾿Ϊεσσαῖον ἐᾶσαι
3 3 “ \ , / Ὁ, A 9 ~
παρ᾽ αὐτῷ τὸν Aautdny κελεύων: ἥδεσθαι yap αὐτῷ
βλεπομένῳ καὶ παρόντι: τὸν δ᾽ οὐκ ἀντειπεῖν' τῷ
Σαούλῳ, συγχωρῆσαι δὲ κατέχειν.
(ix. 1) Χρόνοις δ᾽ ὕστερον οὐ πολλοῖς οἱ Παλαι-
στῖνοι πάλιν συνελθόντες καὶ δύναμιν ἀθροίσαντες
μεγάλην ἐπίασι τοῖς ᾿Ισραηλίταις καὶ μεταξὺ
Σ ωχοῦς καὶ ᾿Αζηκοῦς" καταλαμβανόμενοι στρατο-
1 προσίοι SPE. 2 ταράττοι codd. E.
3. εἶχε MSP.
4 γὸν δ᾽ οὐκ ἀντ. ὁ δὲ οὐκ ὃν ἀντειπεῖν Holwerda.
5 RO: συνεχώρησε MSP (+ δὴ Holwerda).
® Azeca Lat.
250
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 166-170
ever the evil spirits should assail and torment Saul, to
have him stand over the king and strike the strings
and chant his songs. Saul did not neglect this advice,
but ordered search to be made for such aman. And
when one of those present said that he had seen in
the city of Bethlehem a son of Jesse, a mere boy in
years, but of pleasing and fair appearance and in
other ways worthy of regard, who was, moreover,
skilled in playing on the harp and in the singing of
songs, and an excellent soldier, Saul sent to Jesse and
ordered him to take David from the floeks and send
him to him; he wished, he said, to see the young
man, having heard of his comeliness and valour. So
Jesse sent his son, also giving him presents to carry
to Saul. When he came, Saul was delighted with
him, made him his armour-bearer and held him in
the highest honour, for his illness was charmed away
by him; and against that trouble caused by the evil
spirits, whensoever they assailed him, he had no
other physician than David, who, by singing his songs
and playing upon the harp, restored Saul to himself.
He accordingly sent to Jesse, the lad’s father, desir-
ing him to leave David with him, since the sight of
the boy and his presence gave him pleasure. Jesse
would not gainsay Saul, but permitted him to keep
David.
(ix. 1) Not long afterwards the Philistines again Goliath |
assembled and mustered a great force, and marched ie Maes
against the Israelites; oecupying the ground be- to combat.
— Ἐπ τς Ξ ε : | San.
tween Soehiis α and Aztkis ὃ they established their xvii. 1.
@ Bibl. Sochoh (A.V. Shochoh), rxx Σοκχώθ,
’ Bibl. Azekah. Both places are in the valley of Elah
(1 Sam. xvii. 2) on the border of Judah and VPhilistia, about
15 miles due W. of Bethlehem.
251
171
172
173
JOSEPHUS
/ 3 ’ὔ 3 > A A \
πεδεύονται. ἀντεπεξάγει δ᾽ αὐτοῖς τὴν στρατιὰν
καὶ Σαοῦλος καὶ ἐπί τινος ὄρους στρατοπεδευ-
/ ~
σάμενος ἀναγκάζει τοὺς [᾿αλαιστίνους τὸ μὲν πρῶτον
στρατόπεδον καταλιπεῖν, ὁμοίως δ᾽ ἐπί τινος ὄρους
3 ~ ~
ἀντικρὺ τοῦ καταληφθέντος ὑπὸ τοῦ LaovdAov
, , 202 2» 9 5 , ‘
στρατοπεδεύσασθαι. διέστησε" δ᾽ ἀπ᾽ ἀλλήλων τὰ
στρατόπεδα μέσος αὐλὼν τῶν ὁρῶν ἐφ᾽ ὧν ἦν.
5 - - :
καταβὰς οὖν τις τῶν ἐκ τοῦ IlaAaotivwy στρατο-
, ’ ,» , \ , > A
médov, Lodtafos® ὄνομα πόλεως δὲ Γύττης, ἀνὴρ
παμμεγεθέστατος: ἦν γὰρ πηχῶν τεσσάρων καὶ
σπιθαμῆς, ὅπλα τῇ φύσει τοῦ σώματος ἀναλογοῦντα
περικείμενος" θώρακα μὲν γὰρ ἐνεδέδυτο σταθμὸν
ἄγοντα πέντε χιλιάδας σίκλων, κόρυθα δὲ καὶ
~ ion A ¢
κνημῖδας χαλκέας ὁποίας εἰκὸς ἦν ἀνδρὸς οὕτω
, \ / , , 4 , \
παραδόξου τὸ μέγεθος σκεπάσαι μέλη, δόρυ δὲ
> 3 ~ / ~ 3 3 3 A ~ ”
ἣν οὐ κοῦφον βάσταγμα δεξιᾶς, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ τῶν ὥμων
αὐτὸ αἴρων ἔφερεν, εἶχε δὲ καὶ λόγχην ἑξακοσίων
f ef \ A / A Ὁ
σίκλων, εἵποντο δὲ πολλοὶ βαστάζοντες τὰ ὅπλα:
στὰς τοίνυν ὁ Τολίαθος οὗτος μεταξὺ τῶν παρα-
τάξεων βοήν τε ἀφίησι μεγάλην καὶ πρὸς τὸν
aodAov καὶ τοὺς “Ἑβραίους λέγει" " ᾿μάχης μὲν
ὑμᾶς καὶ κινδύνων ἀπαλλάττω: τίς γὰρ ἀνάγκη
τὴν στρατιὰν ὑμῶν συμπεσοῦσαν κακοπαθεῖν;
¢ \ a ~ 7 \
δότε δ᾽ ὅστις ἐμοὶ μαχεῖται τῶν ὑμετέρων, Kal
“- ¢ 7 ~
βραβευθήσεται τὰ τοῦ πολέμου" Evi’ TH νενικηκότι'"
1 δ' ἐπί τινος Niese: δέ τινος RO: ἐπὶ ὁμοίου δέ τινος MSP.
2 διέστη ROL: διίστη Niese.
3. Ῥολιάθης codd., sed infra Ρολίαθος codd. plur.
4 Niese ex Lat.: μέρη codd. 5 SP: ἡμῶν rell.
6 τὸ τοῦ πολέμου τέλος MSP.
7. ἑνὶ εχ Lat.: ἐν codd.
5 Josephus infers from 1 Sam. xvii. 3, mentioning ἃ moun-
252
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 170-173
camp there. Saul, on his side, led out his army
against them, and, having pitched his camp on a
certain mountain, forced the Philistines to abandon
their first camp? and to take up a similar position on
another mountain over against that which he had
occupied himsclf. The two camps were separated
by a valley between the hills on which they lay.
And now there came down from the camp of the
Philistines one by name Goliath, of the city of Gitta,
a man of gigantic stature. For he measured four ὃ
cubits and a span, and was clad in armour propor-
tioned to his frame. He wore a breastplate weighing
5000 shekels, with a helmet and greaves of bronze
such as were meet to protect the limbs of a man of
such prodigious size. His spear was not light enough
to be borne in the right hand, but he carried it
elevated on his shoulders ; he had also a spear weigh-
ing 600 shekels,° and many followed him, carrying
his armour.? Standing, then, between the opposing
forces, this Goliath ¢ gave a mighty shout and said to
Saul and the Hebrew ea | hereby deliver you from
battle and its perils. For what necd is there for your ὅ
troops to join arms and to suffer heavy losses ? Give
me one of your men to fight with me, and the issue
of the war shall be ΡΞ ΒΕ} by the single victor, and to
tain for the first time, that the Philistines had changed their
camp.
> So most mss. of the txx; Heb. and txx A have “ six.
The figures here given equal about 6 ft. 8 in.
¢ Or‘ and it had a head weighing 600 shekels ᾿ς whether
the whole spear or the spearhead alone weighed 600 shekels
is not clear either from the Heb. or txx of 1 Sam. xvii. 7.
The latter, like Josephus, has λόγχη, which means cither
“spear” or ‘* spearhead.”
ὦ Bibl. “ and his shield-bearer went before him.”
Variant “our.”
253
JOSEPHUS
, A 53 A “ €- 27 tT Ἃ e
δουλεύσουσι γὰρ ἐκεῖνοι τοῖς ἑτέροις, ὧν ἂν ὁ
νικήσας γένηται: πολὺ δὲ κρεῖττον οἶμαι' καὶ
é Ἐπ. , A Δ /
σωφρονέστατον ἑνὸς κινδύνῳ λαβεῖν ὃ βούλεσθε
l δ Pe παν 9? ~ > SAN > , > \
iA TW ἀπαντῶν. ταῦτ ELTWY ἀνεχώρησεν εἰς TO
175
176
177
1
8
TOV οἰκείων στρατόπεδον. Τῇ δ᾽ ἐχομένῃ πάλιν
ἐλθὼν τοὺς αὐτοὺς ἐποιήσατο λόγους καὶ μέχρι
τεσσαράκοντα ἡμερῶν οὐ διέλειπε προκαλούμενος
ἐπὶ τοῖς προειρημένοις τοὺς πολεμίους, ὡς κατα-
πλαγῆναι αὐτόν τε τὸν Σιαοῦλον καὶ τὴν στρατιάν.
καὶ παρετάσσοντο μὲν ὡς εἰς μάχην, οὐκ ἤρχοντο
δὲ εἰς χεῖρας.
(2 ) Tod δὲ πολέμου συνεστηκότος τοῖς “Ἑβραίοις
καὶ τοῖς Ἰ]αλαιστίνοις Σαοῦλος ἀπέλυσε τὸν
Δαυίδην πρὸς τὸν πατέρα ᾿Ϊεσσαῖον ἀρκούμενος
αὐτοῦ τοῖς τρισὶν υἱοῖς, οὗς ἐπὶ συμμαχίαν καὶ
τοὺς κινδύνους ἔπεμψεν. ὁ δὲ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἐπὶ
τὰ ποίμνια πάλιν καὶ τὰς νομὰς τῶν βοσκημάτων
παραγίνεται, μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ δὲ ἔρχεται εἰς τὸ στρα-
τόπεδον τῶν Ἑβραίων πεμφθεὶς ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς
κομίσαι τε τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς ἐφόδια καὶ γνῶναι τί
πράττουσι. τοῦ δὲ Τολιάθου πάλιν ἐλθόντος καὶ
προκαλουμένου καὶ ὀνειδίζοντος ὅτι μηδείς ἐστιν
ἀνδρεῖος ἐν αὐτοῖς, ὃς εἰς μάχην αὐτῷ τολμᾷ κατα-
βῆναι, μεταξὺ τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς ὁμιλῶν Aavidns περὶ
ὧν ἐπέστειλεν ὁ πατήρ, ἀκούσας βλασφημοῦντος
τὴν στρατιὰν καὶ κακίζοντος τοῦ Ἰ[αλαιστίνου
ἠγανάκτησε καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς αὐτοῦ εἶπεν
ἑτοίμως ἔχειν μονομαχῆσαι τῷ πολεμίῳ. πρὸς
τοῦθ᾽ ὁ πρεσβύτατος τῶν ἀδελφῶν. ᾿Ελίαβος" ἐπ-
ἔπληξεν αὐτῷ, τολμηρότερον παρ᾽ ἡλικίαν καὶ
ἀμαθῆ τοῦ προσήκοντος εἰπών, ἐκέλευσέ τε πρὸς
τὰ ποίμνια καὶ τὸν πατέρα βαδίζειν. κατ-
254:
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 173-178
the people of the vietor the other side shall be slaves.
It is far better, I think, and more prudent to attain
your end by the hazard of one man’s life rather than
ofall.’”’ Having so spoken he retired to his own camp.
On the morrow he came again and delivered the same
speeeh, and so, for forty days, he did not cease to
challenge his enemies in these same terms, to the
utter dismay both of Saul and his army. And though
they remained drawn up as for battle, they never
came to close quarters.
(2) Now, on the outbreak of the war between the
Hebrews and the Philistines, Saul had sent David
away to his father Jesse, being content with the
latter’s three sons whom he had sent to share the
dangers of the campaign. David then returned at
first to his flocks and cattle-pastures, but before long
visited the camp of the Hebrews, being sent by his
father to earry provisions to his brothers and to learn
how they fared. Now when Goliath came again,
challenging and taunting the Hebrews with not
having among them a man brave enough to venture
down to fight with him, David was talking with his
brothers about the matters wherewith his father had
charged him, and hearing the Philistine reviling and
abusing their army, he became indignant and said to
his brothers that he was ready to meet this adversary
in single combat. ‘Thereat the eldest of his brothers,
Eliab, rebuked him, telling him that he was bolder
than became his years and ignorant of what was
fitting, and bade him be off to the flocks and to his
1 Bekker: εἶναι codd.
2 Niese: τῶν ἁπάντων RO: τῷ πάντων SP,
3 MSP: ᾿Ιάναβος RO: Aminadab Lat.
259
xvii. 16.
David asks
Saul for
permission
to fight
Goliath.
1 Sam. xvib
13.
179
180
18]
182
189
JOSEPHUS
αιδεσθεὶς δὲ τὸν ἀδελφὸν ὑπεχώρησε Kal πρός
τινας τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἀπελάλησεν ὅτι θέλοι μάχε-
σθαι τῷ προκαλουμένῳ. δηλωσάντων δ᾽ εὐθὺς τῷ
Σ αούλῳ τὴν τοῦ νεανίσκου προαίρεσιν μεταπέμ-
πεται αὐτὸν ὁ βασιλεύς, καὶ πυθομένου τί βούλε-
ται λέγει' “ μὴ ταπεινὸν ἔστω τὸ φρόνημα μηδ᾽
εὐλαβές, ὦ βασιλεῦ᾽ καθαιρήσω γὰρ ἐγὼ τὴν
ἀλαζονείαν τοῦ πολεμίου χωρήσας αὐτῷ διὰ μάχης
καὶ τὸν ὑψηλὸν καὶ μέγαν ὑπ᾽ ἐμαυτῷ βαλών.
γένοιτο μὲν ἂν αὐτὸς οὕτως καταγέλαστος, ἔνδοξον
δὲ τὸ σὸν στ τράτευμα, εἰ μηδ᾽ ὑπ᾽ ἀνδρὸς πολεμεῖν
ἤδη δυναμένου καὶ πιστευομένου παράταξιν καὶ
μάχας, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὸ παιδὸς ἔτι δοκοῦντος καὶ ταύτην
ἔχοντος τὴν ἡλικίαν ἀποθάνοι."
(3) Τοῦ δὲ Σαούλου τὸ μὲν τολμηρὸν αὐτοῦ καὶ
τὴν εὐψυχίαν θαυμάζοντος, οὐ θαρροῦντος δὲ ἐπ᾽
αὐτῷ διὰ τὴν ἡλικίαν, GAN ἀσθενέστερον εἶναι διὰ
ταύτην πρὸς εἰδότα πολεμεῖν μάχεσθαι λέγοντος,
ταῦτ € εἶπε Δαυίδης, “ ἐπαγγέλλομαι τῷ θεῷ
θαρρῶν ὄντι μετ᾽ ἐμοῦ: πεπείραμαι γὰρ αὐτοῦ τῆς
βοηθείας. λέοντα γὰρ ἐπελθόντα μού ποτε τοῖς
ποιμνίοις καὶ ἁρπάσαντα ἄρνα διώξας καταλαμ-
βάνω καὶ τὸν μὲν ἄρνα τοῦ" στόματος ἐξαρπάζω
τοῦ θηρός, αὐτὸν δ᾽ ὁρμήσαντα ἐπ᾽ ἐμὲ τῆς οὐρᾶς
βαστάσας καὶ προσρήξας τῇ γῇ διαφθείρω. ταὐτὸ
ἐ καὶ “ἄρκτον ἀμυνόμενος διατί θεμαι. νομιζέσθω
δὴ καὶ ὁ πολέμιος ἐκείνων εἶναι τῶν θηρίων,
ὀνειδίζων ἐ ἐκ πολλοῦ τὴν στρατιὰν καὶ βλασφημῶν
ἡμῶν τὸν θεόν, ὃς αὐτὸν ὑποχείριον ἐμοὶ θήσει.
1 Niese: (καὶ) λέγειν codd. 2 +elrev SP.
3 ἐκ τοῦ MSPE.
256
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 178-183
father. Out of respect for his brother David with-
drew, but gave out to some of the soldiers that he
wished to fight with the challenger. As they straight-
way reported the lad’s resolve to Saul, the king sent
for him; and David, when asked by him w hat he
wished, said, “ Let not thy spirit be downcast nor
fearful, O King, for I will bring down the presumption
of the foe by joining battle with him and throwing
this mighty 4 giant down before me. Thus would he
be made a laughing- stock, and thine army have the
more glory, should She be slain, not by a grown man
fit for war and entrusted with the command of battles,
but by one to all appearance and in truth no older
than poy. Ὁ
(3) Saul admired the lad’s daring and courage, but
could not place full confidence in him by reason of
his years, because of which, he said, he was too feeble
to fight with a skilled warrior. ‘‘ These promises,”
replied David, “1 make in the assurance that God
is with me ; for I have alrcady had proof of His aid.
Once when a lion attacked my flocks and carried off
a lamb, I pursued and eaught him and snatched the
lamb from the beast’s jaws. and, when he sprang upon
me, lifted him by the tail and killed him by dashing
him upon the ground And I did the very same
thing in battle with abear. Let this enemy then be
reckoned even as one of those wild beasts, so long
has he insulted our army and blasphemed our God,
who will deliver him into my hands.”
4 Or “‘lofty-vaunting,” as Professor Capps suggests.
> The last part of David’s speech is an amphiication of
Seripture.
51 Sam. xvii. 35 “1 seized him by the beard (Lxx and
Targum “ throat”? or “jaws ’’) and struek him and killed
him.”
257
David
answers
Saul’s
doubts.
1 Sam. xvii,
88.
184
186
187
JOSEPHUS
(4) Τῇ προθυμίᾳ τοιγαροῦν καὶ τῇ τόλμῃ τοῦ
παιδὸς ὅμοιον γενέσθαι τέλος παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ
Σαοῦλος εὐξάμενος ‘aml,’ φησί, “ πρὸς τὴν
μάχην.᾽᾿ καὶ περιθεὶς αὐτῷ τὸν αὑτοῦ θώρακα
καὶ περιζώσας τὸ ξίφος καὶ περικεφαλαίαν ἀρ-
μόσας ἐξέπεμψεν. 20 δὲ Δαυίδης βαρυνόμενος ὑπὸ
τῶν ὅπλων, οὐκ ἐγεγύμναστο γὰρ οὐδ᾽ ἐμεμαθήκει
φέρειν Nes “ταῦτα μέν, ” εἶπεν, “᾿ ὦ βασιλεῦ,
σὸς ἔστω κόσμος τοῦ καὶ βαστάζειν δυναμένου,
συγχώρησον δὲ ὡς δούλῳ σου καὶ ὡς ἐγὼ βούλομαι
μαχεσθῆναι.᾽᾿ τίθησιν οὖν τὰ ὅπλα καὶ τὴν βακτη-
ρίαν ἀράμενος καὶ πέντε λίθους ἐκ τοῦ χειμάρ-
ρου βαλὼν εἰς τὴν πήραν τὴν ποιμενικὴν καὶ
σφενδόνην ἐν τῇ δεξιᾷ χειρὶ φέρων ἐπὶ τὸν Γολίαθον
ἐπορεύετο. καταφρονεῖ δὲ οὕτως ἰδὼν αὐτὸν ὁ
πολέμιος ἐρχόμενον καὶ προσέσκωψεν, ὡς οὐχ οἷα
πρὸς ἀνθρωπονἦ ὅπλα νενόμισται ταῦτ᾽ ἔχων μέλλοι
μάχεσθαι, οἷς δὲ κύνας ἀπελαύνομεν καὶ φυλασ-
σόμεθα. μὴ αὐτὸν ἀντὶ ἀνθρώπου κύνα εἶναι
δοκεῖ; ὁ δ᾽ οὐχὶ τοιοῦτον ἀλλὰ καὶ χείρω κυνὸς
αὐτὸν νομίζειν ἀπεκρίνατο. κινεῖ δὲ πρὸς ὀργὴν
τὸν Γολίαθον, καὶ ἀρὰς αὐτῷ τίθεται ἐκ τῆς
προσηγορίας τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ δώσειν ἠπείλησε τὰς
σάρκας αὐτοῦ τοῖς ἐπιγείοις καὶ τοῖς μεταρσίοις
διασπάσασθαι: ἀμείβεται δ᾽ αὐτὸν ὁ Aavidns: “ σὺ
μὲν ἐπέρχῃ μοι ἐν ῥομφαίᾳ καὶ δόρατι καὶ θώρακι,
ἐγὼ ὲ χωρῶν ἐπὶ σὲ τὸν θεὸν ὥπλισμαι, ὃς σέ τε
καὶ τὴν πᾶσαν ὑμῶν στρατιὰν χερσὶ ταῖς ἡμετέραις
διολέσει. καρατομήσω μὲν γάρ σε σήμερον καὶ τὸ
2 SP: ἐξέπεμπεν ME: ἔπεμψεν RO,
2 ἀνθρώπων Nicse (ex Lat. hominum),
258
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 184-187
(4) So then Saul, praying that the lad’s zeal and David goes
hardihood might be rew arded by God with a like ΠῚ νὴ
success, said, % Go forth to battle.” And he clad Re ec
him in his own breastplate, girt his sword about him, 37.
fitted a helmet upon his head and so sent him out.
But David was weighed down by this armour, for he
had not been trained nor taught to wear armour, and
said, ‘‘ Let this fine apparel be for thee, O King, for
thou indeed art able to wear it,? but suffer me, as thy
servant, to fight just as I will.”” Accordingly he laid
down the armour and, taking up his staff, he put five
stones from the brook into his shepherd’s wallet, and
with a sling in his right hand advanced against
Goliath. The enemy, seeing him approaching in
this manner, showed his scorn, and derided him for
coming to fight, not with such weapons as men are
accustomed to use against other men, but with those
wherewith we drive away and keep off dogs. Or did
he perhaps take him for a dog, and not a man?
“No, replied David, “ not even for a dog, but some-
thing still worse.’’* This roused Goliath’s anger,
and he called down curses upon him in his god’s name
and threatened to give his flesh to the beasts of earth
and the birds of heaven to rend asunder. But David
answered him, “ Thou comest against me with sword,
spear and breastplate, but I, in coming against thee,
have God for my armour, who will destroy both thee
and all your host by our hands. Tor I will this day
41 Sam. xvii. 37 ‘Go forth and may the Lord be with
thee.”’ Weill’s note, ‘‘in the Bible this prayer is put in
David's mouth,” overlooks the fact that David's brief prayer
for deliverance is given by Josephus in the preceding sent-
enee. Here he is amplifying Saul’s blessing just quoted.
δ Amplification.
¢ So the rxx ; this reply is not found in the Hebrew.
259
JOSEPHUS
ἄλλο σῶμα τοῖς ὁμοφύλοις κυσὶ παραβαλῶ, μαθή-
Pa , ~
σονται δὲ πάντες ὅτι προέστηκεν ‘IBpatwy τὸ θεῖον
καὶ ὅπλα ἡμῖν καὶ ἰσχὺς τοῦτ᾽ ἔστι κηδόμενον,
ἡ δ᾽ ἀλλη παρασκευὴ καὶ δύναμις ἀνωφελὴς
188 θεοῦ μὴ παρόντος. ὁ δὲ [Π]αλαιστῖνος ὑπὸ βάρους
189
190
19]
~ ¢ 3 3 7 \ / > ᾽
τῶν ὅπλων εἰς ὠκύτητα καὶ δρόμον ἐμποδιζόμενος
βάδην ἐπὶ τὸν Δαυίδην παραγίνεται καταφρονῶν
καὶ πεποιθὼς γυμνὸν ὁμοῦ καὶ παῖδα ἔτι τὴν
ἡλικίαν ἀπόνως ἀναιρήσειν.
3 ~ \ “ ’ Ἁ “ \
(5) ᾿Απαντᾷ δὲ ὁ νεανίσκος μετὰ συμμάχου μὴ
βλεπομένου τῷ πολεμίῳ: θεὸς δ᾽ ἦν οὗτος. καὶ
ἀνελόμενος ἐκ τῆς πήρας ὧν εἰς αὐτὴν κατέθηκεν
ἐκ τοῦ χειμάρρου λίθον ἕνα καὶ ἁρμόσας τῇ σφεν-
, / ΟΝ | A , > \ ;
δόνῃ βάλλει ἐπὶ tov ToAtafov ets τὸ μέτωπον'
καὶ διῆλθεν ἕως τοῦ ἐγκεφάλου τὸ βληθέν, ὡς
3 3 4 “- \ ’ 9. ᾿
εὐθὺς καρωθέντα πεσεῖν τὸν Todiafov ἐπὶ τὴν
Y ‘ 3 2 ’ ~ ’ ?
ὄψιν. δραμὼν δ᾽ ἐφίσταται τῷ πολεμίῳ κειμένῳ
καὶ τῇ ῥομφαίᾳ τῇ ἐκείνου, μάχαιραν οὐκ ἔχων
αὐτός, ἀποτέμνει τὴν κεφαλὴν αὐτοῦ. πεσὼν δ᾽
a ,ὔ
ὁ Τολίαθος ἧττα καὶ φυγὴ γίνεται []αλαιστίνοις"
τὸν γὰρ δοκιμώτατον ἰδόντες ἐρριμμένον καὶ περὶ
~ a ’ὔ > 4 f , > 3
τῶν ὅλων δείσαντες οὐκέτι μένειν διέγνωσαν, ἀλλ
> ~ 2 ~
αἰσχρᾷ Kal ἀκόσμῳ φυγῇ παραδόντες ἑαυτοὺς
3 f ~ - 3 ~ ~ cy
eEapralew τῶν κινδύνων ἐπειρῶντο. Σαοῦλος δὲ
A ~ € “Ὰ id ᾽ὔ \ > 7 >
Kai πᾶς ὁ τῶν ‘EBpaiwy στρατὸς ἀλαλάξαντες ἐκ-
πηδῶσιν εἰς αὐτοὺς καὶ πολλοὺς ἀποσφάττοντες
διώκουσιν ἄχρι τῶν Tirryns ὁρίων καὶ τῶν πυλῶν
¢ 1 Sam. xvii. 46 “I will give the carcase of the camp
260
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 187-191
cut off thine head and fling thy carcase to the dogs,
thy fellows,? and all men ‘shall learn that Hebrews
have the Deity for their protection, and that He in
ΗΠ care for us is our armour and strength, and that
all other armament and force are unav ailing where
God is not.” And now the Philistine, impeded by
the weight of his armour from running more swiftly,
came on toward David at a slow pace,’ contemptuous
and confident of slaying without any trouble an
adversary at once Corie and of an age so youthful.
(5) But the youth advanced to the encounter,
accompanied by an ally invisible to the foe, and this
was God. Drawi ing from his wallet one of the stones
from the brook which he had put therein, and fitting
it to his sling, he shot it at Goliath, catching him in
the forehead, and the missile penetrated to the brain,
so that Goliath was instantly stunned and fell upon
his face. Then, running forward, David stood over
his prostrate foe and with the other's broadsword,
having no sword of his own, he cut off his head.
Goliath’s fall caused the defeat and rout of the Phil-
istines; for, seeing their best warrior laid low and
fearing a complete disaster, they resolved to remain
no longer, but sought to save themselves from danger
by ignominious and disorderly flight. But Saul and
the whole Hebrew army, with shouts of battle, sprang
upon them and with great carnage pursucd them
to the borders of Gitta ὁ and to the gates of Ascalon.4
of the Philistines to the birds of heaven, εἰς, Josephus
evidently read “ἢ thy carcase to the camp, etc.”
δ Unscriptural details.
e Dinh Gath.- τα; Si.
ἀ So the Lxx in the first occurrence of the name in 1 Sam.
xvii. 52; in the second part of the verse it agrees with the
Hebrew in reading Ekron.
261
David slays
Goliath ; the
Philistines
are routed.
1 Sam. XVil.
49,
102
193
194
JOSEPHUS
τῶν ᾿Ασκάλωνος. καὶ θνήσκουσι μὲν τῶν ΠΠἀλαι-
στίνων εἰς τρισμυρίους, δὶς δὲ τοσοῦτοι τραυματίαι
γίνονται. Σαοῦλος δὲ ὑποστρέψας εἰς τὸ στρατό-
πεδον αὐτῶν διαρπάζει τὸ χαράκωμα καὶ ἐνέπρησε'
τὴν κεφαλὴν δὲ Γολιάθου; Δαυίδης εἰς τὴν ἰδίαν
σκηνὴν ἐκόμισε καὶ τὴν ῥομφαίαν ἀνέθηκε τῷ θεῷ.
(x. 1) Φθόνον δὲ καὶ μῖσος τοῦ Σαούλου πρὸς
αὐτὸν αἱ γυναῖκες ἐρεθίζουσιν" ὑπαντῶσαι γὰρ τῇ
στρατιᾷ νικηφόρῳ μετὰ κυμβάλων καὶ τυμπάνων
καὶ παντοίας γαρᾶς ἦδον αἱ μὲν γυναῖκες, ὡς
πολλὰς Σαοῦλος ἀπώλεσε []αλαιστίνων χιλιάδας,
αἱ παρθένοι δέ, ὡς μυριάδας Δαυίδης ἀφανίσειε.
τούτων δὲ ἀκούων ὁ βασιλεύς, ὡς τὸ μὲν ἔλαττον
τῆς μαρτυρίας αὐτὸς λάβοι, τὸ δὲ τῶν μυριάδων
πλῆθος ἀνατεθείη τῷ νεανίσκῳ, καὶ λογισάμενος
μηδὲν οὕτω μετὰ λαμπρὰν εὐφημίαν ἢ τὴν βα-
σιλείαν ὑστερεῖν αὐτῷ, φοβεῖσθαι καὶ ὑποπτεύειν
ἤρξατο τὸν Δαυίδην. καὶ τῆς μὲν πρώτης τάξεως,
ἐπεὶ τῷ δέει πλησίον αὐτοῦ καὶ λίαν ἐγγὺς ἐδόκει,
ἐποίησε γὰρ αὐτὸν ὁπλοφόρον, μεταστήσας ἀπο-
δείκνυσι χιλίαρχον δοὺς αὐτῷ χώραν ἀμείνονα μὲν
ἀσφαλεστέραν: δὲ ὡς ἐνόμιζεν αὑτῷ" ἐβούλετο
1 RO: τὴν δὲ κεφαλὴν τοῦ I. rell.
2 σφαλερὰν SP. 8. Niese: αὐτῷ codd.
6 Unscriptural numbers,
> 1 Sam. xvii. 53 ‘‘ The Israelites returned from pursuing
the Philistines and plundered (χχ κατεπάτουν “ trampled
down ”’) their camp.”’ Perhaps Josephus took the Heb. root
dlq, ‘‘ pursue,” in its other sense “‘ burn ἢ (cf. Latin version
of Scripture, comburentes), or possibly read κατέκαιον instead
of κατεπάτουν.,
ὁ The reverse of Scripture, 1 Sam. xvii. 54 which reads
* And David took the head of the Philistine and brought it
to Jerusalem, but his armour he put in his tent.’ Later, in
262
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 192-195
Of the Philistines 30,0002 were slain and twice as
many wounded. Saul then returning to their camp
destroyed the palisade and set fire to it’; while
David carried the head of Goliath to his own tent
and dedicated his sword to God.¢
(x. 1)? But envy and hatred of David were now Sau! is made
aroused in Saul by the women. For they, coming shears
to meet the victorious army with cymbals, timbrels i ee
and every sign of rejoicing, sang, the elder women xviii. 8.
how Saul had slain many thousands of the Philistines,
but the maidens* how David had destroyed tens of
thousands. The king on hearing this, and how he
was given the lesser portion of the credit, while
the larger number, the myriads, was ascribed
to the youth, thought within himself that after so
splendid an acclamation nothing more was lacking
to David save the kingship, and now began to
fear him and to regard him with suspicion. So he
removed him from his former station—for he had
made him his armour-bearer—since in his alarm he
thought this far too close to his person, and appointed
him captain of a thousand, thus giving him a better
post, but one, as he thought, safer for himself.7 For
§ 244, Josephus tells us, in accordance with Scripture,
1 Sam. xxi. 9 (10), that David had dedicated Goliath’s sword
to God in the temple at Nob.
4 Josephus, with many mss. of the Lxx, omits the pre-
sentation of David by Abner and the covenant with Jonathan
which follow immediately upon the close of the battle,
1 Sam. xvili. 1-4.
¢ Seripture does not distinguish the women by age.
7 Gr. “ chiliarch.”’ In the Hebrew this change is made
after Saul’s attack on David while playing the harp, 1 Sam.
xviii. 10-11. Josephus omits the incident, as do many Mss.
of the Lxx.
9 Variant ‘* more treacherous for him (David).”
VOL. V 5 263
100
197
198
199
200
JOSEPAUS
γὰρ εἰς τοὺς πολεμίους αὐτὸν ἐκπέμπειν καὶ τὰς
μάχας ὡς ἐν τοῖς κινδύνοις τεθνηξόμενον.
f \ “~ \ 3 3 /
(2) Aavidys δὲ πανταχοῦ τὸν θεὸν ἐπαγόμενος
ὅποι ποτ᾽ ἀφίκοιτο κατώρθου καὶ διευπραγῶν
26 ,ὔ 1 e ὃ 3 e Ar ~ 3 ὃ ᾽ὔ /
ἐδείκνυτο, ὡς δι’ ὑπερβολὴν τῆς ἀνδρείας τόν TE
λαὸν αὐτοῦ" καὶ τὴν Σαούλου θυγατέρα παρθένον
ἔτι οὖσαν λαβεῖν ἔρωτα καὶ τοῦ πάθους ὑπερ-
κρατοῦντος γενέσθαι φανερὰν καὶ διαβληθῆναι. πρὸς
τὸν πατέρα. ὁ δ᾽ ὡς ἀφορμῇ χρησόμενος" THs
ἐπὶ Δαυίδην. ἐπιβουλῆς ἡδέως ἤκουσε καὶ δώσειν
προθύμως αὐτῷ τὴν παρθένον πρὸς τοὺς τὸν ἔρωτα
~ f ‘\
μηνύσαντας αὐτῆς ἔφη, γενησόμενον ἀπωλείας καὶ
κινδύνων αἴτιον αὐτῷ ληψομένῳ" - κατεγγυῶ γάρ,"
Φ
εἶπεν, “᾿ αὐτῷ τὸν THis θυγατρός “μου γάμον, ἂν
ἑξακοσίας μοι κομίσῃ κεφαλὰς τῶν πολεμίων. ὁ
δὲ καὶ γέρως οὕτω λαμπροῦ προτεθέντος καὶ
βουλόμενος ἐ ἐπ᾽ ἔργῳ παραβόλῳ καὶ ἀπίστῳ λαβεῖν
κλέος, ὁρμήσει μὲν ἐπὶ τὴν πρᾶξιν, διαφθαρήσεται
3
δὲ ὑπὸ τῶν ΙΤ]αλαιστίνων καὶ χωρήσει μοι τὰ κατ
αὐτὸν εὐπρεπῶς" ἀπαλλαγήσομαι γὰρ αὐτοῦ, du
32
ἄλλων αὐτόν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐχὶ δι᾿ ἐμαυτοῦ κτείνας.
/ 3 - ~ ’ὔ / ,
διάπειραν δὴ τῆς τοῦ Δαυίδου διανοίας κελεύει
~ 4 “εἘ
τοὺς οἰκέτας λαμβάνειν, πῶς ἔχει πρὸς τὸ γῆμαι
la
τὴν κόρην. οἱ δ᾽ ἤρξαντο διαλέγεσθαι πρὸς αὐτὸν,
ὅτι στέργει μὲν αὐτὸν ὁ βασιλεὺς Σαοῦλος καὶ
ὁ λαὸς ἅπας, βούλεται δ᾽ αὐτῷ κηδεῦσαι τὴν
θυγατέρα. ὁ δέ “μικρὸν ap’ ὑμῖν, εἶπε, “᾿ δοκεῖ
\ 4 / 3 δ 3 .. ἃ ~
γαμβρὸν γενέσθαι βασιλέως; ἐμοὶ δ᾽ οὐχὶ τοιοῦτον
1 RO: ἐβλέπετο rell. (Lat.).
Δ 4+ ἐρᾶν M. 8 Δ]; χρησάμενος rell.
4 His younger daughter, Michal, cf. § 204 note. Josephus
264
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 195-200
he proposed to send him out against the enemy and
into battle, in the hope that amidst these dangers
he would meet his death.
(2) But David, being everywhere attended by God Saut's
whithersoever he went, achieved success and showed daughter
himself so fortunate in all things that by his extra- ahaa a
: alls in love
ordinary valour he won the heart not only of the with Davia.
people but of Saul’s daughter,? who was still a }54™*v"
virgin ; and so overmastering was her passion that
it betrayed her and was reported to her father.
He, thinking to seize this occasion for plotting against
David, welcomed the news and told those who had
informed him of his daughter’s love that he would
gladly give David the maiden, since the match,
should he accept it, would prove the cause of danger
and destruction to him. “‘ For,” said he, “1 pledge
him my daughter in marriage, if he will but bring me
the heads of six hundred ὃ of the foe. Now, at the
offer of a prize so splendid and in his desire to win
renown for a hazardous and incredible exploit, he will
rush to perform it and be killed by the Philistines ;
so will my designs against him succeed admirably, for
I shall be rid of him, yet cause his death at the hands
of others and not my own.” He accordingly ordered ΟΡ ΤΕΣ
his men to sound the mind of David touching marriage Sarai
with the maid; and they began to speak with him, tions for the
telling him that King Saul felt affection for him, as 1 Sam, xviii
did all the people, and wished to unite his daughter **
with him in marriage. Whereto David replied,
‘“ Does it then seem to you a small thing to become
a king’s son-in-law? ‘To me it does not appear so,
omits the Scriptural reference, 1 Sam. xviii. 17, to Saul’s offer
of his elder daughter, Merab.
> Bibl. “ a hundred foreskins of the Philistines.”’
265
20]
202
203
204
JOSEPHUS
, Α , wv ~ A / A
φαίνεται καὶ μάλιστα ὄντι ταπεινῷ καὶ δόξης Kat
τιμῆς ἀμοίρῳ."" Σαοῦλος δὲ ἀγγειλάντων αὐτῷ
τῶν οἰκετῶν τὰς τοῦ Δαυίδου ἀποκρίσεις “od
χρημάτων, ἔφη, "ἡ ᾿ δεῖσθαί με ppatere αὐτῷ οὐδὲ
ἔδνων, ἀπεμπολᾶν γὰρ ἔστιν οὕτως" τὴν θυγατέρα
μᾶλλον ἢ 7 συνοικίζειν, γαμβροῦ δὲ ἀνδρείαν ἐ ἔχοντος
καὶ τὴν ἄλλην ἀρετὴν ἅπασαν, ἣν ὁρᾶν ὑπάρχουσαν
9
αὐτῷ. βούλεσθαι δὴ με παρ αὐτοῦ λαβεῖν ἀντὶ
τοῦ γάμου τῆς θυγατρὸς οὐ χρυσὸν οὐδ᾽ ἄργυρον
οὐδ᾽ ὅπως ταῦτα ἐκ τῶν τοῦ πατρὸς οἰκιῶν"
κομίσῃ, ᾿ἰἰαλαιστίνων δὲ τιμωρίαν καὶ κεφαλὰς
αὐτῶν ἑξακοσίας. αὐτῷ τε γὰρ ἐμοὶ τούτων οὐδὲν
ἂν οὔτε ποθεινότερον οὔτε λαμπρότερον" δῶρον
γένοιτο, τῇ τε παιδί μου πολὺ τῶν νενομισμένων
ἔδνων ζηλωτότερον τὸ συνοικεῖν ἀνδρὶ τοιούτῳ καὶ
μαρτυρουμένῳ τὴν τῶν πολεμίων ἧτταν.᾽᾽
“ \ 4 \ \ ,
(3) Κομισθέντων δὲ τούτων πρὸς tov Aavidny
- ᾽ὔ e \ \ “- 3 , /
τῶν λόγων ἡσθεὶς τὸν Σαοῦλον ἐσπουδακέναι vopt-
ζων αὐτοῦ περὶ τὴν συγγένειαν, οὐδὲ βουλεύσασθαι
περιμείνας οὐδ᾽ εἰ δυνατὸν ἢ δύσκολόν ἐστι τὸ προ-
κείμενον ἔργον τῷ λογισμῷ περινοήσας ὥρμησεν
εὐθὺς μετὰ τῆς ἑταιρίας ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους καὶ
τὴν ὑπὲρ τοῦ γάμου κατηγγελμένην πρᾶξιν καὶ
(θεὸς γὰρ ἦν ὁ πάντα ποιῶν εὐμαρῆ καὶ δυνατὰ
τῷ Δαυίδῃ) κτείνας πολλοὺς καὶ κεφαλὰς ἑξα-
κοσίων ἀποτεμὼν ἧκε πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα διὰ τῆς
τούτων ἐπιδείξεως τὸν ἀντὶ τούτων γάμον ἀπαιτῶν.
v a \ ’ ” 3 κ᾿ Ν ε
Σαοῦλος δὲ οὐκ ἔχων αναφυγεῖν' ἐκ τῶν ὑπ-
, > \ 4 e / a /
εσχημένων, αἰσχρὸν yap ὑπελάμβανεν ἢ ψεύσασθαι
1 τοῦτο Ernesti. 2. ME: οἰκείων rell.
8 4 otire προτιμότερον SPE.
4 ἀναφυγὴν Naber.
266
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 200-204
especially as I am of such humble rank and with no
portion of glory or honour.’’ When Saul was in-
formed by his men of David’s response, “‘ Tell him,”
he said, “ that I desire no money nor wedding gifts
—that would be to sell my daughter, not to give her
in marriage—but a son-in-law possessed of fortitude
and all other virtues, sueh as I see in him. I wish,
therefore, to receive of him, in return for his marriage
with my daughter, neither gold nor silver—not these
would I have him bring from his father’s house—but
the punishment of the Philistines and six hundred
of their heads. For to myself no gift could be more
desirable or magnificent 4 than that, and to my child
it would be far more pleasing than the customary
wedding presents to be united to sueh a husband
who has the credit for defeating our enemies.” ὃ
(3) When these words were reported to David, he
was delighted at the thought that Saul was eager to ,
be related to him, and without waiting to deliberate,
without reasonably considering whether the proposed
enterprise was possible or difficult, he straightway,
with his companions, set upon the foe to accomplish
the task that was appointed him as the condition of
the marriage ; and, thanks to God, who rendered all
things possible and easy to David, he slew many men,
cut off the heads of six hundred ¢ and returned to the
king, displaying these and claiming the bride as his
recompense. So Saul, finding no way to evade his
promises—sinee he saw that it would be disgraceful
for him either to appear to have lied or to have held
4 Some mss. add “᾿ nor more precious.”
δ Saul’s speech is an amplification of 1 Sam. xviii. 25.
¢ 1] Sam. xviii. 27 ‘he and his men... slew of the Phil-
istines two hundred (Lxx “* one hundred ᾽ἢ and David brought
their foreskins.”’
267
David wins
Michal by
slaying six
hundred
Philistines.
1 Sam. xviii
20.
205
206
207
208
209
JOSEPHUS
δοκεῖν ἢ Oe ἐπιβουλὴν iv ἀδυνάτοις ἐπιχειρῶν ὁ
Δαυίδης ἀποθάνῃ τὸν γάμον ἐπηγγέλθαι, δίδωσιν
αὐτῷ τὴν θυγατέρα MeAyav* ὀνόματι.
(xi. 1) ἔμελλε δὲ οὐκ ἐπὶ πολὺ τοῖς γεγενημένοις
ἐμμένειν Σαοῦλος ἀ apa. ὁρῶν yap tov Aavidny παρὰ
τῷ θεῷ καὶ παρὰ τοῖς ὄχλοις εὐδοκιμοῦντα κατ-
ἔδεισε, καὶ τὸν φόβον οὐκ ἔχων ἀποκρύψασθαι περὶ
ΠΣ λιεν ὄντα, βασιλείας τε καὶ ζωῆς, ὧν καὶ
θατέρου στε Ὁ Ναὶ συμφορὰ δεινή, κτείνειν τὸν
Δαυίδην διεγνώκει καὶ προστάσσει τὴν ἀναίρεσιν
αὐτοῦ ᾿Ιωνάθῃ τε τῷ παιδὶ καὶ τοῖς πιστοτάτοις
τῶν οἰκετῶν. ὁ δὲ τὸν πατέρα τῆς ἐπὶ τῷ Δαυίδῃ
μεταβολῆς θαυμάσας οὐκ ἐπὶ μετρίοις ἀπὸ τῆς
πολλῆς εὐνοίας ἀλλ᾽’ ἐπὶ θανάτῳ γενομένης, καὶ
τὸν νεανίσκον ἀγαπῶν καὶ τὴν ἀρετὴν αὐτοῦ
καταιδούμενος λέγει πρὸς αὐτὸν τὸ τοῦ πατρὸς
ἀπόρρητον καὶ τὴν προαίρεσιν. συμβουλεύει μέν-
τοι ,»φυλάσσεσθαι γενόμενον ἐκποδὼν τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν
ἡμέραν" αὐτὸς γὰρ ἀσπάσεσθαι" τὸν πατέρα καὶ
καιροῦ παραφανέντος αὐτῷ διαλεχθήσεσθαι περὶ
αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν αἰτίαν μαθήσεσθαι καὶ ταύτην
ἐκφαυλίσειν, ὡς οὐ δεῖν ἐ ἐπ᾽ αὐτῇ κτείνειν τοσαῦτα
μὲν ἀγαθὰ τὸ πλῆθος ἐργασάμενον εὐεργέτην δ᾽
αὐτοῦ γεγενημένον, dv ἃ καὶ συγγνώμην ἂν ἐπὶ
τοῖς μεγίστοις ἁμαρτήμασιν εἰκότως εὕρατο. “᾿δη-
λώσω δέ σοι τὴν τοῦ πατρὸς γνώμην." Δαυίδης
δὲ πεισθεὶς συμβουλίᾳ χρηστῇ ὑπεξίσταται τῆς
τοῦ βασιλέως ὄψεως.
(2) Τῇ δ᾽ ἐπιούσῃ πρὸς τὸν Σαοῦλον ᾿Ιωνάθης
1 + ὡς codd.
2 Μελχώνην SP: Μελχὼ Glycas: Melchon Lat.
3 ed. pr., Lat.: ἀσπάσασθαι codd.
268
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 204-209
out this marriage merely in order to bring about
David’s death on an impossible enterprise 7—gave
him his daughter, Meleha ὃ by name.
(xi. 1) However Saul was not for long to aequiesce Jonathan i
in this state of things; for, seeing David in favour ofsaul's
both with God and with the multitude, he took alarm Plet: David
and, being unable to eoneeal his fears—eoneerning, 18am. xix. 1.
as they did, sueh great interests as his kingdom and
his life, the loss of either of which would be a dreadful
ealamity—he resolved to slay David and charged
Jonathan his son and the most trusted of his men to
make away with him. Jonathan was amazed at this
change in his father’s feelings toward David from
great benevolence to not merely moderate dislike but
to the eompassing of his death ; and, loving the lad
and revereneing him for his virtue, he told him of his
father’s seeret plan and intent. He counselled him,
moreover, to take heed to himself and to keep out
of sight on the morrow, saying that he would himself
go to greet his father and, when the opportunity pre-
sented itself, would converse with him about David,
and discover the reason (of his dislike); he would
then make light of this, representing that he ought
not on sueh ground to put to death one who had
rendered so many services to the people and proved
a benefactor to Saul himself, on aecount of which he
might well have secured pardon for even the gravest
erimes. ‘* And I will inform thee,” he added, ‘‘ what
is my father’s mind.”” David, in eompliance with
this exeellent counsel, withdrew himself from the
king’s sight.
(2) The next day Jonathan went to Saul and, find-
* No such thoughts are attributed to Saul in Scripture.
® Bibl. Michal, xxx Μελχόλ,
269
210
211
212
JOSEPHUS
> Α ¢€ ¢ / \ , f ”
ἐλθὼν ὡς ἱλαρόν τε Kal χαίροντα κατέλαβεν ἤρξατο
λόγους αὐτῷ περὶ τοῦ Δαυίδου προσφέρειν: “ τί
καταγνοὺς αὐτοῦ μικρὸν ἢ μεῖζον ἀδίκημα, πάτερ,"
προσέταξας ἀνελεῖν ἄνδρα μέγα μὲν αὐτῷ πρὸς
σωτηρίαν ὄφελος γεγενημένον, μεῖζον δὲ πρὸς τὴν
Παλαιστίνων τιμωρίαν, ὕβρεως δὲ καὶ χλεύης ἀπ-
“ Α ¢ / A Δ 3.» A
αλλάξαντα τὸν ‘EBpaiwy λαὸν ἣν ἐπὶ τεσσαράκοντα
ἡμέρας ὑπέμεινεν οὐδενὸς τολμῶντος" ὑποστῆναι
τὴν τοῦ πολεμίου πρόκλησιν, καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα κομί-
σαντα μὲν ὅσας ἐπετάχθη κεφαλὰς τῶν ἐχθρῶν,
’ > 4. ἃ / , \ > \ 3 \
λαβόντα δ᾽ ἐπὶ τούτῳ γέρας τὴν ἐμὴν ἀδελφὴν
πρὸς γάμον, ws ἂν ἀλγεινὸς" αὐτοῦ γένοιθ᾽ ἡμῖν 6
/ ? A \ 3 \ / 3 A A ‘
θάνατος ov διὰ τὴν ἀρετὴν μόνον, ἀλλὰ Kal διὰ
τὴν συγγένειαν" συναδικεῖται γὰρ αὐτοῦ τῷ θανάτῳ
καὶ 7 σὴ θυγάτηρ χηρείαν πρὶν ἢ τῆς συμβιώσεως
εἰς ὄνησιν ἐλθεῖν μέλλουσα πειράζειν. ταῦτα λογι-
σάμενος μεταβαλοῦ πρὸς τὸ ἡμερώτερον καὶ μηδὲν
ποιήσῃς κακὸν ἀνδρα πρῶτον μὲν ἡμᾶς" εὐεργεσίαν
μεγάλην εὐεργετήσαντα τὴν σὴν σωτηρίαν, ὅτε σοι
τοῦ πονηροῦ πνεύματος καὶ τῶν δαιμονίων ἐγκαθ-
“ 4 A 3 / 3 , 3 3 3 3 A
εζομένων τὰ μὲν ἐξέβαλεν, εἰρήνην δὲ ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν
τῇ ψυχῇ σου παρέσχεν, δεύτερον δὲ τὴν ἀπὸ τῶν
πολεμίων ἐκδικίαν: αἰσχρὸν γὰρ τούτων ἐπιλελῆ-
σθαι." τούτοις παρηγορεῖται τοῖς λόγοις Σιαοῦλος
\ \ 3 / A ’ wv ~ ᾽
καὶ μηδὲν ἀδικήσειν τὸν Δανίδην ὄμνυσι τῷ παιδί:
κρείττων γὰρ ὀργῆς καὶ φόβου δίκαιος λόγος.
> / \ f A ’ Ul
Ιωνάθης δὲ μεταπεμψάμενος τὸν Δαυίδην σημαΐίνει
τε αὐτῷ χρηστὰ καὶ σωτήρια τὰ παρὰ τοῦ πατρός,
1 ὦ πάτερ MSP.
270
ΦΕΜΜΞΗ ANTIQUITIES, VI. 209-212
ing him ΠῚ and gay,* began to address him Jonathan
eoncerning David. “What w rongdoing small Or Samay
great, father, canst thou have found i hin that thou Pavid back.
hast ordered us to put to death one who has done mae
so much in aiding thine own welfare and yet more
in punishing the Philistines, and so has delivered
the Hebrew people from the econtumely and derision
which for forty days they had endured when no one
else dared face the enemy’s challenge, and who there-
after brought thee the appointed ΡΠ ΒΟ ἈΝ of enemy
heads and received as his recompense my sister in
marriage? Thus his death would be grievous to us,
not only by reason of his merits. but also of the ties of
kinship ; for thy daughter will likewise be wronged by
his death, destined to experienee widowhood before
even entering on the joy of wedded life. Let these
reflections move thee to greater mildness; do no
injury to one who first.re idered us that great service
of restoring thee to hea‘th, when he dione out the
evil spirit and the demons fet beset thee and brought
peace from them to thy soul, and then ay enged us
upon our enemies. Shameful would it be to ‘for get
these things.” ® By these words Saul was won over
and he swore to his son that he would do David
no wrong; so does a just eause prevail over anger
and fear: Jonathan then sent for David and not only
informed him of the kindly and reassuring attitude
α Unscriptural detail.
ὃ The references to Michal and to the healing of Saul are
unscriptural.
2 οὐδενὸς τολμῶντος ex Lat. Niese: μόνος τολμῶν codd.: μόνον
τολμῶντα Naber.
8 ἀλγεινότερος MSP Lat.
4 ἡμᾶς om. RO.
271
JOSEPHUS
ἄγει τε πρὸς αὐτόν, Kal παρέμενε τῷ βασιλεῖ
Δαυίδης ὥσπερ ἔμπροσθεν.
2183 (3) Κατὰ δὲ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν τῶν [Ϊαλαιστίνων
στρατευσαμένων πάλιν ἐπὶ τοὺς ‘EBpaious πέμπει
μετὰ στρατιᾶς τὸν Δαυίδην πολεμήσοντα τοῖς
ΠΠαλαιστίνοις, καὶ συμβαλὼν πολλοὺς αὐτῶν ἀπ-
ἔκτεινε καὶ νικήσας ἐπάνεισι πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα.
προσδέχεται δ᾽ αὐτὸν ὁ Σαοῦλος οὐχ ὡς ἤλπισεν
ἀπὸ τοῦ κατορθώματος, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὸ τῆς εὐπραγίας
αὐτοῦ λυπηθεὶς ὡς ἐπισφαλέστερος αὐτὸς ἐκ τῶν
914 ἐκείνου πράξεων γενόμενος. ἐπεὶ δὲ πάλιν αὐτὸν
προσελθὸν τὸ δαιμόνιον ἐθορύβει πνεῦμα καὶ συν-
ετάραττε, καλέσας εἰς τὸ δωμάτιον ἐν ᾧ κατέκειτο,
κατέχων τὸ δόρυ προσέταξε τῷ ψαλμῷ καὶ τοῖς
ὕμνοις ἐξάδειν αὐτόν. ἐκείνου δὲ τὰ κελευσθέντα
ποιοῦντος διατεινάμενος ἀκοντίζει τὸ δόρυ: καὶ τὸ
μὲν προϊδόμενος ὁ Aavidys ἐξέκλινε, φεύγει δὲ εἰς
τὸν οἶκον τὸν αὑτοῦ καὶ δι᾿ ὅλης ἔμεινεν ἡμέρας
αὐτόθι.
215 (4) Νυκτὸς δὲ πέμψας ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐκέλευσεν
αὐτὸν ἄχρι τῆς ἕω φυλάττεσθαι μὴ καὶ λάθῃ παν-
τελῶς ἀφανὴς γενόμενος, ἵνα παραγενόμενος" εἰς
τὸ δικαστήριον. καὶ κρίσει παραδοὺς ἀποκτείνῃ.
Μελχὰ δὲ ἡ γυνὴ Δαυίδου θυγάτηρ δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως
τὴν τοῦ πατρὸς "μαθοῦσα διάνοιαν τῷ ἀνδρὶ παρ-
ίσταται δειλὰς ἔχουσα τὰς περὶ αὐτοῦ ἐλπίδας καὶ
περὶ τῆς ἰδίας ψυχῆς ἀγωνιῶσα: οὐδὲ γὰρ αὑτὴν
216 ζῆν ὑπομενεῖν" ἐκείνου στερηθεῖσαν. καί
ae,” φησίν, “᾿ ὁ ἥλιος ἐνταυθοῖ καταλάβη"" οὐ γὰρ
1 παραγύμενος con). Thackeray.
2 Dindorf: ὑπομένειν codd.
3 JE: καταλάβοι codd.
212
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 212-216
of his father, but brought him into his presence ; and
David stayed with the king as before.
(3) About this time the Philistines again took the Saul attacks
field against the Hebrews, and Saul sent David with eee eet
an army to fight against them, and he, having joined [atts sith
battle with them, slew many and returned victorious tines.
to the king. Saul, however, did not give him the pea
reception which he expected after that achievement,
but was aggrieved by his success, believing that
David had become more dangerous to him by reason
of his exploits. And when the evil spirit again came
upon him to trouble and confuse him, he called David
to the chamber wherein he lay, and, holding his spear
in his hand, bade him charm away the spell with his
harp and songs. Then, when David did as he had
been commanded, Saul hurled his spear at him with
all his might. David, seeing it coming, got out of
its way ; then he fled to his own house and remained
there all that day.
(4) But at night the king sent officers with orders to Michal's
guard him till dawn lest he escape and disappear pete ven
altogether; Saul’s intent was to come before the fom arrest
court and deliver him to justice to be put to death.? 11.
But when Melcha, the wife of David and daughter of
the king, learned of her father’s intent, she came to
aid her husband, having faint hope for him and also
feeling dreadful anxicty about her own life, for she
could not endure to live if bereft of him.? “ Let not
the sun,” she said, “ find thee here; else it will never
@ Scripture says nothing of Saul’s intention to have David
put on trial; 1 Sam. xix. 11 ‘* Saul also sent messengers to
David’s house to watch him and to slay him in the morning.”’
> This motive is supplied by Josephus.
273
217
218
219
JOSEPHUS
ἔτ᾽ ὄψεταί σε. φεῦγε δ᾽ ἕως, τοῦτό σοι δύναται
παρασχεῖν ἡ παροῦσα νύξ' καὶ ποιήσειε" δέ σοι
ταύτην ὁ θεὸς μακροτέραν' ἴσθι γὰρ σαυτὸν ἂν
εὑρεθῇς ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς ἀπολούμενον.᾽᾿ καὶ καθ-
ιμήσασα διὰ θυρίδος αὐτὸν ἐξέσωσεν: ἔπειτα σκευ-
ἄσασα τὴν κλίνην ὡς ἐπὶ νοσοῦντι καὶ ὑποθεῖσα
τοῖς ἐπιβολαίοις ἡ ἧπαρ αἰγός, ἅμ᾽ ἡμέρᾳ τοῦ πατρὸς
ὡς αὐτὴν" πέμψαντος ἐπὶ τὸν Δαυίδην ὠχλῆσθαι
διὰ τῆς νυκτὸς εἶπε τοῖς παροῦσιν, ἐπιδείξασα
τὴν κλίνην κατακεκαλυμμένην καὶ τῷ πηδήματι
τοῦ ἥπατος σαλεύοντι τὴν ἐπιβολὴν πιστωσαμένη
τὸ κατακείμενον τὸν Δαυίδην ἀσθμαίνειν. ἀπ-
αγγειλάντων δὲ τῶν πεμῤθέντων ὅτι γένοιτο διὰ
τῆς νυκτὸς ἀσθεν έστερος, ἐκέλευσεν οὕτως ἔχοντα
κομισθῆναι: βούλεσθαι γὰρ αὐτὸν ἀνελεῖν. ἐλθόν-
τες δὲ καὶ ἀνακαλύψαντες τὴν KAWnY καὶ τὸ
σόφισμα τῆς γυναικὸς εὑρόντες ἀπήγγειλαν τῷ
βασιλεῖ. “μεμφομένου δὲ τοῦ πατρὸς αὐτὴν ὅτι
σώσειε μὲν τὸν ἐχθρὸν αὐτοῦ κατασοφίσαιτο δ᾽"
αὐτόν, “ἀπολογίαν σκήπτεται πιθανήν" ἀπειλήσαντα
γὰρ αὐτὴν ἀποκτείνειν ἔφησε τυχεῖν ἐκ τοῦ δέους
τῆς πρὸς τὸ σωθῆναι συνεργίας" ὑπὲρ ἧς συγ-
γνῶναι καλῶς ἔχειν αὐτῇ, κατ᾽ ἀνάγκην ἀλλὰ μὴ
κατὰ προαίρεσιν γενομένης" “οὐ γὰρ οὕτως, ᾿
ἔλεγεν, “᾿ οἶμαι τὸν ἐχθρὸν ἐζήτεις ἀποθανεῖν, ὡς
1 ex Lat. Niese: δὲ ὡς codd.
2 ποιήσει RO: ποιήσοι MSP: faciat Lat.
3. ὡς αὐτὴ»}] αὐτῆς MSP.
4 MM: ἀσθενεῖν rell.: dormire Lat.
5 ed. pr.: 7’ ecodd.: vero Lat.
4 1 Sam. xix. 13." And Michal took the teraphim (A.V.
“an image ’’) and laid them in the bed and placed a goat's
skin (2) at its head’? (A.V “ puta pillow of goats’ hair for his
274
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 216-219
look on thee again. Flee while the night which is
still upon us permits, and may God prolong its hours
for thee; for know that if thou art found by my
father, thou art a lost man.’’ And she let him down
through a window and got him safely away. Next
she made up the bed as for a sick person and put a
goat’s liver? beneath the covers; and when at day-
break her father sent to fetch David, she told those
who came for him that he had been attacked by ill-
ness during the night, and she showed them the bed
all covered up, and by the quivering of the liver
which shook the bedclothes convinced them that
what lay there was David gasping for breath.2- When
the messengers reported to Saul that David had
fallen ill during the night, he ordered him to be
brought just as he was, for he wished to kill him. And
when they came and uncovered the bed, they dis-
covered the woman's trick, which they reported to
the king. But when her father rebuked her for
having saved his enemy and tricked himself, she
resorted to a plausible defence ; her husband, she
declared, had threatened to kill her and so, by terrify-
ing her, had secured her aid in his eseape, for which
she deserved pardon, seeing that she had acted under
constraint and not of her own free will. ‘“‘ For,’
said she, “1 eannot think that thou wert as desirous
for thy enemy’s death as for the safety of my life.”’
bolster’). The teraphim were probably household images
in human form. ‘The Heb. kebir, here rendered “ skin,” is
of doubtful meaning, and was read as kebéd,“ liver,”’ by the
Lxx, followed by Josephus. ‘The context shows that it must
have been something round and hairy to give the appearance
of a human head, and so it was understood by the rabbis.
δ The details of Michal’s stratagem are invented by
Josephus.
275
Michal
excuses her
conduct to
Saul.
1 Sam. xix,
17.
220
2
2]
JOSEPHUS
% ‘ 7 a? A ? ‘ ~ /
ἐμὲ awlecba.”’ καὶ συγγινώσκει δὲ τῇ κόρῃ
Ἂν ~ ¢ A 4 3 ‘ A ’
Σαοῦλος. ὁ δὲ Aavidns ἐκφυγὼν τὸν κίνδυνον ἧκε
πρὸς τὸν προφήτην Σαμουῆλον εἰς ᾿Αρμαθὰ καὶ
τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν αὐτῷ τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως ἐδήλωσε
καὶ ὡς παρὰ μικρὸν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ τῷ δόρατι βληθεὶς
ἀποθάνοι, μήτ᾽ ἐν τοῖς πρὸς αὐτὸν κακὸς γενόμενος
μήτ᾽ ἐν τοῖς πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους ἀγῶσιν ἄνανδρος,
ἀλλ᾽ ἐν ἅπασι μετὰ τοῦ θεοῦ" καὶ ἐπιτυχής.
τοῦτο δ᾽ ἢν αἴτιον Σαούλῳ τῆς πρὸς Δαυίδην
ἀπεχθείας.
(5) Μαθὼν δ᾽ ὁ προφήτης τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως
ἀδικίαν καταλείπει μὲν τὴν πόλιν ᾿Αρμαθάν,
δὲ Δαυίδ Tad θ᾽
ἀγαγὼν δὲ τὸν Δαυίδην ἐπί τινα τόπον Γαλβουὰ
ὄνομα ἐκεῖ διέτριβε σὺν αὐτῷ. ὡς δ᾽ ἀπηγγέλη
τῷ Σιαούλῳ παρὰ τῷ προφήτῃ “τυγχάνων ὁ Δαυίδης,
πέμψας ὁπλίτας πρὸς αὑτὸν ἄγειν προσέταξε συλ-
222 λαμβάνοντας. οἱ δ᾽ ἐλθόντες πρὸς τὸν Σαμουῆλον
2
224
καὶ καταλαβόντες προφητῶν ἐκκλησίαν, τοῦ θείου
μεταλαμβάνουσι πνεύματος καὶ προφητεύειν ἦρ-
ξαντο" Σαοῦλος δ᾽ ἀκούσας ἄλλους ἔπεμ εν ἐπὶ
τὸν Δαυίδην: κἀκείνων ταὐτὸ τοῖς πρώτοις παθόν-
των πάλιν ἀπέστειλεν ἑτέρους" προφητευόντων δὲ
καὶ τῶν τρίτων τελευταῖον ὀργισθεὶς αὐτὸς ἐξ-
ὦὠρμησεν. ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ἐγγὺς ἦν ἤδη, Lapoundos πρὶν
ἰδεῖν αὐτὸν προφητεύειν ἐποίησεν. ἐλθὼν δὲ πρὸς
αὐτὸν Σ)αοῦλος ὑπὸ τοῦ πολλοῦ πνεύματος ἐλαυ-
νόμενος ἔκφρων γίνεται καὶ τὴν ἐσθῆτα περιδύσας
ἑαυτὸν καταπεσὼν ἔκειτο du’ ὅλης ἡμέρας τε καὶ
νυκτὸς Σαμουήλου τε καὶ Δαυίδου βλεπόντων.
(6) ᾿Ιωνάθης δὲ ὁ Σαούλου παῖς, ἀφικομένου πρὸς
1 (τοῦ) θυμοῦ RO: et pronus Lat.
5. Βαλγουὰθ SP: Γελβούαθον E. 3 συλλαβόντας SP.
276
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 219-224
So Saul pardoned the girl. Meanwhile David, having David finds
escaped from danger, repaired to the prophet Samuel Sameer at.
at Armatha. and recounted to him the king’s plot pee
against him, and how he had wellnigh been struck i sam. xix.
by his spear and killed, though he had never dealt ill 18:
with him nor been cowardly in combating his foes,
but had ever with God’s aid been indeed fortunate.
Now that was the reason for Saul’s hatred of David.
(5) On learning of the king’s iniquity, the prophet Saul and his
left the city of Armatha and brought David to a place jing david,
named Galbouath ¢ and there abode with him. Now 2% Pos
when it was told Saul that David was staying with prophesy.
the prophet, he sent armed men with orders to arrest *”
him and bring him to him. But they, on coming to
Samuel and finding there an assembly of prophets,
were themselves possessed by the spirit of God and
began to prophesy. Saul, hearing thereof, sent
others after David, and when these met with the
same experience as the first, he dispatched yet more ;
but this third company prophesied likewise, and
finally in a rage he set out himself. But so soon as
he came near them, Samuel, even before seeing him,
caused him too to prophesy.2 On reaching him,
Saul, losing his reason under the impulse of that
mighty spirit, stripped off his clothes and lay prostrate
on the ground for a whole day and night in the sight
of Samuel and David.
(6) Thence David betook himself to Jonathan, son
α Bibl. Naioth (Heb. Nawath or Nayéth), txx Avaé
(v.l. Navid κτλ.) ἐν ‘Pauas; these forms appear to be corrupt.
The Targum renders it Beth ’ulphdnd * house of instruction.”
The source of Josephus’s form is unknown.
® Josephus omits to state, as does Scripture, 1 Sam. xix.
24, that this incident explains the saying “* [s Saul also among
the prophets ? ”’
a ΥἹ
220
227
JOSEPHUS
be) > al , A Ἁ ~ ~ a
αὐτὸν ἐκεῖθεν Δαυίδου καὶ περὶ τῆς τοῦ πατρὸς
3 , 5) ὡς \ ἢ ς 5 νι.
ἀποδυρομένου ἐπιβουλῆς καὶ λέγοντος ὡς οὐδὲν
9 Va 299229 \ , εν A
ἀδικήσας οὐδ᾽᾽ ἐξαμαρτὼν σπουδάζοιτο ὑπὸ τοῦ
πατρὸς αὐτοῦ φονευθῆναι, μήθ᾽ ἑαυτῷ τοῦθ᾽ ὑπο-
νοοῦντι πιστεύειν παρεκάλει μήτε τοῖς διαβαλ-
λουσιν, εἴ τινες ἄρα εἰσὶν of τοῦτο πράττοντες,
ἀλλ᾽ αὐτῷ προσέχειν καὶ θαρρεῖν: μηδὲν γὰρ τοι-
οῦτον ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ φρονεῖν τὸν πατέρα: φράσαι γὰρ
ἂν αὐτῷ περὶ τούτου καὶ σύμβουλον παραλαβεῖν,
~ ~ > \
τῇ κοινῇ γνώμῃ Kal τἄλλα πράττοντα. ὁ δὲ
> 3
Aavidys ὦμννεν ἦ μὴν οὕτως ἔχειν, Kal πιστεύοντ
, - ~ ~ “ ~ ’ >
ἠξίου προνοεῖν αὐτοῦ μᾶλλον ἢ καταφρονοῦντ᾽ ἐπ
2 ;᾽ ~ , ’ 3 \ ε “ σ
ἀληθέσι τοῖς λόγοις τότε ἀληθὲς ὑπολαβεῖν, ὅταν
δ a) \
ἢ θεάσηται πεφονευμένον αὐτὸν" ἢ πύθηται" μηδὲν
λέγειν δ᾽ αὐτῷ τὸν πατέρα περὶ τούτων ἔφασκεν
> / A rx ? \ ,ὔ A ,
εἰδότα τὴν πρὸς αὐτὸν φιλίαν καὶ διάθεσιν.
pai \ > 279 ἢ , \ mn
(7) Λυπηθεὶς δ᾽ ἐφ᾽ ὅτῳ πιστωσάμενος THY τοῦ
Σαούλου προαίρεσιν ᾿Ιωνάθης οὐκ ἔπεισεν, ἐπηρώτα
,ὔ > 3 ~ ’ a e te κφ / 2}
τίνος ἐξ αὐτοῦ βούλεται τυχεῖν. ὁ δέ “᾿ οἶδα γάρ,
ἔφη, ᾿᾿πάντα σε χαρίζεσθαί μοι καὶ παρέχειν
ἐθέλοντα" νουμηνία μὲν εἰς τὴν ἐπιοῦσάν ἐστιν, ἔθος
᾽ - ~ “-“ >
δ᾽ ἔχω δειπνεῖν σὺν τῷ βασιλεῖ καθήμενος" εἰ δή
σοι δοκεῖ, πορευθεὶς ἔξω τῆς πόλεως ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ
λανθάνων διαμενῶ, σὺ δ᾽ ἐπιζητήσαντος αὐτοῦ λέγε
πορευθῆναί με εἰς τὴν πατρίδα Βηθλεέμην ἑορτήν
μου τῆς φυλῆς ἀγούσης, προστιθεὶς ὅτι σύ μοι
συγκεχώρηκας. κἂν μέν, οἷον εἰκὸς καὶ σύνηθές
> / > A , 3 ~ ¢ ? 3 2 ~
ἐστι λέγειν ἐπὶ φίλοις ἀποδημοῦσιν, ‘em’ ἀγαθῷ
1 Dindorf: οὔτ᾽ codd.
3 πεφονευμένον αὐτὸν om. RO Lat.
278
JEWISH ΑΝΤΙΘΟΌΙΤΡΕΒ, VI. 224-227
of Saul, and complained to him of his father’s designs, vee com:
ains ty
saying that though he had been guilty of no iniquity aaorhe of
or crime, his father was making every effort to have Benet
enmity.
him murdered. Jonathan entreated him to put no 1Sam: xx. 1.
faith either in his own suspicions or in slanderers,
if indeed there were any such, but to pay heed
to him and take courage ; for, he said, his father
was meditating nothing of the sort, else he would
have told him of it and taken him into his counsel,
since in all else he acted in concert with him. But
David swore? that it was truly so, and he asked
Jonathan to believe him and look out for his safety
instead of contemptuously questioning the truth of
his words and waiting to recognize their truth until
he should actually behold or learn of his assassination.
His father, he declared, had told him nothing of all
this because he knew of his son’s friendship and affec-
tion for himself.
(7) Grieved that his assurance of Saul’s disposition Jonathan
failed to convince David, Jonathan asked him what 27°85 '°
he would have him do. “ I know,” he replied, “ that David
Ὁ secretly of
thou art ready to grant me any favour or do any thing. saut’s inten-
Now to-morrow is the new moon, when my custom Bes eae
is to dine with the king. If, then, it please thee, I
will go forth from the city and remain concealed in
the plain; but do thou, if he ask for me, say that
I am gone to my native Bethlehem, where my tribe ὃ
is keeping a feast, adding that thou didst give
me leave. Should he then say, as is proper and
customary to say about friends going away,‘ A good
@ So the Hebrew ; txx “ἢ answered.”’
δ Or “clan”; ef. Heb. mishpadhadh (A.V. “ family *’),
which the Ltxx here renders, like Josephus, by φυλή, but the
latter can mean “ clan” (subdivision of a tribe) as well as
* tribe,”’ οὗ, § 62 note.
VOL. V T 279
228
200
290
29]
232
JOSEPHUS
βεβάδικεν ᾿ εἴπη, tobe μηδὲν ὕπουλον παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ
εἶναι μηδ᾽ ἐχθρόν. ἂν δ᾽ ὡς ἄλλως ἀποκρίνηται
τοῦτ᾽ ἔσται τεκμήριον τῶν κατ᾽ ἐμοῦ βεβουλευ-
μένων. μηνύσεις δέ μοι τὴν διάνοιαν τὴν τοῦ
πατρός, οἴκτῳ τε νέμων τοῦτο καὶ φιλίᾳ, δι᾽ ἣν
πίστεις τε παρ᾽ ἐμοῦ λαβεῖν ἠξίωκας αὐτός τε
ἐμοὶ δοῦναι δεσπότης ὧν οἰκέτῃ σῷ. εἰ δ᾽
εὑρίσκεις TL ἐν ἐμοὶ πονηρόν, αὐτὸς ἄνελε καὶ
φθάσον τὸν πατέρα.᾽᾽
(8) Πρὸς δὲ τὸ τελευταῖον δυσχεράνας τῶν λό-
γων ᾿Ιωνάθης ποιήσειν ταῦτ᾽ ἐπηγγείλατο κἀν
τι σκυθρωπὸν ὁ πατὴρ αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν ἀπέχθειαν
ἐμφανίζον" ἀποκρίνηται μηνύσειν ." ἵνα δ᾽ αὐτῷ
θαρρῇ μάλλον, ἐξαγαγὼν αὐτὸν εἰς ὕπαιθρον καὶ
καθαρὸν ἀέρα οὐδὲν παρήσειν ὑπὲρ τῆς Δαυίδου
σωτηρίας ὥμνυε" “τὸν γὰρ θεόν,᾽᾿ εἶπε, “ τοῦτον
ὃν πολὺν ὁρᾷς καὶ πανταχοῦ κεχυμένον, καὶ πρὶν
ἑρμηνεῦσαί με τοῖς λόγοις τὴν διάνοιαν ἤδη μου
ταύτην εἰδότα, μάρτυρα ποιοῦμαι τῶν πρὸς σὲ
συνθηκῶν, ὡς οὐκ ἀνήσω τὸν πατέρα πολλάκις
αὐτοῦ τῆς προαιρέσεως διάπειραν λαμβάνων, πρὶν
ἢ καταμαθεῖν ἥτις ἐστὲ καὶ παρὰ τοῖς ἀπορρήτοις
αὐτοῦ τῆς ψυχῆς γενέσθαι. καταμαθὼν δ᾽ οὐκ
ἀποκρύψομαι, καταμηνύσω δὲ πρὸς σὲ καὶ πρᾷον
ὄντα καὶ δυσμενῶς διακείμενον. οἷδε δὲ οὗτος" ὁ
θεὸς πῶς αὐτὸν εἶναι “μετὰ σοῦ διὰ παντὸς εὔχομαι:
ἔστι μὲν γὰρ νῦν καὶ οὐκ ἀπολείψει σε, ποιήσει δὲ
τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἄντε ὃ πατὴρ ὁ ἐμὸς 7° ἄντ᾽ ἐγὼ
’ ἤ 3
Κρειττονα. σὺ μόνον μνημόνευε τούτων, κἂν ΟαΑἼΤΟ-»
1 οἰκέτῃ ow om. RO. 2 ἐμφανίζων ROMS.
8 Niese: μηνύειν codd. 4 αὐτὸς Naber.
5 Niese: εἴη RO: om. MSP: est Lat.
280
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 227-232
journey to him,’* know that he bears no hidden
malice nor enmity ; but should he answer otherwise,
that will be a sign of his designs against me. And
thou shalt inform me of thy father’s state of mind in
token of thy pity and of that friendship for which
thou hast seen fit to receive pledges from me and
to grant me the like thyself, though thou art the
master, and I thy servant. But if thou findest any
wickedness in me, slay me thyself and so anticipate
thy father.”
(8) Although displeased by these last words,
Jonathan promised to do this and said that if his father
gave some sullen answer indicative of hate, he would
inform David thereof. And, that he might have the
more confidence in him, he brought him out into the
open and pure air and swore to leave nothing undone
for his safety. ‘‘ This God,” said he, “‘ whom thou seest
to be so great and everywhere extended, and who,
before I have expressed my thought in words, already
knows what it is,,—Him do I take as witness of my
covenant with thee, to wit, that I will not give up my
eonstant endeavour to discover my father’s purpose
until I have clearly learnt it and come close to the
seerets of his soul. And having learnt it, I will not
hide it, but will diselose to thee whether he be graci-
ously or evilly disposed. This God of ours knows
how I pray that He may always be with thee. In-
deed, He is with thee now and will not forsake thee,
but will make thee stronger than thy foes, be it my
father or be it myself. Do thou but remember this,
¢ A free rendering of 1 Sam. xx. 7 “ It is well,” perhaps
suggested by the customary Hebrew salutation, “* Go in
peace.”
> These divine attributes are an amplification of the
Scriptural ‘* Lord God of Israel.”’
281
Jonathan
swears an
oath of
friendship
to David.
1 Sam. xx. 9,
233
234
235
JOSEPHUS
θανεῖν μοι γένηται τὰ τέκνα μου σῶζε, καὶ τὴν
ὑπὲρ τῶν παρόντων μοι ἀμοιβὴν εἰς ἐκεῖνα κατά-
Gov.’ ταῦτ᾽ ἐπομόσας ἀπολύει τὸν Aavidny εἴς
τινα τόπον ἀπελθεῖν τοῦ πεδίου φράσας, ἐν ᾧ
γυμναζόμενος διετέλει" γνοὺς γὰρ τὰ παρὰ τοῦ
πατρὸς ἥξειν πρὸς αὐτὸν ἔφησεν ἐκεῖ μόνον ἐπ-
αγόμενος παῖδα. " κἂν" τρία ἀκόντια δὲ βαλὼν
ἐπὶ τὸν σκοπὸν κομίσαι τῷ παιδὶ προστάσσω τὰ
ἀκόντια (κεῖσθαι γὰρ ἔμπροσθεν αὐτοῦ), γίνωσκε
μηδὲν εἶναι φαῦλον παρὰ τοῦ πατρός: ἂν δὲ τὰ
ἐναντία τούτων ἀκούσῃς μου λέγοντος, καὶ τὰ
ἐναντία παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως προσδόκα. τῆς μέντοι
γε ἀσφαλείας τεύξῃ Tap ἐμοῦ καὶ οὐδὲν μὴ πάθῃς
ἄτοπον" ὅπως δὲ μνησθῇς τούτων παρὰ τὸν τῆς
εὐπραγίας καιρὸν σκόπει καὶ τοῖς υἱοῖς μου γενοῦ
χρήσιμος.᾽᾿ Δανίδης μὲν οὖν ταύτας λαβὼν παρὰ
᾿Ιωνάθου τὰς πίστεις εἰς τὸ συγκείμενον ἀπηλλάγη
χωρίον.
(9) TH & ἐχομένῃ, νουμηνία 5 ἦν," ἁγνεύσας,
ὡς ἔθος εἶχεν, ὁ βασιλεὺς ἧκεν ἐπὶ τὸ δεῖπνον, καὶ
παρακαθεσθέντων αὐτῷ τοῦ μὲν παιδὸς ᾿[αὐν δον
ἐκ δεξιῶν ᾿Αβενήρου δὲ τοῦ ἀρχιστρατήγου ἐκ τῶν
ἑτέρων, ἰδὼν τὴν τοῦ Δαυίδου καθέδραν κενὴν
ἡσύχασεν ὑπονοήσας οὐ καθαρεύσαντα αὐτὸν ἀπὸ
’ ¢€ a e A \ “A “ “.
236 συνουσίας ὑστερεῖν. ὡς δὲ καὶ τῇ δευτέρᾳ τῆς
νουμηνίας οὐ παρῆν ἐπυνθάνετο παρὰ τοῦ παιδὸς
“ \ “~
᾿Ιωνάθου ὅτι καὶ τῇ παρελθούσῃ καὶ ταύτῃ τοῦ
1S: καὶ rell. 2 +xalav ταῦτα φησὶν ἀκούσῃς RO.
3 δ᾽ ἣν ed. pr.: δ᾽ ἦν δύ ἣν codd.
6 Unscriptural detail.
> So, apparently, the utxx (σχίξαις ἀκοντίζων); Heb.
Δ arrows.””
282
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 232-236
and, should death befall me, preserve my children’s
lives and make over to them the recompense that
is due me for my present services.” After he had
taken these oaths, he dismissed David, telling him
to go to a certain place in the plain where he (Jona-
than) was wont to exercise himself *; there, he said,
when he had learnt his father’s mind, he would re-
join him, accompanied only by ἃ ἰδ. “ And if, after
throwing three darts ὃ at the mark, I order the lad
to bring them to me, for they will be found lying in
front of it,¢ know that no mischief is to be feared
from my father ; but if thou hearest me say the con-
trary, then look thou also for the contrary from the
king. Howbeit thou wilt find safety at my hands and
thou shalt suffer no harm. But see that thou re-
memberest this in the time of thy prosperity, and
deal kindly with my children.” Then David, having
received these pledges from Jonathan, departed to
the appointed place.
(9) The next day, which was the new moon, the
king, after purifying himself as the custom was, came
to the feast ; and when his son Jonathan had seated
himself on his right side and Abener, the commander
of the army, on his left, he marked that David's seat
was empty, but held his peacc, surmising that he had
been delayed by not having finished his purification
after sexual intercourse. But when, on the second
day of the feast of the new moon, David again did not
appear, he asked his son Jonathan why, both on the
¢ i.e. the mark, or perhaps “‘ him,” 2,6. the lad; 1 Sain.
xx. 21 ‘‘ the arrows are this side of thee.”’
4 This interpretation of 1 Sam. xx. 26 “ it is an accident ”’
(A.V. “ something hath befallen him ’’) is similar to that of
the rabbis, who took miqreh, lit. ““ happening,”’ in its physio-
logical sense of nocturnal entission.
283
Jonathan
excuses
David's ab-
sence at tha
feast.
1 Sam. xx.
24.
237
238
239
JOSEPHUS
δείπνου καὶ τῆς ἑστιάσεως ὁ τοῦ ᾿Ϊεσσαίου παῖς
ἀπολέλειπται. ὁ δὲ πεπορεῦσθαι κατὰ τὰς συν-
θήκας ἔφησεν αὐτὸν εἰς τὴν ἑαυτοῦ πατρίδα, τῆς
υλῆς ἑορτὴν ἀγούσης, ἐπιτρέψαντος αὐτοῦ᾽ παρα-
καλέσαι μέντοι καὶ αὐτὸν ἐλθεῖν ἐπὶ τὴν θυσίαν
καὶ εἰ συγχωρηθείη φησὶν ἀπέρχεσθαι"" :: τὴν γὰρ
εὔνοιάν μου τὴν πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐπίστασαι.᾽᾽ τότε τὴν
πρὸς Δαυίδην τοῦ πατρὸς ᾿Ιωνάθης ἐπέγνω δυο-
μένειαν καὶ τρανῶς τὴν ὅλην αὐτοῦ βούλησιν εἶδεν"
οὐ γὰρ κατέσχε Σαοῦλος τῆς ὀργῆς, ἀλλὰ βλα-
σφημῶν ἐξ αὐτομόλων γεγενημένον καὶ πολέμιον
ἀπεκάλει καὶ κοινωνὸν τοῦ Δαυίδου καὶ συνεργὸν
ἔλεγεν καὶ μήτ᾽" αὐτὸν αἰδεῖσθαι μήτε τὴν μητέρα
αὐτοῦ ταῦτα φρονοῦντα καὶ μηδὲ βουλόμενον πει-
σθῆναι τοῦθ᾽, ὅτι μέχρις οὗ περίεστι Δαυίδης
ἐπισφαλῶς ον τΕῖὸ τὰ τῆς βασιλείας ἔχει" ‘ μετά-
πεμψαι τοιγαροῦν αὐτόν,᾽᾿ ἔφησεν, “᾿ ἵνα δῷ δίκην.
ὑποτυχόντος δ᾽ ᾿Ιωνάθου, τα δ. ἀδικοῦντα κολάσαι
θέλεις ; οὐκέτ᾽ εἰς Abyous καὶ βλασφημίας τὴν
ὀργὴν ὁ Σαοῦλος ἐξήνεγκεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἁρπάσας τὸ δόρυ
ἀνεπήδησεν ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἀποκτεῖναι θέλων. καὶ τὸ
μὲν ἔργον οὐκ ἔδρασε διακωλυθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν φίλων,
φανερὸς δ᾽ ἐγένετο τῷ παιδὶ μισῶν τὸν Δαυίδην
καὶ διαχρήσασθαι ποθῶν, ὡς παρὰ μικρὸν δι᾿
ἐκεῖνον αὐτόχειρ καὶ Roo πὰ δ. γεγονέναι.
(10) Kat τότε μὲν 6 τοῦ βασιλέως παῖς ἐκπηδήσας
ἀπὸ τοῦ δείπνου καὶ μηδὲν ὑπὸ λύπης προσενέγκα-
σθαι δυνηθείς, κλαίων αὑτὸν μὲν τοῦ παρὰ μικρὸν
ἀπολέσθαι τοῦ κατακεκρίσθαι δ᾽ ἀποθανεῖν Δαυίδην
1 κἂν συγχωρῇς ἀπέρχομαι MSP (Lat. Ἐ).
2 Dindorf: μηδ᾽ codd.
284,
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 236-239
past day and on this, the son of Jesse had been absent
from the festive meal. Jonathan replied, as had
been agreed, that he had gone to his native place
where his tribe was keeping festival, and with his
(Jonathan’s) permission. ‘‘Whatis more,” he added,
““he even invited me to attend that sacrifice, and,
if leave be given me, I shall go; for thou knowest
the affection that I bear to him.’ @ Then did Jona-
than discover all his father’s malevolence toward
David and plainly perceive his whole intent. For Saul attacks
Saul did not restrain his wrath, but with curses 22nathan 4s
David's
denounced him as the offspring of renegades and accomplice.
an enemy, and accused him of being in league wha
David and his accomplice, and as having respect
neither for himself nor for his mother in taking that
attitude and in refusing to believe that, so long as
David lived, their hold upon the kingdom was in-
secure. ‘* Now then, send for him,” said he, “ that
he may be punished.” ‘“ But,’’? Jonathan objected,
“for what crime wouldst thou punish him?” Where-
upon the wrath of Saul found vent no more in words
and abuse, but, seizing his spear, he leapt toward him
with intent to slay him. And although his friends
prevented him? from perpetrating the deed, he had
now made plain to his son how he hated David and
craved to make away with him, sceing that on his
account he had wellnigh become the slayer even of
his own son.
(10) The king’s son instantly rushed from the feast Jonathan
and, prev antedi by gricf from tasting a morsel, passed does Pee
the night j in tears at the thought that he himself had in the fields
o say fare-
narrow sly escaped death and What David was doomed eae
* David’s invitation to Jonathan is unscriptural.
> Unscriptural detail.
285
JOSEPHUS
διενυκτέρευσεν. ἅμα δὲ ἡμέρᾳ πρὸ τῆς πόλεως
εἰς τὸ πεδίον ὡς γυμνασόμενος μὲν δηλώσων δὲ
τῷ φίλῳ τὴν τοῦ πατρὸς διάθεσιν, ὡς συνέθετο,
240 πρόεισι. ποιήσας δὲ ὁ ᾿Ιωνάθης τὰ συγκείμενα
τὸν μὲν ἑπόμενον ἀπολύει εἰς τὴν πόλιν παῖδα, ἦν
ὃ᾽ 2 1 “- / , “a 9 >] »” 2 ~
ἠρεμία' τῷ Aavidn παρελθεῖν; ets ὄψιν αὐτῷ
καὶ λόγους. ἀναφανεὶς δ᾽ οὗτος πίπτει πρὸ τῶν
3 “- ~ ~ ~ “-
Ιωνάθου ποδῶν καὶ προσκυνῶν σωτῆρα αὐτοῦ τῆς
94] ψυχῆς ἀπεκάλει. ἀνίστησι δ᾽ ἀπὸ τῆς γῆς αὐτόν,
καὶ περιπλακέντες ἀλλήλοις μακρά τε ἠσπάζοντο
i δεδακρυμένα, τήν τε ἡλικίαν ἀποθρηνοῦντες
ἘΠῚ καὶ τὴν ἐφθονημένην ἑταιρίαν καὶ τὸν μέλ-
λοντα διαχωρισμόν, ὃς οὐδὲν αὐτοῖς ἐδόκει θανάτον
διαφέρειν. μόλις a ἐκ τῶν θρήνων ἀνανήψαντες
καὶ μεμνῆσθαι τῶν ὅρκων ἀλλήλοις παρακελευσά-
μενοι διελύθησαν.
945 (xii. 1) Δαυίδης δὲ φεύγων τὸν βασιλέα καὶ τὸν
> ἢ a , ἢ T \ , t
ἐξ αὐτοῦ θάνατον εἰς Ναβὰν παραγίνεται πόλιν
πρὸς ᾿Αβιμέλεχον" τὸν ἀρχιερέα," ὃς ἐπὶ τῷ μόνον
ἥκοντα ἰδεῖν καὶ μήτε φίλον σὺν αὐτῷ μήτ᾽ οἰκέτην
παρόντα ἐθαύμασε καὶ τὴν αἰτίαν τοῦ μηδένα εἶναι
4 2 ~ “a 3 e 4 ~ 3 ’
243 σὺν αὐτῷ μαθεῖν ἤθελεν. ὁ δὲ πρᾶξιν ἀπόρρητον
3 ~ ~ x
ἐπιταγῆναι παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως ἔφησεν, εἰς ἣν
f >] ~ / a 2 Mv €¢ \
συνοδίας αὐτῷ βουλομένῳ λαθεῖν οὐκ ἔδει" “ τοὺς
3 “-
μέντοι θεράποντας εἰς τόνδε μοι τὸν τόπον ἀπαντᾶν
1 ὁ δ᾽ ἐν ἐρημίᾳ MSP (Lat.).
2 παρῆλθεν MSP: ἦλθεν E.
8. ROE Zonaras: ᾿Αχιμέλεχον MSP (Lat.).
4 ἱερέα MSP Lat.
4 Unscriptural detail.
> Josephus omits the account, 1 Sam. xx. 36-37, of Jona-
286
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 239-243
to die. But at daybreak he went out into the plain! oe
before the city, seemingly for exercise,* in reality τ
to make known to his friend, in accordance with their
agreement, the temper of his father. Then, after
doing what had been prearranged, Jonathan sent
back the boy who attended him to the city,’ and
David was undisturbed in coming out to meet him
and to speak with him. Appearing in the open, he fell
at Jonathan’s feet and did him homage, calling him
the preserver of his life. But Jonathan raised him from
the ground, and, putting their arms about each other,
they took a long and tearful farewell, bewailing their
youth, the companionship which was begrudged them
and their coming separation,’ which seemed to them
nothing less than death. Then, hardly recovering
from their lamentation and exhorting each other to
remember their oaths, they parted.
(xii. 1) But David, fleeing from the king and death David re-
at his hands, now came to the city of Naba ὦ to Abi- from the :
melech ὁ the high priest, who was astonished to see bigh priest
Ahimelech
him arrive Alana with neither friend nor servant in (Abimelech)
attendance, and desired to know the reason why no mats
man accompanicd him. He replied that he had been | Sam. xxi.
charged by the king with a secret matter for which ~ ᾿
he required | no escort since he wished to remain
unknown. “ Howbeit,’’ he added, “1 have ordered
my servants to Join me at this place. Sf" He also re-
than’s shooting the arrows beyond the lad to indicate Saul’s
displeasure.
© These details of their parting are an amplification.
4 Bibl. Nob, xxx Néu8a. The exact site is uncertain, but
it was probably a little north of Jerusalem, in the territory
of Benjamin, cf. Neh. xi. 32.
¢ Variant Achimelech, as in Scripture ; the Lxx mss. also
vary between the two forms.
7 Bibl. * at such and such a place.”
287
JOSEPHUS
προσέταξα.᾽᾽ ἠξίου δὲ λαβεῖν ἐφόδια" φίλου yap
αὐτὸν ποιήσειν ἔργον παρασχόντα καὶ πρὸς τὸ
244 προκείμενον συλλαμβανομένου. τυχὼν δὲ τούτων
ἤτει καὶ ὅπλον τι μετὰ χεῖρας ῥομφαίαν 7 δοράτιον'
παρῆν δὲ καὶ Σαούλου δοῦλος γένει μὲν Σύρος
Δώηγος" δὲ ὄνομα τὰς τοῦ βασιλέως ἡμιόνους
νέμων" ὃ δ᾽ ἀρχιερεὺς ἔχειν μὲν αὐτὸς οὐδέν τι
εἶπε τοιοῦτον, εἶναι δὲ τὴν Γολιάθου ῥομφαίαν, ἣν
ἀποκτείνας τὸν IlaAatorivoy αὐτὸς ἀναθείη τῷ θεῷ.
245 (2) Λαβὼν δὲ ταύτην 6 Δαυίδης ἔξω τῆς τῶν
Ἑβραίων χώρας εἰς Γίτταν διέφυγε τὴν 1]αλαι-
στίνων, ἧς "Αγχους ἐβασίλευεν. ἐπιγνωσθεὶς δὲ
ὑπὸ τῶν τοῦ βασιλέως οἰκετῶν καὶ φανερὸς αὐτῷ
γενόμενος, μηνυόντων ἐκείνων ὅτι Δαυίδης ὁ πολλὰς
ἀποκτείνας Παλαιστίνων μυριάδας εἴη, δείσας μὴ
πρὸς αὐτοῦ θάνῃ καὶ τὸν κίνδυνον ὃν ἐξέφυγε παρὰ
Σαούλου παρ᾽ ἐκείνου πειράσῃ προσποιεῖται μανίαν
καὶ λύσσαν, ὡς ἀφρὸν κατὰ τοῦ στόματος αὐτοῦ
φερόμενον καὶ τὰ ἀλλα' ὅσα συνίστησι μανίαν"
πίστιν παρὰ τῷ Τίττης βασιλεῖ γενέσθαι" τῆς νόσου.
946 καὶ τοῖς οἰκέταις ὁ βασιλεὺς προσδυσχεράνας ὡς
ἔκφρονα πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀγάγοιεν ἄνθρωπον ἐκέλευσε
τὸν Δαυίδην ὡς τάχος ἐκβάλλειν.
247 (8) Διασωθεὶς δὲ οὕτως ἐκ τῆς Γύτης εἰς τὴν
᾿Ιούδα παραγίνεται φυλὴν καὶ ἐν τῷ πρὸς ᾿Αδουλ-
1 bound. 7} δορ. om. Lat. FE. 2 Δώηκος SPE.
8 SP: ἐβασίλευσεν rell.
4 εδὲ MSP. δ μανίας MSP.
* Niese: γενήσεσθαι ROM : γεγενῆσθαι SP.
7 οὗτος ROME.
288
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 243-247
quested him to furnish him with provisions for a
journey ; in so doing, he would, he said, be acting
like a friend and assisting the cause in hand. Having
obtained these,* he farehier asked for any weapon a
his keeping, sword or spear. Now there was present
also a certain slave of Saul, of Syrian? race, by name
Doeg, keeper of the king’s mules. The high priest
replied that he himself possessed no such thing, but
that he had there that sword of Goliath which David
himself, after slaying the Philistinc, had dedicated
to God.4
(2) Taking this weapon, David fled beyond Hebrew David flees
territory to ‘Gitta, a city of the Philistines, of which Hee
Anchis ὁ was king. Here he was recognized by the feisning
king’s servants w sho then made his presence known is expelled.
to the king, reporting that this was that David πατεῖ,
who had slain many myriads of Philistines. Thereat
David, fearing that he would be put to death by him
and, after escaping that peri] at the hands of Saul,
meet the like fate at his hands, feigned raging mad-
ness, foaming at the mouth and displaying all the
other symptoms of madness, so as to convince the
king of Gitta of his malady. The king was exceed-
ingly angry with his servants for having brought him
a madman and gave orders for David's instant ex-
pulsion.
(3) Having thus eseaped with his life from Gitta,
he betook himself to the tribe of Judah / and, taking
4 Josephus omits the Scriptural details about the hallowed
bread which was the only food at the priest’s disposal.
6 So the txx 3; Heb. “δὴ Edomite.”’
¢ So the txx; Heb. “ chief of the shepherds ’’ (A.V.
‘herdsmen ’’). @ Cf. § 192.
¢ So the Luxx (Luc. ᾿Ακχούς) ; bibl. Achish.
7 The reference to Judah is an added detail.
289
JOSEPHUS
λάμῃ" πόλει σπηλαίῳ διατρίβων πέμπει πρὸς τοὺς
‘Beh pods δηλῶν αὐτοῖς ἔνθα εἴη. οἱ δὲ μετὰ πάσης
συγγενείας ἧκον πρὸς αὐτόν' καὶ τῶν ἄλλων δὲ
ὅσοις ἢ χρεία ἦν ἢ φόβος ἐκ Σαούλου τοῦ βασι-
λέως συν ἐρρύησαν πρὸς αὐτὸν καὶ ποιεῖν τὰ ἐκείνῳ
δοκοῦντα ἑτοίμως ἔχειν ἔλεγον. ἐγένοντο δὲ οἵ
, ς \ , , \ ς \
248 EVES ee ἡ ως aed υάρο: θαρρῆσας δὲ Ws as
249
χειρὸς αὐτῷ καὶ συνεργίας ἤδη προσγεγενημένης
ἀπάρας ἐκεῖθεν ἀφικνεῖται πρὸς τὸν τῶν Μωαβιτῶν
βασιλέα, καὶ τοὺς γονεῖς, αὐτοῦ εἰς τὴν ἑαυτοῦ
χώραν προσδεξάμενον ἕ ἕως ἂν ἐπιγνῷ" τὸ καθ᾽ αὑτὸν
τέλος ἐ ἔχειν παρεκάλει" κατανεύσαντος δ᾽ αὐτοῦ τὴν
χάριν καὶ πάσης τοὺς γονεῖς τοῦ Δαυίδου τιμῆς
παρ᾽ ὃν ἐτύγχανον παρ᾽ αὐτῷ χρόνον ἀξιώσαντος.
(4 ) Αὐτὸς τοῦ προφήτου κελεύσαντος αὐτὸν τὴν
μὲν ἐρημίαν ἐκλιπεῖν, πορευθέντα δ᾽ εἰς τὴν κλη-
ρουχίαν τῆς ᾿Ιούδα φυλῆς. ἐν αὐτῇ διάγειν πεί-
θεται καὶ παραγενόμενος εἰς Lapw*® πόλιν ἐν αὐτῇ
ο50 Κατέμενε. Σαοῦλος δ᾽ ἀκούσας ὅτι μετὰ πλήθους
2
ὀφθείη ὁ Δαυίδης, οὐκ εἰς τυχόντα θόρυβον καὶ
ταραχὴν ἐνέπεσεν, ἀλλ᾽ εἰδὼς τὸ φρόνημα τοῦ
ἀνδρὸς καὶ τὴν εὐτολμίαν οὐδὲν ἐξ αὐτοῦ μικρὸν
ἀνακύψειν ἔργον, ὑφ᾽ οὗ κλαύσεσθαι πάντως καὶ
πονήσειν, ὑπενόησε. καὶ συγκαλέσας τοὺς φίλους
καὶ τοὺς ἡγεμόνας καὶ τὴν φυλὴν ἐξ ἧς αὐτὸς ἦν
1 NM: ᾿Αδολλαάμῃ RO: ᾿Αδυλλάμῃ SP.
2 ἕως οὗ ἐπὶ RO: ἕως ἂν ἀπογνῷ rell. Lat.
3 Σάρην SP.
α Called Odollam (as in the txx) in A. viii. 246; bibl.
σαν of Adullam.’’ It has been identified by some with
the modern Ahirbet ‘Aid el-Ma, 12 miles S.W. of Bethlehem,
by others with Avhirbet esh-Sheikh Madhkir close by. Both
290
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 247-251
up his abode in a cave close to the city of Adullam,? David's
sent word to his brothers where he was to be found. [ΟΡ δῶρ
They, with all his kinsfolk, came to him ; and besides of Adullam.
them, all who were in want or in fear of King Saul Sai 1.
Sue amed to him and declared themselves ready to
obey his orders. They were in all about four hundred.
Encouraged at now ‘finding himself with a force to
assist him, David departed “thence and made his w ay
to the Moabite king and besought him to receive his
parents into his country and to kcep them until he
himself should know what was finally to become of
him. This favour the king accorded him and showed
all honour to David’s parents so long as they were
with him.
(4) David himself was bidden by the prophet ὃ to David in.
quit the desert and repair to the territory of the tribe trzes tis ae
of Judah and remain there; so, obedient to this friends to
counsel, he came to the city of Saris © and there abode. loyal.
But Saul: on hearing that David had been seen Lo
with a large following, was thrown into no ordinary
confusion and dismay ; for, knowing the mettle and
hardihood of the man, he surmised that it would be
no small labour that would arise from David’s acts, but
one that would surely cause him regret and suffering.
So summoning to him his friends and chieftains and
the tribe from which he himself came, to the hill? where
places, incidentally, are at the southern end of the Valley of
Elah, cf. § 170 note.
> The prophet Gad, according to Scripture.
¢ So, nearly, the xx; Heb. “ forest of Hareth ’’; the site
is uncertain but is identified by some with the modern
[Kharas,7 miles N.W. of Hebron, and a little S.E. of the sup-
posed sites of Adullam.
4 Josephus, like the txx, takes Gibeah (‘hill’) as a
common noun.
291
no
σι
(Ft)
JOSEPHUS
πρὸς αὑτὸν emt tov βουνόν, οὗ τὸ βασίλειον εἶχε,
καὶ καθίσας ἐπ᾽ “Apoupys, τόπος δ᾽ ἦν τις οὕτω
προσαγορευόμενος, τιμῆς πολιτικῆς περὶ αὐτὸν
οὔσης καὶ: τάξεως σωματοφυλάκων λέγει πρὸς
αὐτούς" Ἷ ἄνδρες ὁμόφυλοι, μέμνησθε μὲν οἶδ᾽ ὅτι
τῶν ἐμῶν εὐεργεσιῶν, ὅτι καὶ ἀγρῶν τινας “ἐποίησα
δεσπότας καὶ τιμῶν τῶν ἐν τῷ πλήθει καὶ τάξεων
ἠξίωσα. πυνθάνομαι τοιγαροῦν εἰ μείζονας τού-
των δωρεὰς καὶ πλείονας παρὰ τοῦ ᾿Ϊεσσαίου
παιδὸς προσδοκᾶτε' οἶδα γὰρ ὅτι πάντες ἐκείνῳ
προστέθεισθε" τοὐμοῦ παιδὸς ᾿Ιωνάθου αὐτοῦ τε
οὕτως φρονήσαντος καὶ ὑμᾶς ταὐτὰ' πείσαντος" οὐ
γὰρ ἀγνοῶ τοὺς ὅρκους καὶ Tas συνθήκας τὰς πρὸς
Δαυίδην αὐτῷ γεγενημένας, οὐδ᾽ ὅτι σύμβουλ ος
μὲν καὶ συνεργὸς ᾿Ιωνάθης ἐστὶ τῶν κατ᾽ ἐμοῦ
συντεταγμένων, μέλει δὲ ὑμῶν οὐδενὶ περὶ τούτων,
ἀλλὰ τὸ ἀποβησόμενον ἡσυχάζοντες σκοπεῖτε."
σιωπήσαντος δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως ἄλλος μὲν οὐδεὶς
ἀπεκρίνατο τῶν παρόντων, Δώηγος δ᾽ ὁ Σύρος ὁ
τὰς ἡμιόνους αὐτοῦ βόσκων εἶπεν ὡς ἴδοι τὸν
Δαυίδην εἰς Ναβὰν πόλιν πρὸς ᾿Αβιμέλεχον ἐλθόντα
τὸν ἀρχιερέα τά τε μέλλοντα παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ προ-
φητεύσαντος μαθεῖν, καὶ λαβόντα ἐφόδια καὶ τὴν
ῥομφαίαν τοῦ Τ᾿ ολιάθου πρὸς ovs ἐβούλετο μετὰ
ἀσφαλείας προπεμφθῆναι.
(5) Μεταπεμψάμενος οὖν τὸν ἀρχιερέα καὶ πᾶσαν
αὐτοῦ τὴν γενεὰν Σαοῦλος “᾿τί παθὼν ἐξ ἐμοῦ,
εἶπε, “᾿ δεινὸν καὶ ἄχαρι τὸν ᾿ΙΪεσσαίου παῖδα προσ-
εδέξω καὶ σιτίων μὲν αὐτῷ μετέδωκας καὶ ὅπλων
1 οὕτω προσ. om. RO. 2 xaiom. codd,
> (R)ME: προστεθήσεσθε O: προστίθεσθε SP Lat.
4 Ernesti: ταῦτα codd.
292
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 231-235
he had his palace, and seating himself at a certain
spot called Arira,? with his officers of state ὃ and his
company of bodyguards ὃ around him, he addressed
them thus: “ Fellow tribesmen, you remember, I
doubt not, my benefactions, how I have made some
of you owners of estates and to others have granted
honours and high positions among the people. I ask
you, therefore, if you look for larger and more
bounties than these from the son of Jesse? I know
very well that you have all gone over to him, because
my own son Jonathan himself has taken this stand
and has persuaded you to do the like. Nor am 1
ignorant of those oaths and covenants that he has
made with David, nor that Jonathan is the counsellor
and accomplice of those who are arrayed against me ;
and not one of you is concerned about these things,
but you are quietly waiting to see what will happen.”’
When the king was silent, no other of those present
made reply ; ‘only Doeg the Syrian, the keeper of
his mules, said that he had seen David when he came
to the city of Naba to Abimelech the high priest,
where through the priest’s prophecies David had
learnt what was to come, and, having received pro-
visions and the sword of Goliath, he had safely been
sent on his way to those whom he was seeking.
(5) Saul, therefore, sent for the high priest and all
his family, and said : ‘‘ What wrong have I done thee
or what injury that thou didst receive the son of
Jesse and gavest food and arms to him who is a
α « Plowland’’; so the Lxx translates Heb. shel, a kind
of tree (A.V. “ tamarisk”). Cf. § 377
ὃ Bibl, “servants.”
293
Doeg the
informer,
1 Sam.
Xxil. 9.
Saul rebukes
Ahimelech,
who excuses
himself.
1 Sam. xxii.
1),
JOSEPHUS
ὄντι τῆς ἐμῆς βασιλείας ἐπιβούλῳ, τί δὲ δὴ περὶ
τῶν μελλόντων ἐχρημάτιζες; οὐ γὰρ δή σε φεύγων
256 ἐμὲ καὶ μισῶν τὸν ἐμὸν οἶκον ἐλάνθανεν. ὁ δ᾽
ἀρχιερεὺς οὐκ ἐπ᾽ ἄρνησιν. ἐτράπη τῶν ἜΠΟΣ ΕΚ
ἀλλὰ μετὰ παρρησίας ταῦτα παρασχεῖν ὡμολόγει
οὐχὶ Δαυίδῃ χαριζόμενος, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτῷ: πολέμιον γὰρ
σὸν οὐκ εἰδέναι ἔφασκε, πιστὸν δὲ ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα
δοῦλον καὶ χιλίαρχον καὶ τὸ τούτων μεῖζον γαμ-
257 Bpov TE ἤδη καὶ συγγενῆ. ταῦτα δ᾽ οὐκ ἐχθροῖς
παρέχειν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους, ἀλλὰ τοῖς εὐνοίᾳ καὶ
τιμῇ τῇ πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἀρίστοις. προφητεῦσαι δὲ
οὐ νῦν πρῶτον αὐτῷ, πολλάκις δὲ καὶ ἀλλοτε
τοῦτο πεποιηκέναι" “ φήσαντι δὲ ὑπὸ σοῦ πεμ-
φθῆναι κατὰ πολλὴν σπουδὴν ἐ ἐπὶ πρᾶξιν, To" μηδὲν
παρασχεῖν ὧν ἐπεζήτει, σοὶ μᾶλλον ἀντιλέγειν ἢ
268 ἐκείνῳ περὶ αὐτῶν ἐλογιζόμην. διὸ μηδὲν πονηρὸν
κατ᾽ ἐμοῦ φρονήσῃς μηδὲ πρὸς ἃ νῦν ἀκούεις
Aavidny ἐγχειρεῖν πρὸς ταῦτα τὴν τότε μου
δοκοῦσαν φιλανθρωπίαν ὑποπτεύσῃς" φίλῳ γὰρ καὶ
γαμβρῷ σῷ καὶ χιλιάρχῳ παρέσχον, οὐ πολεμίῳ.
259 (6) Ταῦτα λέγων ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς οὐκ ἔπεισε τὸν
Σαοῦλον (δεινὸς γὰρ ὁ φόβος μηδ᾽ ἀληθεῖ πιστεύειν
ἀπολογίᾳ), κελεύει δὲ τοῖς ὁπλίταις περιστᾶσιν"
αὐτὸν μετὰ τᾶς γενεᾶς" ἀποκτεῖναι. μὴ θαρρούν-
των δ᾽ ἐκείνων ἅψασθαι τοῦ ἀρχιερέως, ἀλλὰ τὸ
θεῖον εὐλαβουμένων μᾶλλον 7 τὸ παρακοῦσαι τοῦ,
βασιλέως, τῷ Σύρῳ Δωήγῳ προστάσσει τὸν φόνον.
560 καὶ παραλαβὼν ὁμοίως αὑτῷ πονηροὺς ΣΕ
ἀποκτείνει τὸν ᾿Αβιμέλεχον καὶ τὴν γενεὰν αὐτοῦ",
1 τῷ ex Lat. Niese. 2 περισταθεῖσιν ROME ἢ
3 μετὰ τ. γεν. om. RO.
4 Niese: ὁμοίους αὐτῷ codd. |
294
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 255-260
plotter against my realm? And why. pray, didst thou
deliver oracles concerning the future ? For assuredly
thou wert not ignorant that he was fleeing from me
_ and that he hated my house.” The high priest did
not resort to a denial of what had taken place, but
frankly confessed that he had rendered those services,
yet not to gratify David, but Saul. “I knew him
not, said he, ‘‘ for thine enemy, but as one of thy most
faithful servants and thy captain, and, what is more,
as thy son-in-law now and kinsman. Men bestow
such dignities not on their enemies, but on those who
show them the greatest goodwill and esteem. Nor
was this the first time that I prophesied for him ;
often have I done so on other occasions as well. And
when he told me that he had been sent by thee
in great haste on a certain matter, had I refused any
of his desires, I should have thought this to be gain-
saying thee rather than him.? Therefore, think not
ill of me, nor, from what thou now hearest of David’s
designs, regard with suspicion what I then deemed
an act of humanity ; for it was to thy friend and to
thy son-in-law and captain that I rendered it, not to
thine enemy.”
(6) These words of the high priest did not persuade
Saul, for fear is strong enough to disbelieve even a
truthful plea ; and he ordered his soldiers to surround
him and his kin, and slay them. But as they dared
not lay hands on the high priest, dreading more to
offend the Deity than to disobey the king, he charged
Doeg the Syrian to carry out the murder. This
fellow, taking to help him others as wicked as him-
self,®? slew Abimelech and his kin, who were in all
4 This last sentence is an addition to Scripture.
ὃ In Scripture, Doeg alone slays the priests.
VOR. ¥ U 205
At Saul's
order, Doeg
slays
Ahimelech
and his kin3
Nob is
destroyed.
1 Sam. xxii.
16.
20]
263
264
JOSEPHUS
4 \ , ς \ , \ ἢ 1 ,
σαν δὲ πάντες ὡσεὶ πέντε καὶ τριακόσιοι. πέμ-
A ~ \ 3 Ἀ 7 ~ e ,
was δὲ Σαοῦλος καὶ εἰς τὴν πόλιν τῶν ἱερέων
NaPav πάντας τε αὐτοὺς ἀπέκτεινεν, οὐ γυναικῶν
> ᾽ 3 3 4 ¢ , 7 3 Ἁ
οὐ νηπίων οὐδ᾽ ἄλλης ἡλικίας φεισάμενος, αὐτὴν
δὲ ἐνέπρησε. διασώζεται δὲ παῖς εἷς ᾿Αβιμελέχου
᾿Αβιάθαρος ὅ ὄνομα. ταῦτα μέντοι γε συνέβη, καθὼς
προεφήτευσεν ὁ θεὸς τῷ ἀρχιερεῖ "HAL, διὰ τὰς
τῶν υἱῶν αὐτοῦ δύο παρανομίας εἰπὼν διαφθαρή-
σεσθαι τοὺς ἐγγόνους.
pe a , oe \ ee: ° »
(7) Σαοῦλος δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς ὠμὸν οὕτως ἐργον
διαπραξάμενος καὶ γενεὰν ὅλην ἀρχιερατικῆς ἀπο-
σφάξας τιμῆς καὶ μήτ᾽ ἐπὶ νηπίοις λαβὼν οἶκτον
μήτ᾽ ἐπὶ γέρουσιν αἰδῶ, καταβαλὼν δὲ καὶ τὴν
πόλιν, ἣν πατρίδα καὶ τροφὸν τῶν ἱερέων καὶ
~ ~ 3
προφητῶν αὐτὸ τὸ θεῖον ἐπελέξατο καὶ μόνην εἰς
~ Ὁ“
τὸ τοιούτους φέρειν ἄνδρας ἀπέδειξε, μαθεῖν ἅπασι
~ ,
παρέσχε καὶ κατανοῆσαι τὸν ἀνθρώπινον τρόπον,
ὅτι μέχρις οὗ μέν εἰσιν ἰδιῶταί τινες καὶ ταπεινοΐ,
τῷ μὴ δύνασθαι χρῆσθαι τῇ φύσει μηδὲ τολμᾶν
ὅσα θέλουσιν, ἐπιεικεῖς εἰσι καὶ μέτριοι καὶ μόνον
διώκουσι τὸ δίκαιον, καὶ πρὸς αὐτὸ τὴν πᾶσαν
A
εὔνοιάν' τε καὶ σπουδὴν ἔχουσι, τότε δὲ καὶ περὶ
~ ~ ~ /
τοῦ θείου πεπιστεύκασιν ὅτι πᾶσι τοῖς γινομένοις
~ , 2 ὅόὄ “
ἐν τῷ βίῳ πάρεστι καὶ οὐ τὰ ἔργα μόνον ὁρᾷ
A ; 5» A A \ ’ Μ ~
Ta πραττόμενα, ἀλλὰ Kal τὰς διανοίας ἤδη σαφῶς
Ὶ 5.1}. © ’ ~ > δ “ ‘ 3
οἶδεν, ἀφ᾽ ὧν μέλλει ταῦτ᾽ ἔσεσθαι: ὅταν δὲ εἰς
ἐξουσίαν παρέλθωσι καὶ δυναστείαν, τότε πάντ᾽
ἐκεῖνα μετεκδυσάμενοι καὶ ὥσπερ ἐπὶ σκηνῆς
1 ex Lat. Niese (cf. τ,ΧΧ): πέντε καὶ ὀγδοήκοντα RO: πέντε
καὶ 64 δ ὐτα καὶ τριακόσιοι MSP: πεντακόσιοι καὶ τριάκοντα EK.
2 conj. edd.: αὐτόθι codd.: om. Lat.
3 αὐτῷ Niese. 4 ἔννοιαν Dindorf.
296
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 260-264
some three hundred and five. Moreover Saul sent
men to Naba, the city of the priests, and slew all
therein, sparing neither women nor infants nor those
of any age, and burnt the town. One son of Abime-
lech alone escaped, Abiathar® by name. Now all
these things came to pass in full accordance with
what God had foretold to Eli the high priest, when
He declared that by reason of the iniquities of his two
sons his posterity should be destroyed.
(7) ?But as for King Saul, by perpetrating a deed Reflections
so cruel as slaughtering a whole family SE high- ee a
priestly rank, feeling neither pity for infants. nor cis te
reverence for age, and then proceeding to demolish accession to
the city which the Deity Himself had chosen as the P°*™
home and nurse of priests and prophets and set apart
as the sole place to produce such men—Saul thereby
gave all to know and understand the character of
men, namely that so long as they are of private and
humble station, through inability to indulge their
instincts or to dare all that they desire, they are
kindly and moderate and pursue only what is right,
and turn thereto their every thought and endeavour ; :
then too, concerning the Deity, they are persuaded
that He is present in all that happens i in life and that
He not only sees the acts that are done, but clearly
knows even the thoughts whence those acts are to
come. But when once they attain to power and
sovereignty, then, stripping off all those qualities and
laying aside their habits and ways as if they were
¢ Emended text, agreeing with the Ltxx, 1 Sam. xxii. 18,
where the Heb. has 65; the mss. vary between 85 and 385,
while the Epitome has 530. Below, § 268, Josephus has 300.
> Heb. Ebydthar. © Of As Vea.
4 With this digression in criticism of Sau] contrast the
eulogy below, §§ 343 ff
297
265
266
267
268
JOSEPHUS
προσωπεῖα τὰ ἤθη Kal τοὺς τρόπους ἀποθέμενοι
μεταλαμβάνουσι τόλμαν ἀπόνοιαν καταφρόνησιν av-
θρωπίνων τε καὶ θείων, καὶ ὅτε μάλιστα δεῖ τῆς
εὐσεβείας αὐτοῖς καὶ “τῆς δικαιοσύνης, ἐ ἔγγιστα τοῦ
φθονεῖσθαι γεγενημένοις καὶ πᾶσι φανεροῖς ep
οἷς ἂν νοήσωσιν ἢ πράξωσι καθεστῶσι, τόθ᾽ ὡς
οὐκέτι βλέποντος αὐτοὺς τοῦ θεοῦ ἢ διὰ τὴν
ἐξουσίαν δεδιότος οὕτως ἐμπαροινοῦσι τοῖς πράγ-
μασιν. ἃ δ᾽ ἂν ἢ φοβηθῶσιν ἀκούσαντες) ἢ
μισήσωσι « * θελήσαντες" ἢ στέρξωσιν ἀλόγως,
ταῦτα κύρια καὶ βέβαια καὶ ἀληθῆ καὶ ἀνθρώποις
ἀρεστὰ καὶ θεῷ δοκοῦσι, τῶν δὲ μελλόντων λόγος
αὐτοῖς οὐδὲ eis: ἀλλὰ τιμῶσι μὲν τοὺς πολλὰ
ταλαιπωρήσαντας, τιμήσαντες δὲ φθονοῦσι, καὶ
παραγαγόντες εἰς ἐπιφάνειαν οὐ ταύτης ἀφαιροῦνται
μόνον τοὺς τετυχηκότας, ἀλλὰ διὰ ταύτην καὶ τοῦ
ζῆν ἐπὶ πονηραῖς αἰτίαις καὶ dv ὑπερβολὴν αὐτῶν
ἀπιθάνοις" κολάζουσι δ᾽ οὐκ ἐπ᾽ ἔργοις δίκης
ἀξίοις, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ διαβολαῖς καὶ κατηγορίαις ἀ-
βασανίστοις, οὐδ᾽ ὅσους" ἔδει τοῦτο παθεῖν, ἀλλ᾽
ὅσους ἀποκτεῖναι δύνανται. τοῦτο Σιαοῦλος ἡμῖν
ὁ Κείσου παῖς, 6 πρῶτος μετὰ τὴν ἀριστοκρατίαν
καὶ" τὴν ἐπὶ τοῖς κριταῖς πολιτείαν “EBpaiwy βασι-
λεύσας, φανερὸν πεποίηκε τριακοσίους ἀποκτείνας
ἱερέας καὶ προφήτας ἐκ τῆς πρὸς ᾿Αβιμέλεχον
ὑποψίας, ἐπικαταβαλὼν δὲ αὐτοῖς καὶ τὴν πόλιν,
καὶ τὸν" τρόπῳ τινὶ ναὸν σπουδάσας ἱερέων καὶ
προφητῶν ἔρημον καταστῆσαι, τοσούτους μὲν ἀν-
1 ἀκούσιοι conj. Thackeray.
2 ἐθελήσαντες SP: ἐθελοκακήσαντες Naber.
8 ods Niese. 4 xaiom. RO.
δ + éy codd.
298
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 264-268
stage masks, they assume in their place audacity,
recklessness, contempt for things human and divine ;
and at the moment when they most need piety and
righteousness, being now within closest reach of envy,
with all their thoughts and acts exposed to all men,
then, as though God no longer saw them or were over-
awed by their power, they break out into these riot-
ous acts. ‘Their fear of rumours, their wilful hates,?
their irrational loves—these they regard as valid,
sure and true, acceptable to man and God, but of
the future they take not the least account. They first
honour those who have toiled in their service, and
then envy them the honours which they have con-
ferred ; and, after promoting men to high distinction,
they deprive them not only of this, but, on its very
account, of life itself, on malicious charges which
their extravagance renders incredible. Their punish-
ments are inflicted not for acts deserving of chastise-
ment, but on the faith of calumnies and unsifted
accusations, nor do they fall on those who ought so
to suffer, but on whomsoever they can put to death.
- Of this we have a signal example in the conduct of
Saul, son of Kis, the first to become king of the
Hebrews after the period of aristocracy and the
government under the judges, for he slew three
hundred priests and prophets from suspicion of Abime-
lech, and further demolished their city and strove to
leave what was virtually their teinple ὃ destitute of
priests and prophets,° by first slaying so many of
¢ Text uncertain.
> The first real temple was, of course, to be built later in
Jerusalem by Solomon.
¢ The reference to prophets is unscriptural.
299
JOSEPHUS
ελών, μεῖναι δ᾽ ἐάσας οὐδὲ THY πατρίδα αὐτῶν πρὸς
τὸ καὶ μετ᾽ ἐκείνους ἄλλους γενέσθαι.
209 (8) Ὃ δ᾽ ᾿Αβιάθαρος ὁ τοῦ ᾿Αβιμελέχου παῖς 6
μόνος διασωθῆναι' δυνηθεὶς ἐκ τοῦ γένους τῶν ὑπὸ
Σαούλου φονευθέντων ἱερέων φυγὼν πρὸς Δαυίδην
τὴν τῶν οἰκείων αὐτοῦ συμφορὰν ἐδήλωσε καὶ τὴν
270 τοῦ πατρὸς ἀναίρεσιν. ὁ δ᾽ οὐκ ἀγνοεῖν ἔφη ταῦτα
περὶ αὐτοὺς ἐσόμενα ἰδὼν τὸν Δώηγον" ὑπονοῆσαι
γὰρ διαβληθήσεσθαι πρὸς αὐτοῦ τὸν ἀρχιερέα. τῷ
Πασιλεῖ, καὶ τῆς ἀτυχίας ταύτης αὐτοῖς αὑτὸν
ἡτιᾶτο. peverv® δ᾽ αὐτόθι καὶ σὺν αὐτῷ διατρίβειν
ὡς οὐκ ἐν ἄλλῳ τόπῳ λησόμενον οὕτως ἠξίου.
271] (χΙΠ. 1) Kara δὲ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν ἀκούσας ὁ
Δαυίδης τοὺς Παλαιστίνους ἐμβεβληκότας εἰς τὴν
Κιλλανῶν χώραν καὶ ταύτην διαρπάζοντας δίδωσιν
ἑαυτὸν στρατεύειν ἐπ᾽ αὐτούς, τοῦ θεοῦ διὰ τοῦ
προφήτου πυθόμενος εἰ ἐπιτρέπει νίκην. τοῦ δὲ
σημαίνειν φήσαντος ἐξώρμησεν. ἐπὶ τοὺς [[αλαι-
στίνους μετὰ τῶν ἑταίρων καὶ φόνον τε αὐτῶν
272 πολὺν ἐξέχεε καὶ λείαν ἤλασεν. καὶ παραμείνας
τοῖς [Κιλλανοῖς, ἕως οὗ τὰς ἅλως" καὶ τὸν καρπὸν
συνεῖλον ἀδεῶς, Σαούλῳ τῷ βασιλεῖ μηνύεται παρ᾽
αὐτοῖς ὧν" τὸ γὰρ ἔργον καὶ τὸ “κατόρθωμα οὐκ
ἔμεινε παρ᾽ οἷς ἐγένετο, φήμη' δ᾽ ἐπίπαν εἴς τε τὰς
τῶν ἄλλων ἀκοὰς καὶ πρὸς τὰς τοῦ βασιλέως
διεκομίσθη αὐτόδ τε συνιστάνον καὶ τὸν πεποιη-
273 κότα. χαίρει δὲ Σαοῦλος ἀκούσας ἐν Kidda τὸν
1 διασωθ, om. RO.
2 τὸ μένειν codd. 8. ἅλω codd.: ἁλώνας ed. pr.
4 φήμῃ Ernesti. δ αὑτό Dindorf.
α Cf. below on § 273
> In Scripture no mention is made at this point of a prophet,
300
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 268-273
them and then not suffering even their native place
to remain, that others might eome after them.
(8) Now Abiathar, the son of Abimelech, who alone Abiathar,
of the family of priests slaughtered by Saul had been Pee son,
able to escape, fled to David and told him of the tees to
tragedy of his kin and the slaying of his father. David ey eis
replied that he had known that this fate would befall 30.
them, when he saw Doeg ; he had, he said, suspeeted
that the high priest would be denounced to the king
by this man, and he blamed himself as the cause
of this misfortune to them. Howbeit he besought
Abiathar to abide there and to live with him, since
nowhere else would he be so safely hidden.
(xiii. 1) At this same time David, hearing that the David saves
Philistines had invaded the country of the Killanians ἃ (Kills) te
and were ravaging it, offered to take the field against the Phil-
them, after inquiring of God through the prophet ὃ ΗΝ
whether He would grant him victory. And when}
the prophet reported that God had so signified, he
threw himself upon the Philistines with his ecom-
panions, made a great slaughter of them and earried
off their spoils. As he then remained with the Kil-
lanians until they had secured their threshing-floors
and safely got in their crops,’ his presence there was
reported to King Saul. For this exploit and its
suceess did not remain confined to those who had wit-
nessed them, but the fame of it was carried abroad
to the ears of all, the king’s included, with praise of
the deed and the doer of it. Saul rejoiced to hear
but in 1 Sain. xxiii. 9 we read that David consulted God about
leaving Keilah, through the priest Abimelech by means of
the ephod—a detail omitted in Josephus’s account below,
§ 274.
¢ The safeguarding of the crops is an amplification of
Scripture.
301
JOSEPHUS
7 ες ‘ μὰ \ a > ~ e /
Δαυίδην, καί “ θεὸς ἤδη χερσὶ ταῖς ἐμαῖς ὑπέθετο
3 , ᾽ν} 3 ’ » \ \ f 3 -
αὐτόν, εἰπών, © ἐπεὶ καὶ συνηνάγκασεν ἐλθεῖν
9 / 7 Ἁ , Ἁ \ ΜΝ dD
εἰς πόλιν τείχη καὶ πύλας Kal μοχλοὺς ἔχουσαν,
“ “᾿ 9 Yr
τῷ λαῷ παντὶ προσέταξεν ἐπὶ τὴν KidAav ἐξορ-
. t
~ A / \ ς ᾽; Ἁ ’
μῆσαι καὶ πολιορκήσαντι καὶ ἑλόντι τὸν Δαυίδην
3 - ~ A 3 / ς , Ἁ
974 ἀποκτεῖναι. ταῦτα δὲ αἰσθόμενος 6 Δαυίδης καὶ
μαθὼν παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ ὅτι μείναντα παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς
ot Κιλλῖται ἐκδώσουσι τῷ Σαούλῳ, παραλαβὼν
/ ~ ~
TOUS τετρακοσίους ἀπῆρεν ἀπὸ THs πόλεως εἰς
\ oo» 2 7 ὡς, 9» 4 , \ ς
τὴν ἔρημον ἐπάνω τῆς Evyedwr' λεγομένης. καὶ ὁ
\ \ 3 “ ? \ / Ἂ ~
μὲν βασιλεὺς ἀκούσας αὐτὸν πεφευγότα παρὰ τῶν
~ 3 / ~ 3. 9 3 Ἁ 7]
Κιλλιτῶν ἐπαύσατο τῆς ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν στρατείας.
915 (2) Aavidns δὲ ἐκεῖθεν ἄρας εἴς τινα τόπον
ΔΩ a / ~ WA ~ U 3
Καινὴν" καλουμένην τῆς Ζιφηνῆς παραγίνεται, εἰς
ὃν ᾿Ιωνάθης 6 τοῦ Σαούλου παῖς συμβαλὼν αὐτῷ
καὶ κατασπασάμενος θαρρεῖν τε καὶ χρηστὰς περὶ
~ ’ wv 3 / / A A
τῶν μελλόντων ἔχειν ἐλπίδας παρεκάλει καὶ μὴ
“ “ \
κάμνειν τοῖς παροῦσι' βασιλεύσειν yap αὐτὸν καὶ
πᾶσαν τὴν Ἑβραίων δύναμιν ἕξειν ὑφ᾽ ἑαυτῷ,
φιλεῖν δὲ τὰ τοιαῦτα σὺν μεγάλοις ἀπαντᾶν πόνοις.
216 πάλιν δ᾽ ὅρκους ποιησάμενος τῆς εἰς ἅπαντα τὸν
f A 3 / 3 7) A 7 Ἁ Ἁ
βίον πρὸς ἀλλήλους εὐνοίας καὶ πίστεως καὶ τὸν
θεὸν μάρτυρα καλέσας, ὧν ἐπηράσατο αὑτῷ παρα-
1 ᾽Ενγελαῖν MS: ᾽᾿Ενγαλαῖν P: ᾿Ενγεδαῖν Naber.
2M Lat.: Κενὴν ROSPE,
802
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 273-276
that David was in Killa. ‘ At last,” said he, “ God
has delivered him into my hands, since He has forced
him to enter a city with walls, gates and bars,” and
he ordered the whole people to march against Killa
and, when they had besieged and taken it,’ to kill
David. But when David discovered this and learned
from God that if he remained in Killa the inhabitants
would give him up to Saul, he took his four hundred ¢
men and withdrew from the city into the desert lying
above a place called Engedin.? Thereupon the king,
hearing that he had fled from the people of Killa,
abandoned his campaign against him.
(2) David, departing thence, came to a place called douatlien
Kainé¢ (‘‘ New’) in the region of Ziphéné.f Here please to
he was met by Jonathan, son of Saul, who, after em- poe at
bracing him, ‘bade him take courage, hope well for 1 Sam. xxiii
the future and not be crushed by his present state, ™*
for (he assured him) he would yet be king and would
have all the forces of the Hebrews aden him, but
such things were wont to demand great toil for their
attainment. Then, having renewed his oaths of
life-long, mutual affection and fidelity, and having
called God to witness the curses which he invoked
4« Bibl. Keilah, txx Κεειλά, perhaps the modern Khirbet
Qila, about 2 miles S. of the supposed site of Adullam
(of. ὃ Rad note).
* besieged it and taken him.”
πὶ the txx; Heb. 600.
@ Bibl. Engedi; mentioned below, § 282. 1 Sam. xxiii. 13
“τ πα went whithersoever they could £0. ν
¢ So the txx, reading Heb. haddshah “ new ”’ for hareshah
“thicket? in 1 Sam. xxiii. 153 the latter is perhaps to be
taken as a proper name, and may be the modern Ahirbet
Khoreisa,
/ Bibl. Ziph, txx Zeld, probably the modern Tell Zif,
4 miles S.E. of Hebron.
303
JOSEPHUS
βάντι τὰ συγκείμενα καὶ μεταβαλλομένῳ" πρὸς
τἀναντία, τὸν μὲν αὐτόθι καταλείπει μικρὰ τῶν
haar θεῖν καὶ τοῦ δέους ἐπικουφίσας, αὐτὸς δὲ
277 πρὸς αὑτὸν ἐπανέρχεται. οἱ δὲ “Ζιφηνοὶ χαριζό-
μενοι τῷ Σαούλῳ μηνύουσιν αὐτῷ παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς
διατρίβειν τὸν Δαυίδην καὶ παραδώσειν ἔφασαν ἐ ἐπ᾽
αὐτὸν ἐλθόντι" καταληφθέντων γὰρ τῶν τῆς Ζιφηνῆς
278 στενῶν οὐκ εἶναι φυγεῖν αὐτόν’ πρὸς ἄλλους. ὁ δὲ
βασιλεὺς ἐπήνεσεν αὐτούς, χάριν ἔχειν ὁμολογήσας
τὸν ἐχθρὸν αὐτῷ μεμηνυκόσι, καὶ οὐκ els μακρὰν
ἀμείψεσθαι' τῆς εὐνοίας ὑποσχόμενος αὐτούς, ἔπεμ-
ψε τοὺς ζητήσοντας τὸν Aavidny καὶ τὴν ἐρημίαν ἐξ-
ερευνήσοντας, αὐτὸς ὃ ἀκολουθήσειν ἀπεκρίνατο.
910 καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐπὶ τὴν θήραν καὶ τὴν σύλληψιν τοῦ
Δαυίδου “προῆγον τὸν βασιλέα σπουδάζοντες μὴ
μόνον αὐτῷ μηνῦσαι τὸν ἐχθρόν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῷ
παρασχεῖν αὐτὸν εἰς ἐξουσίαν φανερωτέραν κατα-
στῆσαι αὐτῷ τὴν εὐνοιαν"" διήμαρτον δὲ τῆς ἀδίκου
καὶ πονηρᾶς ἐπιθυμίας, ot μηδὲν κινδυνεύειν ἔμελ-
280 λον ἐκ τοῦ μὴ ταῦτ᾽ ἐμφανίσαι τῷ Σαούλῳ, διὰ
δὲ κολακείαν καὶ κέρδους προσδοκίαν παρὰ τοῦ
βασιλέως avdpa θεοφιλῆ καὶ παρὰ δίκην ζητού-
ΔῈΝ / ‘\ / 4 t
μένον ἐπὶ θανάτῳ Kat λανθάνειν δυνάμενον διέβαλον
καὶ παραδώσειν ὑπέσχοντο" γνοὺς yap 6 Δαυίδης
τὴν τῶν Διφηνῶν κακοήθειαν. καὶ τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως
ἔφοδον ἐκλείπει μὲν τὰ στενὰ τῆς ἐκείνων χώρας,
1 μεταβαλομένῳ Bekker.
2 φυγὴν alte SP: φυγεῖν αὐτῷ M.
3 Niese: ἀμείψασθαι codd, (Lat. vid.).
4 αὐτῷ τῴ MSP.
δ᾽ αὐτῷ τὴν εὔνοιαν om. RO: post ἐχθρὸν (supra) rell.
@ At Gibeah (txx “ the hill,” cf. § 251 note), 1 Sam. xxiii. 19.
304
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 276-280
upon himself should he violate their covenant and
change to the contrary, he left him there, having a
little lightened his cares and fear, and returned to
his own home. But the men of Ziph, to win favour Ponee
with Saul, reported to him ¢ that David was sojourning Peat
among them, and promised, if he would come after 1 sam. xxiii
him, to deliver him up; for, if the passes into their ve
country were oeeupied, it would be impossible for him
to eseape elsewhere. The king commended them
and expressed his thanks for their having given him
information of his enemy, and préniised that their
loyalty should not long await its reward ὃ; he then
sent a party to search for David and ἕο, seour the
desert, assuring them that he would himself follow.
Thus they spurred the king on to the pursuit and
capture of David, because they were anxious not
merely to denounce his enemy to him, but to give
more palpable proof of their loyalty to him by actually
delivering David into his hands. They failed, how-
ever, in their iniquitous and base desire, which was
the more so in that they would have incurred no risk
by not informing Saul of these things; yet, from
obsequiousness and in the expectation of receiving
gain from the king, they ealumniated and promised
to deliver up a God-favoured man whose death was
being unjustly sought, and who might have remained
eoncealed.* Tor David, lcarning of the evil designs
of the Ziphites and the king’s approach, quitted the
ὃ This promise is not mentioned in Scripture.
¢ These reflections on the conduct of the Ziphites are an
addition to Scripture.
305
28]
289
JOSEPHUS
tA ‘ > A A 7 f ‘ > 3 ~
φεύγει δὲ ἐπὶ τὴν μεγάλην πέτραν τὴν οὖσαν ἐν TH
Σίμωνος ἐρήμῳ.
(3) “Ὥρμησεν δὲ ἐπ᾽ ἐκείνην διώκειν Σαοῦλος"
κατὰ γὰρ τὴν ὁδὸν ἀναχωρήσαντα ἐκ τῶν στενῶν
μαθὼν τὸν Δαυίΐδην, ἐπὶ τὸ ἕτερον μέρος τῆς πέτρας
ἀπῆρεν. ἀντιπεριέσπασαν δὲ τὸν Σαοῦλον ἀπὸ τῆς
διώξεως τοῦ Δαυίδου μέλλοντος ἤδη συλλαμβάνε-
“- “4 ? Α Α € f ?
σθαι Ἰ]αλαιστῖνοι πάλιν ἐπὶ τὴν “EBpaiwy ἐστρα-
τευκέναι χώραν ἀκουσθέντες" ἐπὶ γὰρ τούτους ἀν-
ἔστρεψε φύσει πολεμίους ὄντας, αὐτοὺς ἀμύνασθαι
κρίνας ἀναγκαιότερον ἢ τὸν ἴδιον σπουδάζοντα
λαβεῖν ἐχθρὸν ὑπεριδεῖν τὴν γῆν κακωθεῖσαν.
(4) Kat Δαυώης μὲν οὕτως ἐκ παραλόγου τὸν
κίνδυνον διαφυγὼν εἰς τὰ στενὰ τῆς ᾿Ι)γγεδηνῆς
ἀφικνεῖται: Σαούλῳ δὲ ἐκβαλόντι τοὺς []αλαι-
στίνους ἧκον ἀπαγγέλλοντές τινες τὸν Δαυίδην ἐν
“ 9 ~ , ο ‘ \
tots ᾿[γγεδηνῆς διατρίβειν ὅροις. λαβὼν δὲ τρισ-
χιλίους ἐπιλέκτους" ὁπλίτας ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἠπείγετο,
καὶ γενόμενος οὐ πόρρω τῶν τόπων ὁρᾷ παρὰ Ty
ὁδὸν σπήλαιον βαθὺ Kai κοῖλον, εἰς πολὺ καὶ μῆκος
> \ 4 A ” 7 A f
dvewyos καὶ πλάτος, ἔνθα συν éBawe τὸν Δαυίδην
μετὰ τῶν τετρακοσίων κεκρύφθαι: ἐπειγόμενος οὖν
ὑπὸ τῶν κατὰ φύσιν εἴσεισιν εἰς αὐτὸ μόνος θεαθεὶς
284 δ᾽ ὑπό τινος τῶν μετὰ Δαυίδου: καὶ φράσαντος
1 ἐπιλέκτους post ὁπλίτας MSP: om. E Lat.
@ 1 Same:xxul. 24 ‘‘ in the wilderness of Maon, in the plain
on the south (lit. “ right ᾽) of Jeshimon,’ " LXx ἐν τῇ ἐρήμῳ
τῇ Μαὰν (v.l. Mao, Luc. ἐν τῇ ἐπηκόῳ) καθ᾽ ἑσπέραν ἐκ
δεξιῶν τοῦ ᾿Ιεσσαιμοῦ. Thackeray, Josephus the Man, etc.,
p. 88, writes “ both in Josephus and in Lucian an intrusive
initial shin has converted the proper name [Maon] into
Shim‘on . . . Lucian translates it by ἐπήκοος ‘into the
306
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 950-284
defiles of their country and fled to the great rock
which is in the wilderness of Simon.?
(3) Thither Saul hastened to pursue him; for he A Philistine
had learnt on the way that David had withdrawn ἐπέ
from the defiles, and so he set off for the other side of ΠΡΟΣ
the rock. But, just as David was about to be caught, Davia.
Saul was diverted from the pursuit by the news that }54™ axiil,
the Philistines had made a fresh invasion into Hebrew
territory. He accordingly returned to face them as
his natural enemies, judging it more imperative to
fight against them than, through his zeal to capture
his personal enemy, to leave the land to be ravaged.®
(4) David, after this unexpected escape from Devidsraees
e τ τς ΣΈ, Sauls life
danger, repaired to the narrow passes of Engedéné © 3 at En-gedi
but, after Saul had expelled the Philistines, word (nsedene).
. : . . ©... 1 Sam. xxiib
was brought to him that David was sojourning within 29 (xxiv. 1
the borders of Engedéné. So, with three thousand Heb., Lx).
picked soldiers, he pressed on after him. And, when
he was not far from the region, he saw by the wayside
a deep and hollow cave, extending to a great distance
both in length and breadth, where, as it chanced,
David with his four hundred men lay concealed.
Urged then by the needs of nature, Saul entered it
alone, and was espied by one of David's companions.
listening wilderness,’ as in fact Josephus does elsewhere,”
and refers to dl. i. 304 ‘‘the name Σεμέων signifies that
God listened (ἐπήκοον γεγονέναι). I think, however, that
Josephus’s Simén represents the bibl. Jeshimon (Heb.
Yeshimon), which it might easily have done if Josephus had
read it in a form like that of the Targum where, with the
preposition ἐς, it is liyshimon (by a phonetic law, the con-
sonant y is assimilated to the preceding vowel), from an
apparent root Shimon τε στ. Simon.
> The last sentence is an amplification of Scripture.
¢ Bibl. En-gedi, ixx ᾿Ενγαδδει, modern ‘tin Jidy, a
rocky height half-way down the west shore of the Dead Sea,
307
JOSEPHUS
τοῦ θεασαμένου πρὸς τὸν ἐχθρὸν αὐτοῦ παρὰ τοῦ
θεοῦ καιρὸν ἔχειν. ἀμύνης καὶ συμβουλεύοντος τοῦ
Σαούλου ἀποτεμεῖν τὴν κεφαλὴν καὶ τῆς πολλῆς
bed ε Ἁ 3 ’, ‘ 4 3 Ἁ
ἄλης αὑτὸν ἀπαλλάξαι καὶ ταλαιπωρίας, ἀναστὰς
ἀναίρει μὲν τὴν κροκύδα' τοῦ ἱματίου μόνον οὗ
ZaovAos ἀμπείχετο, μετανοήσας δ᾽ εὐθύς “ οὐ
dtkatov, εἶπε, “ φονεύειν τὸν αὑτοῦ δεσπότην,
9 4 3 € ‘
οὐδὲ τὸν ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ βασιλείας ἀξιωθέντα" καὶ
γὰρ εἰ πονηρὸς οὗτος εἰς ἡμᾶς, ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἐμὲ
985 ὃ ~ ~ > ‘ ᾽ ’ a? ~ δὲ 3 ΓΔ
5 δεῖ τοιοῦτον εἶναι πρὸς αὐτόν. τοῦ δὲ Σαούλου
\ t > ’ 1, 4. ¢ ' »
τὸ σπήλαιον ἐκλιπόντος προελθὼν" ὁ Δαυίδης ἔκρα-
γεν, ἀκοῦσαι τὸν Σαοῦλον ἀξιῶν. ἐπιστραφέντος
δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως προσκυνεῖ τε αὐτὸν πεσὼν ἐπὶ
πρόσωπον, ὡς ἔθος, καί φησιν" “ov πονηροῖς, ὦ
βασιλεῦ, καὶ ψευδεῖς πλάττουσι διαβολὰς παρ-
~ i \
ἔχοντα δεῖ Tas ἀκοὰς χαρίζεσθαι μὲν ἐκείνοις TO
~ 3 [4
πιστεύειν αὐτοῖς, τοὺς δὲ φιλτάτους du ὑπονοίας
μὴ ~ A ‘ ¢ / 4
ἔχειν, ἀλλὰ Tots ἔργοις σκοπεῖν τὴν ἁπάντων διά-
286 θεσιν. διαβολὴ μὲν γὰρ ἀπατᾷ, “σαφὴς δ᾽ ἀπό-
δειξις εὐνοίας τὰ πραττόμενα' καὶ λόγος μὲν ἐπ᾽
ἀμφότερα πέφυκεν ἀληθής τε καὶ ψευδής, τὰ δὲ
287 ἔργα γυμνὴν ὑπ ὄψει τὴν διάνοιαν τίθησιν. ἴσθι
τοίνυν ἐκ τούτων καλῶς ἔχειν με πρὸς σὲ καὶ τὸν
σὸν οἶκον κἀμοὶ" πιστεῦσαι δεῖ, καὶ μὴ τοῖς κατ-
ηγοροῦσιν ἃ μήτε εἰς νοῦν ἐβαλόμην μήτε δύναται
A
γενέσθαι προσθέμενον μεταδιώκειν τὴν ἐμὴν ψυχήν,
καὶ μηδὲν “μήθ᾽ ἡμέρας μήτε νυκτὸς ἔχειν διὰ
ροντίδος ἢ τὴν ἐμὴν ἀναίρεσιν, ἣν ἀδίκως μετα-
1 ἀναίρει. . . κροκύδα)] ἀποτέμνει. . . πτέρυγα SPE (Lat.).
2 E: προσελθὼν codd. Lat.
δ ex Lat. conj. Thackeray: ἐμοὶ codd.
308
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 284-287
The man who saw him said to David that here was
his God-sent opportunity for vengeance on his enemy
and eounselled him to eut off Saul’s head@ and so
deliver himself from his long wandering and misery,
whereupon David arose and only pulled off some of
the woollen nap ὃ of the mantle that Saul was wear-
ing ; but, repenting forthwith, said, “‘ It is not right
to murder one’s own master or one whom God has
aceounted worthy of kingship. And even though he
treats me ill, yet I must not do the like to him.”
Then, when Saul had left the cave, David came forth
and eried aloud, beseeching Saul to hear him. And,
as the king turned, he prostrated himself before him
with his face to the ground, as the custom was, and
said, ‘‘ Thou oughtest not, O King, to give ear to
miscreants and fabricators of lying charges and do
them the honour of believing their lies, while holding
thy best friends in suspicion ; no, but by their actions
shouldest thou judge the character of all men. Tor
calumny only deceives, while actions clearly reveal
the honest friend; words are of two-fold nature,
either true or false, but deeds lay bare to sight the
intention.© Know then by these tokens that I wish
well to thee and to thy house, and thou shouldst trust
in me.instead of putting faith in those who accuse
me of things which I never took into my head to do
and which could never even have been done, and
constantly seeking my life, with no thought day or
night exeept for my destruction, for which thou
@ Bibl. “ do to him as it shall seen good unto thee.”
Ὁ Variant (as in Scripture) ‘‘ cut off the skirt ”’ (πτέρυγα) ς
this latter text is found below, § 289.
¢ The last remark, like some of the other moral reflections
in David’s speech, is an amplification of Scripture.
309
David re-
proaches
Saul.
I Sam. xxiv.
9 (10).
JOSEPHUS
98g πορεύῃ" πῶς γὰρ οὐχὶ" ψευδῆ περὶ ἐμοῦ δόξαν
εἴληφας ὡς ἀποκτεῖναί σέ θέλοντος; uP πῶς οὐκ
ἀσεβεῖς εἰς τὸν θεόν, ἄνθρωπον τήμερον αὑτῷ τιμω-
ρῆσαι δυνάμενον καὶ παρὰ σοῦ λαβεῖν δίκην. καὶ
μὴ θελήσαντα μηδὲ τῷ καιρῷ “χρησάμενον, ὃν εἰ
σοὶ κατ᾽ ἐμοῦ περιέπεσεν οὐκ ἂν αὐτὸς" παρῆκας,
989 διαχρήσασθαι ποθῶν καὶ νομίζων πολέμιον; ὅτε
γάρ σου τὴν πτέρυγα τοῦ ἱματίου ἀπέτεμον, τότε
σου καὶ τὴν κεφαλὴν ἠδυνάμην." ᾿ ἐπιδείξας δὲ τὸ
ῥάκος ἰδεῖν πιστεύειν παρεῖχεν. “ἀλλ᾽ ἐγὼ μὲν
ἀπεσχόμην δικαίας ἀμύνης, φησί, “᾿ σὺ δὲ μῖσος
ἄδικον οὐκ αἰδῇ κατ᾽ ἐμοῦ τρέφων. ὁ θεὸς ταῦτα
δικάσειε καὶ τὸν ἑκατέρου τρόπον ἡμῶν ἐλέγξειε.᾽᾽
:
290 Σαοῦλος δὲ ἐπὶ TH παραδόξῳ THs σωτηρίας θαυ-
29]
4 ~
μάσας Kal τὴν τοῦ νεανίσκου μετριότητα καὶ φύσιν
’ὔ
ἐκπλαγεὶς ἀνῴμωξε: τὸ δ᾽ αὐτὸ κἀκείνου ποιή-
σαντος αὐτὸν εἶναι δίκαιον στένειν ἀπεκρίνατο"
Cas \ A f 2) 4 4} ~ » 2 \
σὺ μὲν γάρ, φησίν, ἀγαθῶν αἴτιος ἐμοὶ
’ \
γέγονας, ἐγὼ δὲ σοὶ “συμφορῶν. ἐπεδείξω δὲ σή-
A
μερον τὴν ἀρχαίων ἔχοντα σαυτὸν δικαιοσύνην, ot
τοὺς ἐχθροὺς ἐν ἐρημίᾳ λαβόντας σώζειν παρ-
, Xr , Nien {τὰ ,
ἤγγελλον. πέπεισμαι δὴ νῦν ὅτι σοὶ τὴν βασιλείαν
ὁ θεὸς φυλάττει καὶ περιμένει σε τὸ πάντων τῶν
ς / a A [4 ’; > / ,
EBpaiwy κράτος. δὸς δή μοι πίστεις ἐνόρκους μὴ
μου τὸ γένος ἐξαφανίσαι μηδ᾽ ἐμοὶ μνησικακοῦντα
τοὺς ἐμοὺς ἐγγόνους ἀπολέσαι, τηρῆσαι δέ μοι καὶ
~ \ 4 2) > f ὃ \ θ \ 3 , δ Δ
σῶσαι τὸν οἶκον. ὀμόσας δὲ καθὼς ἠξίωκε" Aa-
/ ~ A 3 4 30 7 ? / /
vidns LaodAov μὲν εἰς τὴν ἰδίαν ἀπέλυσε βασιλείαν,
I οὐχὶ om. MSP.
2 αὐτὸν RO: οὕτως ex Lat. conj. Naber.
SE: φέρων rell. 4 Hudson: λαβόντες codd,
5 ἠξίωσε conj. Niese.
310
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 288-291
strivest so unjustly. How indeed could the opinion
not be false which thou didst hold of me, namely that
I wished to kill thee, or how canst thou be other than
impious toward God when thou art eager to destroy,
and accountest as an enemy, a man who this day had
it in his power to avenge himself and to punish thee,
and yet refused to do so or to avail himself of an
opportunity, which, had it been given to thee to use
against me, thou wouldst never have let slip? For
when I cut off the skirt of thy mantle, I might at the
same time have cut off thy head.”’ And here he
produced the piece of cloth in token of the truth of
his words. ‘ But yet,” he continued, “ I refrained
from righteous vengeance, while thou art not ashamed
to nurse unjust hatred against me. May God be judge
thereof and examine the motives of us both.” There-
upon Saul, in wonder at his extraordinary escape and
amazed at the youth’s forbearance and nature, wailed
aloud. And when David did the like, he replied,
“It is for me to moan,? since thou hast brought me
only good, while I have brought thee affliction. Thou
hast shown thyself this day to have the rightcousness
of the ancients, who bade those who captured their
enemies in a lonely place to spare their νας Now,
therefore, I fully believe that God is reserving the
kingdom for thee and that dominion over all the
Hebrews awaits thee. Give me then assurance on
oath that thou wilt not exterminate my race nor, from
rancour against me, destroy my posterity, but wilt
save and preserve my house.” David gave the
desired oath and let Saul depart to his kingdom,
« Unscriptural detail.
> An amplification of 1 Sam. xxiv. 19 (20) (of which, hows
ever, the text seems to be defective), “ Ifa man find his enemy
will he let him go well away ?”’
VOL. V x 311
Saul is
reconciled
to David.
1 Sam. xxiv.
16 (17).
JOSEPHUS
αὐτὸς δὲ μετὰ τῶν σὺν αὐτῷ εἰς τὴν Macbypav
ἀνέβη στενήν.
9η0 (5) ᾿Αποθνήσκει δὲ κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν καὶ
Σαμουῆλος ὁ προφήτης, ἀνὴρ οὐ τῆς τυχούσης
ἀπολαύσας παρὰ τοῖς “Ὡβραίοις τιμῆς: ἐνεφάνισε
γὰρ τὴν ἀρετὴν αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν τοῦ πλήθους πρὸς
αὐτὸν εὔνοιαν τὸ πένθος, ὃ ἐπὶ πολὺν χρόνον ὁ
λαὸς ἤγετο, καὶ ἡ περὶ τὴν ταφὴν αὐτοῦ καὶ
τὴν τῶν νομιζομένων ἀναπλήρωσιν φιλοτιμία τε
293 καὶ σπουδή. θάπτουσι γὰρ αὐτὸν ἐν τῇ πατρίδι
᾿Αρμαθᾷ καὶ ἐπὶ πολλὰς πάνυ ἡμέρας ἔκλαυσαν, οὐ
κοινὸν τοῦτο πάσχοντες ὡς ἐπ᾽ ἀλλοτρίου τελευτῇ,
294 ws? οἰκεῖον δ᾽ ἕκαστος ἴδιον ποθῶν. ἐγένετο δ᾽
ἀνὴρ δίκαιος καὶ χρηστὸς τὴν φύσιν καὶ διὰ τοῦτο
μάλιστα φίλος τῷ θεῷ. ἦρξε δὲ καὶ προέστη τοῦ
λαοῦ μετὰ τὴν ᾿Ηλεὶ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως τελευτὴν μόνος
μὲν ἔτη δώδεκα, μετὰ δὲ Σαούλου τοῦ βασιλέως
δέκα πρὸς τοῖς ὀκτώ. καὶ τὰ μὲν περὶ Σαμονῆλον
οὕτω πέρας ἔσχεν.
205 (6) Ἦν δέ τις τῶν Ζιφηνῶν ἐκ πόλεως ᾿Ἐμμᾶν"
πλούσιος καὶ πολυθρέμματος" τρισχιλίων μὲν γὰρ
αὐτῷ" ποίμνη προβάτων ἐνέμετο, χιλίων δ᾽ αἰγῶν.
ταῦτα Δαυίδης dow? τηρεῖν τε καὶ ἀβλαβῆ παρ-
ἤγγελλε Τοῖς σὺν αὑτῷ καὶ μήτε ὑπὸ ἐπιθυμίας μήτε
ὑπὸ ἐνδείας μήτε ὑπὸ τῆς ἐρημίας καὶ τοῦ δύνασθαι
1 SP: ἀπολάβων RO: ἀπολαύων Niese cum Hudson.
2 «εὶς MSP.
3 Ἔμμᾶ MSP Exc.: Ammon Lat,
4 Cocceji: αὐτοῦ codd. E.
4 Heb. ‘al ha-mesiidah “ up to the stronghold ”’ ; Josephus
follows the xx which takes this as a proper name and, in a
duplicate rendering, translates it as els τὴν Mesoapa στενήν.
919
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 291-295
while he with his men went up to the pass of
Masthera.¢
(5) About this time the prophet Samuel died, a Death and
man who had enjoyed no common esteem among the 2"! οὗ
Hebrews. His virtue and the affection of the multi-1 eae
tude for him were manifested by the prolonged ™ ἕω
mourning which the people made, and by the display
and zeal “given to his burial and to the observance of
the customary rites. For they buried him in his native
Armatha and wept for him very many days, with no
mere public mourning as for the death of a stranger,
but each privately grieving as for his own.2 He was
aman of just and kindly nature and for that reason
very dear to God. He was ruler and leader of the
people after the death of the high priest Eli, for
twelve years alone, and together with King Saul for
eighteen more.© Such then was the end of Samuel.
(6) Now there was a certain Ziphite of the city of The wealthy
Emman,? who was wealthy and had much cattle ; Sache
indeed he maintained a flock of three thousand sheep Tfuses τ
and a thousand goats. Now David had charged his bavid.
men to see that these flocks should be safe and un- ἃ "3";
harmed, and that neither through greed nor want
nor because they were in the wilderness and could
escape detection, should they do them any injury,
ὃ The details of the burial and mourning are additions to
Scripture.
° No figures are given in Scripture ; the common rabbinic
tradition fixes Samuel’s term as prophet at 12 years, another,
also found in Julius Africanus, makes it 40 years. Ginzberg
putty suggests that the latter figure was reached by com-
ining Josephus’s statement that Samuel began to prophesy
at 12 years, A. v. 348, with the rabbinic tradition that
Samuel was 52 years old when he died.
4 Bibl. ** A man of Maon’’; his possessions were in
Carmel, just south of Ziph.
313
290
297
208
299
JOSEPHUS
λανθάνειν καταβλάπτειν, τούτων δ᾽ ἁπάντων ἐπάνω
τίθεσθαι τὸ μηδέν᾽" ἀδικεῖν καὶ τὸ τῶν ἀλλοτρίων
ἅπτεσθαι δεινὸν ἡγεῖσθαι καὶ πρόσαντες τῷ θεῷ.
ταῦτα δ᾽ ἐδίδασκεν αὐτοὺς οἰόμενος ἀνθρώπῳ χα-
ρίζεσθαι ἀγαθῷ καὶ ταύτης “τυγχάνειν ἀξίῳ τῆς
προνοίας" ἦν δὲ Νάβαλος, τοῦτο γὰρ εἶχεν 0 ὄνομα,
σκληρὸς καὶ πονηρὸς τοῖς ἐπιτηδεύμασιν ἐ ἐκ κυνικῆς
ἀσκήσεως πεποιημένος τὸν βίον, γυναικὸς δ᾽ ἀγαθῆς
καὶ σώφρονος καὶ τὸ εἶδος σπουδαίας λελογχώς."
πρὸς οὖν τὸν Νάβαλον τοῦτον καθ᾽ ὃν ἔκειρε τὰ
πρόβατα καιρὸν πέμψας ὁ Δαυίδης ἄνδρας δέκα
τῶν σὺν αὑτῷ διὰ τούτων αὐτὸν ἀσπάζεται καὶ
συνεύχεται τοῦτο ποιεῖν ἐπ᾽ ἔτη πολλά’ παρασχεῖν
δὲ ἐξ ὧν δυνατός ἐστιν αὐτῷ παρεκάλει μαθόντα"
παρὰ τῶν ποιμένων ὅτι μηδὲν αὐτοὺς ἠδίκησαν ,ἡ
ἀλλὰ φύλακες αὐτῶν τε καὶ τῶν ποιμνίων γεγόνασι"
πολὺν ἐ ἐν τῇ ἐρήμῳ διατρίβοντες ἤδη Xpovov: _pETO-
νοήσει δ᾽ οὐδὲν Δαυίδῃ παρασχόμενος. ταῦτα δὲ
τῶν πεμφθέντων διακονησάντων πρὸς τὸν Νάβαλον
ἀπανθρώπως σφόδρα καὶ σκληρῶς ἀπήντησεν"
ἐρωτήσας γὰρ αὐτούς, τίς ἐστι Δαυίδης, ὡς τὸν
υἱὸν ἤκουσεν ᾿Ϊεσσαίου, “ νῦν dpa,” εἶπε, “᾿ μέγα
φρονοῦσιν ἐφ᾽ αὑτοῖς οἱ δραπέται καὶ σεμνύνον-
ται τοὺς δεσπότας καταλιπόντες. ὀργίζεται δ᾽
αὐτῶν φρασάντων ὁ Δαυΐδης καὶ τετρακοσίους
μὲν ὡπλισμένους αὑτῷ κελεύσας ἕπεσθαι, διακο-
σίους δὲ φύλακας τῶν σκενῶν καταλιπών, ἤδη γὰρ
εἶχεν ἑξακοσίους, ἐπὶ τὸν Νάβαλον ἐβάδιζεν ὀμόσας
1 μηδένα Exc.: μηδὲν codd, Lat.
2 ὡραίας λελαχώς RO.
3 ἔχοι, edd.: μαθόντι codd.
4 RO Lat.: ἠδικήσαμεν, . . γεγόναμεν rell.
314
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 295-299
but should hold it more important than all these
things to wrong no man and should reckon it a crime
and an offence ‘against God to touch what belonged to
another. hieset instructions he gave to his men in the
belief that he was obliging ἃ g¢ Boe man and one worthy
of such consideration.@ But Nabal—such was his
name—was a hard manand of bad eharacter, who lived
according to the practices of the cynies.? He had,
however, been blessed with a wife who was virtuous,
discreet and good to look upon. At the time, then,
when this Nabal was shearing his sheep, David sent
ten of his men by whom he ereeted him and joined
him in praying that he might be so employed for
many years tocome. He then besought him to grant
him somewhat from his abundant means; he w Sale
have learnt from his shepherds that David and his
men had done them no wrong, but had been the
guardians of their persons and of their flocks through-
out their long sojourn in the wilderness, nor would he
ever repent of having given anything to David. The
messengers acquitted “hen selves ot this mission to
Nabal, but he gave them a very uncivil and harsh
reception. He first asked them who this David was,
and, on being told that he was the son of Jesse,
said, “So then nowadays fugitives think much of
ΕΘΝ ΕΝ and boast about deserting their masters.’
These words being reported to David aroused. his
indignation, and bidding four hundred of his men to
follow him in arms and leaving two hundred to guard
the baggage—for he had by now six hundred men—
he marched against Nabal, having sworn utterly to
“ David’ 8 instructions are an amplification of Scripture.
® Bibl. *‘and he was a Calebite’’; .xx, reading Heb.
keleb “‘ dog,” καὶ ὁ ἄνθρωπος xuvexds, which Josephus takes
in its technical philosophical sense.
915
900
901
303
JOSEPHUS
ἐκείνη TH νυκτὶ TOV οἶκον αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν κτῆσιν
ὅλην ἀφανίσειν: οὐ γὰρ ἄχθεσθαι μόνον ὅτι γέγονεν
ἀχάριστος εἰς αὐτούς, μηδὲν ἐπιδοὺς πολλῇ φιλ-
ανθρωπίᾳ πρὸς αὐτὸν χρησαμένοις, ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι καὶ
προσεβλασφήμησε καὶ κακῶς εἶπε μηδὲν ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν
ελυπημένος.
(7) Δούλον δέ τινος τῶν τὰ ποίμνια φυλασσόντων
τὰ τοῦ Ναβάλου πρὸς τὴν δέσποιναν μὲν ἑαυτοῦ
γυναῖκα δ᾽ ἐκείνου κατειπόντος ὅτι πέμψας ὁ
Δαυίδης αὐτῆς πρὸς τὸν ἄνδρα μηδενὸς τύχοι τῶν
μετρίων, ἀλλὰ καὶ προσυβρισθείη βλασφημίαις
δειναῖς πάσῃ περὶ αὐτοὺς προνοίᾳ καὶ φυλακῇ τῶν
ποιμνίων χρησάμενος, γέγονε; δὲ τοῦτο ἐπὶ κακῷ
τῷ τοῦ δεσπότου καὶ αὐτῆς": ταῦτ᾽ ἐκείνου φήσαν-
τος ᾿Αβιγαία, προσηγορεύετο γὰρ οὕτως, ἐπι-
σάξασαῦ τοὺς ὄνους καὶ πληρώσασα παντοίων ξενίων
καὶ μηδὲν εἰποῦσα τἀνδρί, ὑπὸ γὰρ μέθης ἀναίσ-
θητος ἦν, ἐπορεύετο πρὸς Aavidnv: καταβαινούσῃ
δὲ τὰ στενὰ τοῦ ὄρους ἀπήντησε Δανίδης μετὰ τῶν
τετρακοσίων ἐπὶ Νάβαλον ἐρχόμενος. θεασαμένη
δ᾽ αὐτὸν ἡ γυνὴ κατεπήδησε καὶ πεσοῦσα ἐπὶ
πρόσωπον προσεκύνει' καὶ τῶν μὲν Ναβάλου λόγων
ἐδεῖτο μὴ μνημονεύειν, οὐ γὰρ ἀγνοεῖν" αὐτὸν
ὅμοιον ὄντα τῷ ὀνόματι, Νάβαλος γὰρ κατὰ τὴν
“Ἑβραίων γλῶτταν ἀφροσύνην δηλοῖ, αὐτὴ δ᾽ ἀπ-
ελογεῖτο μὴ θεάσασθαι τοὺς πεμφθέντας ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ"
{ 4 ᾽ὔ 4 >} 4 6¢ \ ~ ~ ᾽
διὸ συγγίνωσκέ prot, φησί, “᾿ καὶ τῷ θεῷ χάριν
1 ΤΟ: γεγονέναι rell. 2 αὐτῆς ex Lat. ins. Niese.
3 εὐθέως ἐπισ. SP. 4 προσεκύνησε ROE,
5 ov yap ayv. om. ROE, Lat.
¢ The latter motive is not found in Scripture.
316
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 299-303
destroy his house and all his possessions that self-
same night ; for he was angry not merely at his in-
gratitude i in making no return to those who had shown
him such great Indices but also because he had
further insulted and abused those from whom he had
received no injury.”
(7) But one of the slaves ® that kept the flocks of ΠῈΣ
Nabal brought word to his mistress, Nabal’s wife, ᾧ
bigaia),
Nabal’ 8 wife,
that David had sent a message to her husband and @ppeases
not only had failed to receive a fair answer but had
been further insulted with shocking abuse, although
he had shown all consideration to the shepherds»
and had protected their flocks. Such action, he
added, would result in mischief for his master and
for herself. At the servant’s story, Abigaia°—such
was her name—saddled her asses, loaded them with
all manner of presents ὁ and, without a word to her
husband, who was insensible from drink,@ set off to
find David. And as she was descending the defiles
of the mountain, she was met by David coming
against Nabal with his four hundred men. At sight
of him the woman leapt to the ground, and falling
on her face bowed down before him; she entreated
him not to mind the words of Nabal, for he could not
be ignorant that the man was like his name (Nabal
in the Hebrew tongue signifies ‘‘ folly ’’),f while for
herself she pleaded that she had not seen David's
messengers. ‘‘ Wherefore pardon me,’ she said,
“and render thanks to Ged who has prevented thee
> Bibl. “ young men.”
eS ibt: Abigail, LXX ᾿Λβειγαία.
4 In the form of provisions, according to Scripture.
* Unscriptural detail, anticipating 1 Sam. xxv. 36, ef. 8 506.
! So also the ixx translates.
317
David by
presents.
: oe XXVS
904
305
306
JOSEPHUS
ἔχε κωλύοντίέ σε μιανθῆναι ἀνθρωπίνῳ αἵματι:
μένοντα γάρ σε καθαρὸν ἐκεῖνος αὐτὸς ἐκδικήσει
παρὰ τῶν πονηρῶν" ἃ γὰρ ἐκδέχεται κακὰ Νάβαλον
ταῦτα καὶ ταῖς τῶν ἐχθρῶν σου κεφαλαῖς ἐμπέσοι.
γενοῦ δὲ εὐμενής μοι κρίνας ἀξίαν τοῦ παρ᾽ ἐμοῦ
ταῦτα δέξασθαι, καὶ τὸν θυμὸν καὶ τὴν ὀργὴν τὴν
ἐπὶ τὸν ἄνδρα μου καὶ τὸν οἶκον αὐτοῦ εἰς τὴν
ἐμὴν τιμὴν ἄφες" πρέπει γὰρ ἡμέρῳ σοι καὶ φιλαν-
ρώπῳ τυγχάνειν, καὶ ταῦτα μέλλοντι βασιλεύειν.᾽᾽
ὁ δὲ τὰ δῶρα δεξάμενος ᾿᾿ ᾿ ἀλλά σε," φησίν, a ὦ
γύναι, θεὸς εὐμενὴς ἤγαγε πρὸς ἡμᾶς τήμερον" οὐ
γὰρ ἂν τὴν ἐπερχομένην ἡμέραν εἶδες, ἐμοῦ τὸν
οἶκον τὸν Ναβάλου διὰ τῆσδε τῆς νυκτὸς ὀμόσαντος
ἀπολέσειν' καὶ μηδένα ὑμῶν ἀπολείψειν ἀπὸ ἀνδρὸς"
“ Ἁ 3 ’ 4 > \ \ Ἁ > ‘
πονηροῦ Kal ἀχαρίστου πρὸς ἐμὲ καὶ TOUS ἐμοὺς
ἑταίρους γενομένου. νῦν δὲ φθάσασα προέλαβες
καταμειλίξασθαί μου τὸν θυμὸν κηδομένου σου
τοῦ θεοῦ. ἀλλὰ Νάβαλος μὲν κἂν ἀφεθῇ διὰ σὲ
νῦν τῆς τιμωρίας οὐ φεύξεται τὴν δίκην, ἀλλ᾽
τρόπος αὐτὸν ἀπολεῖ λαβὼν αἰτίαν ἄλλην."
(8) Ταῦτ᾽ εἰπὼν ἀπολύει τὴν γυναῖκα" ἡ δ᾽
τὸν οἶκον ἐλθοῦσα καὶ καταλαβοῦσα τὸν avdpa ies
πολλῶν εὐωχούμενον Kal κεκαρωμένον ἤδη, τότε
μὲν οὐδὲν τῶν γεγενημένων διεσάφει, τῇ δὲ ἐπι-
ovon vypovTt ἅπαντα δηλώσασα παρεθῆναι καὶ πᾶν
αὐτῷ νεκρωθῆναι τὸ σῶμα ὑπὸ τῶν λόγων καὶ
τῆς ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς λύπης ἐποίησε" καὶ δέκα οὐ πλείους
ἐπιζήσας ἡ ἡμέρας τὸν βίον κατέστρεψεν ὁ 6 Νάβαλος
907 ἀκούσας δ᾽ αὐτοῦ τὴν τελευτὴν ὁ ὁ Aavidys ἐκδικη-
θῆναι μὲν αὑτὸν ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ καλῶς ἔλεγεν" ἀπο-
1 Niese: ἀπολέσαι codd. 2 4 ἕως τετραπόδου RO.
318
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 303-307
from soiling thy hands with human blood. For if
thou remeinest clean, He Himself will avenge thee
on the wicked; and may the evil that aw aits Nabal
fall likewise on the heads of thy foes. But be
eracious to me in deigning to receive these presents
from me, and, out of regard for me, dismiss thy in-
dignation and wrath against my hishand and against
his house. For it becomes thee to show mildness
and humanity, especially as thou art destined to be
king.” And David accepted the presents and said,
‘Tn truth, lady, it was gracious God who led thee to
us this day ; ; else thou wouldst not have seen the
coming day, for I had sworn to destroy the house of
Nabal this very night and to leave not one of you,
belonging as you do to a man who has been so mean
and ungrateful to me and to my comrades. But
now thou hast forestalled me and mollified my wrath,
sinee thou artin God’s care. Butas for Nabal, though
for thy sake to-day he be spared chastisement, yet
will he not escape retribution, but his conduct will
find another occasion to prove his ruin.” 4
(8) Having so spoken, he dismissed the woman. Death of
And she, returning to her home, found her husband j204'
carousing with a large company and already heavy marries
with arial. and so, at the moment, she revealed Pee ee.
nothing of what had passed; but on the morrow, 80.
when he was sober, she told an all, causing him to
collapse and his whole body to become dead through
her words and the pain they produced. Ten days and
no more did Nabal remain alive and then departed
this life. And when David heard of his death, he
said that he had been well avenged by God, for Nabal
° This prediction is unscriptural.
319
JOSEPHUS
a \ / € A - 80. 7 , ‘
θανεῖν yap NaBadrov ὑπὸ τῆς ἰδίας πονηρίας καὶ
δοῦναι δίκην αὐτῷ καθαρὰν ἔχοντι τὴν δεξιάν"
ἔγνω δὲ καὶ τότε τοὺς πονηροὺς ἐλαυνομένους ὑπὸ
τοῦ θεοῦ," μηδενὸς τῶν ἐν ἀνθρώποις ὑπερορῶντος,
διδόντος δὲ τοῖς μὲν ἀγαθοῖς τὰ ὅμοια, τοῖς δὲ
308 πονηροῖς ὀξεῖαν" ἐπιφέροντος τὴν ποινήν. πέμψας
δ᾽ αὐτοῦ πρὸς τὴν γυναῖκα συνοικήσουσαν καὶ
γαμηθησομένην ἐκάλει πρὸς αὑτόν' ἡ δὲ ἀναξία
μὲν εἶναι καὶ ποδῶν ἅψασθαι τῶν ἐκείνου πρὸς
τοὺς παρόντας ἔλεγεν, ὅμως δὲ μετὰ πάσης τῆς"
θεραπείας ἧκε. καὶ συνῴκησε μὲν αὐτῷ ταύτην
λαβοῦσα τὴν τιμὴν καὶ διὰ τὸ τὸν τρόπον σώφρονα
εἶναι καὶ δίκαιον, τυχοῦσα δ᾽ αὐτῆς καὶ διὰ τὸ
809 κάλλος. εἶχε δὲ Δαυίδης γυναῖκα πρότερον, ἣν ἐξ
᾿Αβισάρου πόλεως € ἔγημε" MeAyav δὲ τὴν LaovAou
τοῦ βασιλέως θυγατέρα τὴν γενομένην τοῦ Δαυίδου
γυναῖκα 6 πατὴρ τῷ Φελτίῳ υἱῷ Λίσου συνέζευξεν
9 / 4 ~ 4
ἐκ πόλεως ὄντι Τ᾿ εθλᾶς.
310 (9) Mera ταῦτά τινες ἐλθόντες τῶν Ζιφηνῶν
? / λ ~ > Sa 4 e wv LA e A ὃ
ἀπήγγειλαν τῷ Σιαούλῳ, ὡς εἴη πάλιν ὁ Aavidys
ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ αὐτῶν καὶ δύνανται συλλαβεῖν αὐτὸν
βουλομένῳ συνεργῆσαι. ὁ δὲ μετὰ τρισχιλίων
¢e ~ 3 / ΤΙΝ 3 A \ \ 3 “
ὁπλιτῶν ἐβάδιζεν ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν καὶ νυκτὸς ἐπελθούσης
3 , 2? , , 5
ἐστρατοπέδευσεν ἐπί τινι τόπῳ Σικέλλα" λεγο-
1 καὶ codd. 2 ROP: ἀξίαν MS Exc. Lat.
3 + idias E Lat.
4 Goliath Lat. (ef. Luxx"
5 Σεκέλλα Mi: Σεκελλὰ (Σεκελᾷ znfra) Sp; Sicela Lat.
Variant condign.”
> 1 Sam. xxv. 41 ‘‘ let thine handmaid be a servant to wash
the feet of the servants of my lord.”
¢ Called Achima below, § 320; Bibl. Ahinoam, LXxAyewvdas
(v.l. ᾿Αχινάαμ).
320
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 307-310
had died through his own wickedness and had given
him revenge, W hile he himself still had clean hands. At
the same time he learnt that the wicked are pursued
by God who overlooks no act of man but repays the
good in kind, while He inflicts swift? punishment
upon the wicked. David then sent to the woman,
inviting her to live with him and become his wife.
She replied to the messengers that she was unworthy
so much as to touch his feet,” but came nevertheless
with all her servants. And so she lived with him,
having attained that honour because of her modest
and upright character and also because of her beauty.
David already had a wife,° whom he had taken from
thie δ ον Οἱ, Abisar?; as for Melcha, the daughter of
Saul and once the wife of David, her father had given
her in marriage to Pheltias ὁ son of Lisos* of the city
of Gethla.9
(9) * After this certain of the Ziphites came and
informed Saul that David was again in their country
and that they could eatch him, if Saul would lend
them aid. So with three thousand soldiers he
marched against him and, on the approach of night,
encamped at a place called Sikella.* David, hearing
Bibl. Jezreel, rxx “letpaéd (v.l. ᾿Ι,σραήλ κτλ.)
Bib]. Phalti, uxx Φαλτεί (Φελτεί).
Bibl. Laish, rxx "Apeis, Luc. ‘Iwas.
Bibl. Gallim, uxx “Poupa, Luc. Ἰ᾽ολιάθ,
» The following account of David's second encounter with
Saul (1 Sam. xxvi.) is obviously a variant of that found in
1 Sam; xxiv. cf. §§:282' ff,
‘In I Sam. xxvi. 1 Heb. has Hachilah, rxx Χελμάθ (v.1.
"Axid), Luc. “Exe\d 3 in vs. 1. Heb. has © Saul came in
readiness’ (A.V. “in very deed’ "), Uxx ἕτοιμος els Κεειλά,
Lue. Σεκελάγ. Josephus either followed a Lxx reading
similar to Lucian’s, or confused the name here with Σεκέλλα
=bibl. Ziklag mentioned below, § 322.
ane na
321
David spares
saul's life a
second time.
1 Sam.
xxvi. 1.
JOSEPHUS
311 μένῳ. Aavidns δὲ ἀκούσας τὸν Σαοῦλον ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν
ἥκοντα πέμψας κατασκόπους ἐκέλευσε δηλοῦν αὐτῷ,
ποῦ τῆς χώρας Σαοῦλος ἤδη προεληλύθοι. τῶν
δ᾽ ἐν Σικέλλᾳ φρασάντων διανυκτερεύειν διαλαθὼν
τοὺς ἰδίους εἰς τὸ τοῦ Σαούλου στρατόπεδον παρα-
γίνεται ἐπαγόμενος τὸν ἐκ τῆς ἀδελφῆς αὐτοῦ
Lapovias ᾿Αβισαῖον καὶ ᾿Αβιμέλεχον" τὸν Xer-
312 Tatov. τοῦ δὲ Σαούλου κοιμωμένου Kal περὶ adv-
τὸν ἐν κύκλῳ τῶν ὁπλιτῶν καὶ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ
᾿Αβεννήρου κειμένων, ὁ Aavidns εἰσελθὼν εἰς τὸ
στρατόπεδον τὸ τοῦ βασιλέως οὔτ᾽ αὐτὸς ἀναιρεῖ
τὸν Σιαοῦλον, ἐπιγνοὺς αὐτοῦ τὴν κοίτην ἐκ τοῦ
δόρατος, τοῦτο γὰρ αὐτῷ παρεπεπήγει, οὔτε τὸν
᾿Αβισαῖον βουλόμενον φονεῦσαι καὶ πρὸς τοῦτο
ὡρμηκότα εἴασεν, ἀλλὰ τὸν ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ κεχειρο-
τονημένον βασιλέα φήσας εἶναι δεινὸν ἀποκτεῖναι
κἂν ἦ πονηρός, ἥξειν γὰρ αὐτῷ “παρὰ τοῦ δόντος
τὴν ἀρχὴν σὺν χρόνῳ τὴν δίκην, ἐπέσχε τῆς ὁρμῆς.
313 σύμβολον δὲ τοῦ κτεῖναι δυνηθεὶς ἀποσχέσθαι
λαβὼν αὐτοῦ τὸ δόρυ καὶ τὸν φακὸν τοῦ ὕδατος,
ὃς ἦν παρ᾽ αὐτῷ κείμενος" τῷ Σαούλῳ, μηδενὸς
αἰσθομένου τῶν ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ πάντων δὲ
κατακοιμωμένων ἐξῆλθεν, ἀδεῶς πάντ᾽ ἐργασά-
μενος ὅσα καὶ τοῦ καιροῦ δόντος αὐτῷ καὶ τῆς
314 τόλμης διέθηκε, τοὺς τοῦ βασιλέως. διαβὰς δὲ τὸν
χείμαρρον καὶ ἐπὶ τὴν κορυφὴν ἀνελθὼν τοῦ ὄρους,
1 Niese: προσεληλύθοι, -ec codd.
2" Axiue\cxov MSP Lat.
3 ds... Kem.) + κοιμωμένῳ P(S): ὃς κοιμωμένῳ παρέκειτο
ΝῚ : appositum dormienti Sanl Lat.
¢ Bibl. Abishai, uxx "APeood (v.l. ᾿Αβεισά κτλ.).
322
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 311-314
that Saul was coming against him. sent out seouts
with orders to report what part of the country Saul
had now reached ; and when they told him that he
was passing the night at Sikella, he set off, without
the knowledge of his men, for Saul’s camp, taking
with him Abisai,? son of his sister Saruia,! and
Abimelech® the Hittite. Saul was sleeping, with
his soldiers and their commander Abenner lying in
a circle around him, when David penetrated to the
king’s camp; yet he would not himself slay Saul,
whose sleeping-place he recognized from the spear
fixed in the ground at his side, nor would he permit
Abisai, who wished to kill him and darted forward
with that intent, to do so. He objected that it was
monstrous to slay the king elected of God, even if
he was a wicked man, saying that from Him who had
given him the sovereignty punishment would come
in due time ; and so he stayed Abisai from his pur-
pose. However, in token that he might have slain
him and yet had refrained, he took the spear and the
flask of water that was placed just beside Saul and,
unseen by any in the camp where all lay fast asleep,
he passed out, having safely accomplished all the
things that the fav ourable opportunity and his daring
had erable him to inflict on the king’s men. Then, Mavidtne:
after crossing a stream? and climbing to the top of bukes Abner
> Bibl. Zeruiah (Heb. Servyah), xxx =Josephus. That she
was David’s sister is stated in | Chron, ii. 16.
¢ Variant (as in Scripture) Achimelech ; the txx mss. also
vary between the two forms. According to Seripture, how-
ever, only Abishai accompanied David.
4 1 Sam. xxvi. 13 “ Then David went over to the other side
and stood on the top of a hill afar off; a great space being
between them.’’ Josephus naturally thought of the space
as being a wady, the bed of a winter stream (χειμάρρους),
such as are common in Palestine.
$23
JOSEPHUS
ὅθεν ἔμελλεν ἐξάκουστος εἶναι, ἐμβοήσας τοῖς στρα-
τιώταις τοῦ Σιαούλου καὶ τῷ στρατηγῷ ᾽Αβεν-
7
νήρῳ διανίστησιν αὐτοὺς ἐκ τοῦ ὕπνου τοῦτόν τε
ἐφώνει καὶ τὸν λαόν. ἐπακούσαντος δὲ τοῦ στρα-
τηγοῦ καὶ τίς ὁ καλέσας αὐτόν ἐστιν ἐρομένου
, 4 t¢ ? ? ~ A 3 ’ A
816 Aavidns εἶπεν" “᾿ ἐγώ, παῖς μὲν ᾿Ιεσσαίου, φυγὰς
3 , ? ᾽’ ΕῚ A
δὲ ὑμέτερος. ἀλλὰ τί δήποτε μέγας τε ὧν καὶ
τὴν πρώτην ἔχων παρὰ τῷ βασιλεῖ τιμήν, οὕτως
ἀμελῶς τὸ τοῦ δεσπότου φυλάσσεις σῶμα, καὶ
A
ὕπνος ἡδίων ἐστί GOL τῆς τούτου σωτηρίας καὶ
/ - A ~ f
προνοίας; θανάτου yap ἀξια ταῦτα καὶ τιμωρίας,
οἵ γε μικρὸν ἔμπροσθεν εἰσελθόντας τινὰς ὑμῶν
3 ?
εἰς TO στρατόπεδον ἐπὶ τὸν βασιλέα Kal πάντας
A 3 1 b > ? ? > . ’
τοὺς ἄλλους" οὐκ ἐνοήσατε. ζήτησον οὖν τὸ δόρυ
~ ’ A ~
τοῦ βασιλέως Kat τὸν φακὸν τοῦ ὕδατος καὶ
? ᾽; ξ “- ww A ᾽ A [2
μαθήσῃ πηλίκον ὑμᾶς ἔλαθε κακὸν ἐντὸς γενό-
}} ~ N ? \ ~ é
316 μενον. Σαοῦλος δὲ γνωρίσας τὴν τοῦ Δαυίδου
A ‘ Ά Ω A 9 A wv € A
φωνὴν καὶ μαθὼν ὅτι λαβὼν αὐτὸν ἔκδοτον ὑπὸ
τοῦ ὕπνου καὶ τῆς τῶν φυλασσόντων ἀμελείας οὐκ
5 ὔ 3 3 3 ’ὔ é “”“ >] A ν] f
ἀπέκτεινεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐφείσατο δικαίως av αὐτὸν ἀνελών,
7) ~ ~ , ᾿]
χάριν ἔχειν αὐτῷ Tis σωτηρίας ἔλεγε καὶ παρ-
~ A
εκάλει θαρροῦντα καὶ μηδὲν ἔτι πείσεσθαι δεινὸν
ἐξ αὐτοῦ φοβούμενον ἀναχωρεῖν ἐπὶ τὰ οἰκεῖα"
317 πεπεῖσθαι γὰρ ὅτι μηδ᾽ αὑτὸν" οὕτως ἀγαπήσειεν,
4
ὡς ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνου στέργεται, ὃς" τὸν μὲν φυλάττειν
αὐτὸν δυνάμενον καὶ πολλὰ δείγματα τῆς εὐνοίας
~ ~ ’
παρεσχημένον ἐλαύνοι καὶ τοσοῦτον ἐν “φυγῇ χρόνον
καὶ ταῖς περὶ τὴν ψυχὴν ἀγωνίαις ἠνάγκασε ζῆσαι
φίλων καὶ συγγενῶν ἔρημον" αὐτὸς δ᾽ οὐ παύεται
1 ἐπὶ, .. ἄλλους om. RO: καὶ. . ἄλλους om. E.
2 ex Lat. Bekker: αὐτὸν codd.
3 ws RO.
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 314-317
a hill from which his voice could be heard, he shouted
to the troops of Saul and to their commander Abenner,
and, awaking them from their sleep, addressed him
and his people. When the commander heard this
and asked who was calling him, David replied, “1,
son of Jesse, the fugitive fr om you. But how comes
it that one so great as thou, holding the first rank in
the king’s service, art so negligent in guarding the
person of thy master, and that “sleep is more to thy
liking than his safety and protection? This con-
duet indeed merits the punishment of death, for a
little while since some men penetrated right through
your camp to the king’s person and to all the others,
and you did not even perceive it. Look now for the
king’s spear and his flask of water and thou wilt learn
what mischief has befallen in your midst without your
knowing of it.””. Then Saul, when he recognized the
voice of David and learned that though he had had
him at his mercy, being asleep and neglected by his
guards, he had yet not slain him but spared the life
which he might justly have taken, gave him thanks
for his preservation and exhorted him to be of good
courage and, without fear of suffering further injury
from himself, to return to his home.® For, he said,
he was now persuaded that he did not love his own
self so well as he was loved by David, seeing that he
had pursued this man who might have been his safe-
guard and who had given many proofs of his loyalty,
and that he had forced him to live so long in exile, in
terror of his life, bereft of friends and of kindred,
while he himself had been repeatedly spared by him
¢ This phrase is unscriptural. There is also some amplifica-
tion in the rest of David's speech.
> Josephus omits David’s protest against Saul’s treatment
of him, 1 Sam. xxvi. 18-20.
325
for his
neglect of
Saul.
Same xvi,
8.
Saul is acain
reconciled
to David.
1 Sam. xxv
»
Lis
JOSEPHUS
, ae ae > κα ἢ » \ \
πολλάκις; ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ σωζόμενος, οὐδὲ THY ψυχὴν
318 φανερῶς ἀπολλυμένην λαμβάνων. ὁ δὲ Δαυίδης
, 3 ~ ᾽ , \ / A A
πέμψαντα ἀπολαβεῖν ἐκέλευσε τὸ δόρυ καὶ τὸν
φακὸν τοῦ ὕδατος, ἐπειπὼν ὡς “᾿ὁ θεὸς ἑκατέρῳ
τῆς ἰδίας φύσεως καὶ τῶν κατ᾽ αὐτὴν πεπραγ-
μένων ἔσται δικαστής, ὃς ὅτι καὶ κατὰ τὴν παροῦσαν
ἡμέραν ἀποκτεῖναί σε δυνηθεὶς ἀπεσχόμην olde.’
3810 (10) Kat Σιαοῦλος μὲν δεύτερον διαφυγὼν τὰς
Δαυίδου χεῖρας εἰς τὰ βασίλεια καὶ τὴν οἰκείαν
ἀπηλλάσσετο, φοβηθεὶς δὲ Δαυίδης μὴ μένων
αὐτόθι συλληφθῇ ὑπὸ τοῦ Σιαούλου, συμφέρειν
ἔκρινεν. εἰς τὴν Παλαιστίνην καταβὰς! διατρίβειν
ἐν αὐτῇ, καὶ μετὰ τῶν ἑξακοσίων, οἵ περὶ αὐτὸν
ἦσαν, παραγίνεται πρὸς ᾿Αγχοῦν τὸν [ἴττης βασι-
͵ ’ > κα “ a , , ͵
890 Ada: μία δ᾽ ἦν αὕτη τῶν πέντε πόλεων. δεξαμένου
δ᾽ αὐτὸν τοῦ βασιλέως σὺν τοῖς ἀνδράσι καὶ δόντος
οἰκητήριον, ἔχων ἅμα καὶ τὰς δύο γυναῖκας ᾽Αχι-
μὰν καὶ ᾿Αβιγαίαν διῆγεν ἐν τῇ: Γίστῃ. Σαούλῳ
δὲ ταῦτ᾽ ἀκούσαντι λόγος οὐκέτ᾽ ἦν πέμπειν ἐπ᾽
αὐτὸν 7 βαδίζειν: δὶς yap ἤδη κινδυνεῦσαι παρὰ
μικρὸν ἐπ᾽ ἐκείνῳ γενόμενον, συλλαβεῖν αὐτὸν σπου-
821 δάσαντα. Aavidn δ᾽ οὐκ ἔδοξεν ἐν τῇ πόλει τῶν
~ ’ > ᾽ > f ~ ? > ~
Γιττῶν μένειν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐδεήθη τοῦ βασιλέως αὐτῶν,
¢3 3 \ ᾽ 3 A ¢ , A ~
iv’ ἐπειδὴ φιλανθρώπως αὐτὸν ὑπεδέξατο Kat τοῦτο
χαρίσηται, τόπον τινὰ τῆς χώρας δοὺς αὐτῷ πρὸς
κατοίκησιν: αἰδεῖσθαι γὰρ διατρίβων ἐν τῇ πόλει
322 βαρὺς αὐτῷ καὶ φορτικὸς εἶναι. δίδωσι δὲ ᾿Αγχοῦς
1 πολλακιξ om. NO,
2 ex Lat. Nicse: dvasas cadd.
α Saul’s speech is greatly amplified by Josephus.
826
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 317-322
and had received at his hands a life clearly marked
for destruection.* David then bade him send some-
one to fetch the spear and the flask of water,” adding,
‘ God shall be judge of the character of either of us
and of the actions arising therefrom. He knows that
when this day I had power to slay thee I refrained.”
(10) So Saul, having for the second time escaped Dees
‘ . . welcome
from David’s hands, returned to his palaee and his py achish
country ; but David, fearful of being captured by {anchus)
king of
Saul if. he remained where he was, leone it wise to Gath, and
go down to the land of the Philistines and abide there. eben
With his band of six hundred followers he betook him- 1 Sam ;
= . “qe . . REVAL. De
self to Anchis,® king of Gitta, which was one of their
five cities. The king welcomed him and his men and
gave them a habitation: ; and so, along with his two
ἘΠῚ es, Achima® and Abigaia, he settled in Gitta.
Saul, on hearing of this, thought no more of sending
or marching against him, for twice already he had
been in TAME danger of falling into his hands
while striving to cateh ἘΝ ΗΝ David: however, was
not minded to remain in the city of Gitta, but be-
sought its king, since he had given him kindly wel-
come, to gr ne one favour more and give him some
place in ΓΙ: country to dwell in; he had seruples, he
said, about being a burden and eneumbrance to him
by eontinuing to live in that city.2 So Anchiis gave
δ The return of the flask of water is not mentioned in
Scripture.
¢ Bibl. Achish, ef. § 245 note. |
4 The five Philistine cities were Gath (Gitta), Ekron
(Akkaron), Ascalon, Gaza, Ashdod (Azotus), ef. A. ν. 128,
vi. 8.
¢ Bibl. Ahinoam, ef. § 309 note.
7 This reason is not mentioned in Scripture.
9 David's scrupulous request is an amplification of 1 Sam.
ΧΧΥ]). ὦ.
VOL. V χ᾽ 327
328
324
325
JOSEPHUS
αὐτῷ κώμην τινὰ Σέκελλαν καλουμένην, ἣν Βασι-
λεύσας ὁ Δαυίδης ἀγαπῶν ἰδιον κτῆμα ἐτίμησεν
εἶναι καὶ οἱ παῖδες αὐτοῦ. ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν τούτων
ἐν ἄλλοις δηλώσομεν: ὁ δὲ χρόνος ὃν κατῴκησε
Δαυίδης ἐν Σεκέλλᾳα τῆς []αλαιστίνης ἐγένετο
μῆνες τέσσαρες πρὸς ταῖς εἴκοσιν ἡμέραις. ἐπ-
ερχόμενος δὲ λάθρα τοῖς πλησιοχώροις τῶν Ila-
λαιστίνων Σερρίταις καὶ ᾿Αμαληκίταις διήρπαζεν
αὐτῶν τὴν χώραν καὶ λείαν πολλὴν κτηνῶν καὶ
καμήλων λαμβάνων ὑπέστρεφεν" ἀνθρώπων γὰρ
ἀπείχετο δεδιὼς μὴ καταμηνύσωσιν αὐτὸν πρὸς
᾿Αγχοῦν τὸν βασιλέα, τὸ μέντοι γε τῆς λείας μέρος
αὐτῷ δωρεὰν ἔπεμπε. τοῦ δὲ βασιλέως πυθο-
μένου τίσιν ἐπιθέμενος τὴν λείαν ἀπήλασε; τοῖς
πρὸς τὸν νότον τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων τετραμμένοις καὶ
ἐν τῇ πεδιάδι κατοικοῦσιν εἰπὼν πείθει τὸν ᾿Αγχοῦν
φρονῆσαι οὕτως: ἤλπισε γὰρ οὗτος ὅτι Δαυίδης
ἐμίσησε τὸ ἴδιον ἔθνος, καὶ δοῦλον ἕξειν παρ᾽ ὃν
ζῇ χρόνον ἐν τοῖς αὐτοῦ καταμένοντα.
(xiv. 1) Kara δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρὸν τῶν [1αλαι-
στίνων ἐπὶ τοὺς ᾿Ισραηλίτας στρατεύειν διεγνω-
κότων καὶ περιπεμψάντων πρὸς τοὺς συμμάχους
ἅπαντας, ἵνα παρῶσιν' αὐτοῖς εἰς τὸν πόλεμον εἰς
1 συμπαρῶσιν MSP.
¢ Bibl. Ziklag (Heb. Siglag), Lxx Σεκελάκ, The site is
uncertain; it may be the modern /vhirbet Zuheiliqah, about
10 miles S.E. of Gaza.
> 1 Sam. xxvii. 6 ‘‘ Wherefore Ziklag pertaineth to the
kings of Judah unto this day.”
¢ The only other reference to Ziklag is in §§ 356 ff. where
its sack by the Amalekites is described.
4 Heb. “ὁ year (lit. ‘‘days’’) and four months,” txx “ four
months.”’
328
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 322-325
him a certain village called Sekella,*? which David so
well liked after becoming king that he regarded it
as his private domain, as did his sons after him.? But
of that we shall speak elsewhere. Now the time
during which David dwelt in Sekella in Philistia was
four months and twenty days.4 He made clandes-
tine raids on the neighbours of the Philistines, the
Serrites ὁ and Amalekites, ravaging their country and
returning with abundant booty of cattle and camels ;
he refrained from (taking captive) any men, for fear
that they would denounce him to King Anchis, to
whom, however, he sent a present of a portion of the
spoils.7 And when the king inquired whom he had
attacked tohavecarried off all this booty, he said it was
the people lying southward of the Judaeans, inhabiting
the plain,” and succeeded in making Anchiis believe
this. For the king had hopes that David had come
to hate* his own nation and that he would have him
for his servant so long as he lived, settled among his
own people.
(xiv. 1) About the same time the Philistines re-
solved to take the field against the Israelites and
sent word around to all their allies to join them at
¢ Bibl. the Geshurite and Girzite (Targum Gizrite, A.V.
Gezrite), Lxx τὸν Tececpl, Luc. τὸν Τ᾿ἐσουραῖον καὶ τὸν ’lefpaiov,
’ A euphemism for * killed,” cf. 1 Sam. xxvii. 9, 11 “* and
left neither man nor woman alive.’’ Other translators take
ἀπείχετο in its usual sense of *‘ spared ’’ and note the contra-
diction to Scripture.
9 Scripture does not say that David sent Achish a portion
of the spoils.
λ΄ 1 Sam. xxvii. 10 specifies the peoples involved.
* So the Targum of I Sam. xxvii. 12; Heb. “is in bad
odour among his people” (A.V. ‘‘ made his people Israel
utterly to abhor him’’), Lxx ‘Sis put to shame among his
people.”
329
David
makes raids
from Ziklag
(Sekella) on
neigh bour-
ing tribes.
1 Sam.
ΧΧΥ. 8.
Achish en-
lists David
in Philistine
927
JOSEPHUS
‘Peyav,’ ἔνθεν ἔμελλον ἀθροισθέντες ἐξορμᾶν ἐπὶ
τοὺς ‘EBpaious, ὁ τῶν Τιττῶν βασιλεὺς ᾿Αγχοῦς
συμμαχῆσαι τὸν Δαυίδην αὐτῷ μετὰ τῶν ἰδίων
ὁπλιτῶν ἐκέλευσε. τοῦ δὲ προθύμως ὑποσχομένου
καὶ φήσαντος παραστῆναι καιρόν, ἐν ᾧ τὴν ἀμοιβὴν
αὐτῷ τῆς εὐεργεσίας καὶ τῆς ξενίας ἀποδώσει,
ποιήσειν αὐτὸν καὶ φύλακα τοῦ σώματος μετὰ τὴν
νίκην καὶ τοὺς ἀγῶνας τοὺς πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους
κατὰ νοῦν χωρήσαντας αὐτοῖς ἐπηγγείλατο, τῆς
τιμῆς καὶ πίστεως ὑποσχέσει τὸ πρόθυμον αὐτοῦ
μᾶλλον αὔξων.
(9) "Ἔτυχε δὲ Σαοῦλος 6 τῶν ‘EBpaiwv βασιλεὺς
τοὺς μάντεις καὶ τοὺς ἐγγαστριμύθους καὶ πᾶσαν
τὴν τοιαύτην τέχνην ἐκ τῆς χώρας ἐκβεβληκὼς
ἔξω τῶν προφητῶν. ἀκούσας δὲ τοὺς [[]αλαιστί-
νους ἤδη παρόντας καὶ ἔγγιστα Σούνης πόλεως
ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ' ἐστρατοπεδευκότας ἐξώρμησεν ἐπ᾽
αὐτοὺς μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως. καὶ παραγενόμενος
πρὸς ὄρει τινὶ Γελβουὲ καλουμένῳ βάλλεται στρα-
τόπεδον ἀντικρὺ τῶν πολεμίων. ταράττει δ᾽ αὐτὸν
1 Ῥεγγᾶν MS; 'Ρέγγαν P: 'Ριγὰν O: Rella Lat.: φάραγγα(ν)
conj. Mez.
2 ἐκέλευε Es ἐπὶ τοὺς ‘E3palovs ἠξίου MSP Lat.
8 ἀποδώσει. . . καὶ] ex Lat. Niese: ἀποδώσειν αὐτὸν καὶ
RO: ἀποδώσειν καὶ ποιήσειν αὐτὸν M: αὐτὸν ἀποδώσειν καὶ
ποιήσειν αὐτὸν SP,
4 - κειμένης SP Exc. Lat. (-η M).
¢ No such place is mentioned in Scripture ; it is explained
by Mez ap. Thackeray, op. cit. p. 88 n. 39, as a corruption
of φάραγγα(ν) “ valley,” which was, in turn, a mistranslation
of the Targum héld meaning both * valley,” and ‘‘ warfare”
330
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 325-328
Rega 2 whence they would make a combined assault ora
am.
upon the Hebrews. Accordingly Anchis, king of Gitta, xxviii 1.
bade David aid him with ie own soldiers: David
promptly promised to do so, declaring that here was
an opportunity for him to repay Anchis for his good
offices and hospitality, whereupon the king Gaderer
to make him his bodyguard ὃ after the victory , if the
outcome of the struggle against the enemy should be
favourable to them. ¢ By ‘this promise of honour and
confidence he hoped to increase David's ardour still
more.
(2) Now Saul, ‘the king of the Hebrews, had, as it Saul and
the witch
happened, banished from the country the diviners, of Endor.
d 1 Sam.
ventriloquists? and all practitioners of such arts, Ai"
except the prophets.¢ Hearing now that the Phi-
listines were upon him and had encamped quite close
to the city of Siné’ in the plain, he went out against
them at the head of his forces, and, on reaching a
mountain called Gelboue,? pitched his camp over
against the enemy. But here he was greatly dis-
Ol. host °’—the latter rendering being called for by the
Heb. saba’ “* warfare ’’ in 1 Sam. xxviii. ee
> Bibl. ‘keeper of my head,” Lxx ἀρχισωματοφύλακα
* chief of the bodyguard.”
¢ In Scripture, Achish does not make the conferring of the
title conditional upon victory in battle.
4 So the LXX translates Heh. ’ab (A.V. ‘Sone that had
familiar spirits ’’); the exact meaning is a but its
Biblical nse and Jewish tradition show that a talisman as
an instrument of divination is meant, rather than a person—
we latter being called in Hebrew ba al ‘ab possessor of the
¢ The prophets are not expressly excepted in Scripture.
7 Bibl. Shunem, txx Σωμάν (v.l. Σωνάμ) : the modern
Solam in the Plain of Esdraelon, about half-way between
Nazareth and Mt. Gilboa ina N.W.-S.E. line.
§ So the txx; bibl. Gilboa, modern Jebel Fuku'a.
331
920
33
33
0
]
ῶ
JOSEPHUS
οὐχ ὡς ἔτυχεν ἰδόντα' ἡ τῶν ἐχθρῶν δύναμις
πολλή τε οὖσα καὶ τῆς οἰκείας κρείττων ὑπονοου-
μένη, καὶ τὸν θεὸν διὰ τῶν προφητῶν ἠρώτα περὶ
THs μάχης καὶ τοῦ περὶ ταύτην ἐσομένου τέλους
προειπεῖν. οὐκ ἀποκρινομένου δὲ τοῦ θεοῦ ἔτι
μᾶλλον ὁ Σαοῦλος κατέδεισε καὶ τὴν ψυχὴν ἀν-
ἔπεσε, τὸ κακὸν οἷον εἰκὸς οὐ παρόντος αὐτῷ κατὰ
χεῖρα τοῦ θείου προορώμενος. ζητηθῆναι δ᾽ αὑτῷ
κελεύει γύναιόν τι τῶν ἐγγαστριμύθων καὶ τὰς
τῶν τεθνηκότων ψυχὰς ἐκκαλουμένων ὡς οὕτως
γνωσομένῳ ποῖ χωρεῖν αὐτῷ μέλλει τὰ πράγματα:
τὸ γὰρ τῶν ἐγγαστριμύθων γένος ἀνάγον τὰς τῶν
νεκρῶν ψυχὰς δι᾽ αὐτῶν προλέγει τοῖς δεομένοις τὰ
ἀποβησόμενα. μηνυθέντος δ᾽ αὐτῷ παρά τινος τῶν
οἰκετῶν εἶναί τι γύναιον τοιοῦτον ἐν πόλει Δώρῳ,
λαθὼν πάντας τοὺς ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ καὶ μετεκδὺς
τὴν βασιλικὴν ἐσθῆτα δύο παραλαβὼν οἰκέτας, οὗς
ἤδει πιστοτάτους ὄντας," ἧκεν εἰς τὴν Δῶρον πρὸς
τὴν γυναῖκα καὶ παρεκάλει μαντεύεσθαι καὶ ἀνάγειν
αὐτῷ ψυχὴν οὗπερ ἂν αὐτὸς εἴπῃ. τῆς δὲ γυναικὸς
ἀπομαχομένης καὶ λεγούσης οὐ καταφρονήσειν τοῦ
βασιλέως, ὃς τοῦτο τὸ γένος τῶν μάντεων ἐξήλασεν,
οὐδ᾽ αὐτὸν δὲ ποιεῖν καλῶς ἀδικηθέντα μηδὲν ὑπ᾽
αὐτῆς, ᾿ἐνεδρεύοντα δὲ εἰς τὰ κεκωλυμένα λαβεῖν
αὐτὴν ἵνα δῷ δίκην, ὥμοσε μηδένα γνώσεσθαι μηδὲ
παρ᾽ ἄλλον ἄγειν αὐτῆς τὴν μαντείαν, ἔσεσθαι δ᾽
ἀκίνδυνον. ὡς δὲ τοῖς ὅρκοις αὐτὴν ἔπεισε μὴ
δεδιέναι, κελεύει τὴν Σαμουήλου ψυχὴν ἀναγαγεῖν
αὐτῶ. ἡ δ᾽ ἀγνοοῦσα τὸν Σαμουῆλον ὅστις ἦν
καλεῖ τοῦτον ἐξ δου: φανέντος δ᾽ αὐτοῦ θεα-
1 ἰδόντα om. ROE.
2’Aevddpw MSP: Endor Lat. 3 ἄνδρας RO: om. Lat.
332
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 328-332
mayed at sight of the hostile foree which was very
large and, as he surmised, superior to his own; and
he asked through the prophets for an oracle from
God concerning the battle and its issue. But, as no
response came from God, Saul was yet more afraid
and his heart failed him, foreseeing inevitable disaster
since the Deity was no longer at his side. However,
he gave orders to search out for him a woman among
the ventriloquists and those who call up the spirits of
the dead, that so he might learn how matters would
turn out for him. For this sort of ventriloquist raises
up the spirits of the dead and through them foretells
the future to those who inquire of them. Being in-
formed by one of his servants that there was such
a woman in the city of Dor,? Saul, without the know-
ledge of any in the camp, stripped off his royal robes
and, accompanied by two servants whom he knew
to be quite trustworthy, came to Dor to this woman
and besought her to bring up for him by divination
the soul of whomever he should name. The woman,
however, objected, saying that she would not defy
the king, who had expelled that class of diviners ;
nor was it fair on his part, who had suffered no wrong
from her, to lay this snare to cateh her in forbidden
acts and cause her to be punished. Thereupon Saul
swore that none should know of it, that he would tell
no one else of her divination and that she should be
inno danger. Having by these oaths persuaded her
to forgct her fears, he bade her bring up for him the
soul of Samuel. ‘The woman, ignorant who Samuel
was, summoned him from Hades. And when he
α Bibl. Endor, txx ᾿Αελδώρ (τ... ᾿Αενδώρ, cf. vl. in
Josephus); modern “πίον, about 3 miles N.E. of Shunem,
on the slopes of Jebel Dihy.
333
The witch
raises the
spirit of
JOSEPHUS
σάμενον τὸ γύναιον ἄνδρα σεμνὸν καὶ θεοπρεπῇ
ταράττεται, καὶ πρὸς τὴν ὄψιν ἐκπλαγέν, “᾿ οὐ σύ,
φησίν, “᾿ ὁ βασιλεὺς εἶ Naoddros;’’ ἐδήλωσε γὰρ
333 αὐτὸν Σαμουῆλος. ἐπινεύσαντος δ᾽ ἐκείνου καὶ
τὴν ταραχὴν αὐτῆς ἐρομένου πόθεν γένοιτο, βλέ-
πειν εἶπεν ἀνελθόντα τῷ θεῷ τινα τὴν “μορφὴν
ὅμοιον. τοῦ δὲ τὴν εἰκόνα φράζειν' καὶ τὸ σχῆμα
τοῦ θεαθέντος καὶ τὴν ἡλικίαν κελεύσαντος," γέ-
ροντα μὲν ἤδη καὶ ἔνδοξον ἐσήμαινεν, ἱερατικὴν
334 δὲ περικείμενον διπλοῖδα. ἐγνώρισεν ἐκ τούτων ὁ
βασιλεὺς τὸν Σαμουῆλον ὄντα καὶ πεσὼν ἐπὶ τὴν
γῆν ἠσπάζετο καὶ προσεκύνησε' τῆς δὲ Σαμουήλου
ψυχῆς πυθομένης διὰ τί κινήσειεν αὐτὴν καὶ ἀν-
αχθῆναι ποιήσειεν, THY? ἀνάγκην ἀπωδύρετο" τοὺς
πολεμίους yap? ἐπικεῖσθαι βαρεῖς αὐτῷ, αὐτὸν δὲ
ἀμηχανεῖν τοῖς παροῦσιν ἐγκαταλελειμμένον ὑπὸ
τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ μηδὲ" προρρήσεως τυγχάνοντα μήτε
διὰ προφητῶν μήτε δι᾿ ὀνειράτων, “καὶ διὰ τοῦτο
ἐπὶ σὲ τὸν ἐμοῦ προνοησόμενονἶ κατέφυγον. :
335 Σαμουῆλος δὲ τέλος αὐτὸν ἔχοντα ἤδη τῆς μετα-
βολῆς ὁρῶν “᾿ περισσὸν μέν, ” εἶπεν, “᾿ ἔτι καὶ παρ᾽
ἐμοῦ βούλεσθαι μαθεῖν τοῦ θεοῦ καταλελοιπότος
αὐτόν: ἄκουέ γε μὴν ὅτι βασιλεῦσαι δεῖ Δαυίδην
336 καὶ κατορθῶσαι τὸν πόλεμον, σὲ δὲ καὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν
1 εἰπόντος SPE.
8 κελεύσαντος om. ROE. 3 χὴν om. ROE.
4 γὰρ Hudson cum cod. Vat.: om. rell.
§ Dindorf: μήτε codd. 6 + ἀεὶ M Lat.
7 προνοησάμενον ed. pr. Lat.
¢ Scripture does not tell us how the witch recognized Saul;
I Sam. xxviii. 12 ‘ Why hast thou deceived me? for thou
art Saul,” Rabbinic tradition accounts for it by the legend
994
Ν
ΛΞ ΙΟΟΓΙΘΙ ΑἿΣ 255.
appeared, the woman. beholding a venerable and Samuel, who
godlike man, was overcome and, in her terror at the foretells 6
apparition, cried, “ Art thou not King Saul?” for eae τ
Samuel revealed who he was.2- When Saul indicated :
that it was so and asked whence came her alarm, she
replied that she saw someone arise in form like God.
Saul then bade her describe the appearance, the
dress and the age of the man she saw, and she repre-
sented him as Pat advanced age, or distinguished
aspect and clad in a priestly “mantle.® By these
tokens the king recognized him to be Samuel and,
falling to the ground, saluted him and made obeisance.
Being asked by the shade of Samuel wherefore he
had disturbed him and caused him to be brought up,
Saul bewailed his necessity ; the enemy, he Saids was
pressing heavily upon him and he was helpless in his
present plight, being abandoned by God and failing
to obtain an oracle whether through prophets or
through dreams. “That is why I have betaken
myself to thee, for thou wilt provide for me.” But
Samuel, seeing that Saul w as now approaching a final
change of fortaaes® said, ‘‘ It is idle to seek to learn
any more from me, since God has abandoned thee.
But this much thou mayest hear, that David is
destined to be king and to achieve success in this war,
while thou must lose both thy sovereignty and thy
mae spirits appear head downward unless summoned by a
ing.
> Heb, méil “ upper garment” (A.V. “ mantle’'), Ltxx
διπλοίς, Josephus adds the word “ priestly ’? because mé il
is the word used regularly in later Hebrew of the priest’s
robe. Tradition states that this garment worn by Samuel's
spirit was the same as that made for him by his mother when
he was a child (1 Sam. ii. 19) and that he had been buried in,
¢ Lit. “ having already an end of change.”
335
397
398
339
JOSEPHUS
καὶ τὴν ζωὴν ἀπολέσαι, τοῦ θεοῦ παρακούσαντα
ἐν τῷ πρὸς ᾿Αμαληκίτας πολέμῳ καὶ τὰς ἐντολὰς
αὐτοῦ μὴ φυλάξαντα, καθὼς προεφήτευσά σοι καὶ
ζῶν. ἴσθι τοίνυν καὶ τὸν λαὸν ὑποχείριον τοῖς
ἐχθροῖς γενησόμεν ον καὶ σαυτὸν μετὰ τῶν τέκνων
αὔριον πεσόντα ἐπὶ τῆς μάχης μετ᾽ ἐμοῦ γενη-
σόμενον.᾽
(5) Ταῦτ᾽ ἀκούσας ὁ Σιαοῦλος ἄφωνος ὑπὸ λύπης
ἐγένετο καὶ κατενεχθεὶς εἰς τοὔδαφος, εἴτε διὰ τὴν
προσπεσοῦσαν ἐκ τῶν δεδηλωμένων ὀδύνην, εἴτε
διὰ τὴν ἔνδειαν, οὐ γὰρ προσενήνεκτο τροφὴν τῇ
παρελθούσῃ ἡμέρᾳ τε καὶ νυκτί, ῥᾳδίως ἔκειτο
νέκυς ὥς Tes.) μόλις δὲ ἑαυτοῦ γενόμενον συν-
ἠνάγκασεν ἡ γυνὴ γεύσασθαι, ταύτην αἰτουμένη
παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ τὴν χάριν ἀντὶ τῆς παραβόλου μαν-
τείας, ἣν οὐκ ἐξὸν αὐτῇ ποιήσασθαι dua τὸν ἐξ
αὐτοῦ φόβον ἀγνοουμένου τίς ἦν, ὅμως ὑπέστη
καὶ παρέσχεν. ἀνθ᾽ ὧν παρεκάλει τράπεζάν τε
αὐτῷ παραθεῖναι καὶ προφήν, ὡς ἂν τὴν ἰσχὺν
συλλεξάμενος εἰς τὸ τῶν οἰκείων ἀποσωθῇ στρα-
τόπεδον: ἀντέχοντα δὲ καὶ τελέως ἀπεστραμμένον
ὑπὸ ἀθυμίας ἐβιάσατο καὶ συνέπεισεν. ἔχουσα δὲ
μόσχον ἕνα συνήθη καὶ τῆς κατ᾽ οἶκον ἐπιμελείας
καὶ τροφῆς ἀξιούμενον ὑ ὑπ᾽ αὐτῆς, ὡς γυνὴ χερνῆτις
καὶ τούτῳ μόνῳ προσαναπαυομένη τῷ κτήματι,
1 Niese: ἔκειτο νέκυς ὅστις RO: κατενήνεκτο MSP (Exc.):
non facile valebat exurgere Lat.
@ Text uncertain.
ὃ Of ‘joined (his servants) in constraining’; ef. 1 Sam.
xxviii. 23 ‘‘ But his servants, together with the woman, com:
pelled him.”
a0
VO
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 336-339
life, because thou disobeyedst God in the war with
the Amalekites and didst not observe His command-
ments, even as I foretold to thee while I was alive.
Know then that thy people shall be delivered into
the hands of their foes and that thou thyself with
thy sons shalt fall to-morrow in the battle, and thou
shalt be with me.”
(3) On hearing these words, Saul was made speech-
less by grief and, falling to the ground, whether from
the shock inflicted by these revelations or through
exhaustion—for he had taken no food during the past
day and night—lay inert? as a corpse. Then. when
with difficulty he had come to himself, the woman
constrained ® him to partake of food, asking this
favour of him in return for that fiavandous act of
divination, which though not lawful for her to per-
form through fear of him so long as she had not recog-
nized him,° she had nevertheless undertaken to carry
out. Wherefore she entreated him to let her set a
table with food before him, that so having collected
his strength he might return safely to his own camp ;
and, when in his despondency he refused and re-
solutely turned away, she insisted and helped to per-
suade him. Though she owned but one calf, which
she had brought up 4 and had taken trouble to care
for and feed beneath her roof, for she was a labouring
woman and had to be content with this as her sole
¢ The language of Josephus is ambiguous. It may mean
that the witch feared to defy the king, whom she did not re-
cognize in the person of Saul, or that she had been afraid to
do Saul’s bidding so long as she was ignorant of his identity.
δ “stamiliar” or “tame 3 Kebionarbeq. tied up.’
(A. Vi fet cf. Targum ‘““fatted ’), Lxx δαμαλὶς νομάς
᾿ grazing heifer ” (Luc. μοσχάριον γαλαθηνόν “ sucking
calf’).
337
The witch
of Endor
suceours
Saul
1 Sam.
XXvili, 20.
JOSEPHUS
κατασφάξασα τοῦτον Kal τὰ κρέα παρασκευάσασα
τοῖς οἰκέταις αὐτοῦ καὶ αὐτῷ παρατίθησι. καὶ
Σαοῦλος μὲν διὰ τῆς νυκτὸς ἦλθεν εἰς τὸ στρατό-
πεδον.
340 (4) Δίκαιον δὲ ἀποδέξασθαι τῆς φιλοτιμίας τὴν
γυναῖκα, ὅτι καίπερ τῇ τέχνῃ κεκωλυμένη χρή-
σασθαι ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως, παρ᾽ ἧς ἂν αὐτῇ τὰ
κατὰ τὸν οἶκον ἦν ἀμείνω καὶ διαρκέστερα, καὶ
μηδέποτε αὐτὸν πρότερον τεθεαμένη οὐκ ἐμνησι-
κάκησε τῆς ἐπιστήμης UT αὐτοῦ καταγνωσθείσης,
οὐκ ἀπεστράφη δὲ ὡς ξένον καὶ μηδέποτε ἐν
341 συνηθείᾳ γεγενημένον, ἀλλὰ συνεπάθησέ τε καὶ
παρεμυθήσατο καὶ πρὸς ἃ διέκειτο λίαν ἀηδῶς
προετρέψατο, Kal TO μόνον αὐτῇ παρὸν ὡς ἐν
πενίᾳ τοῦτο παρέσχεν ἐκτενῶς καὶ φιλοφρόνως,
οὔθ᾽ ὑπὲρ εὐεργεσίας ἀμειβομένη τινὸς yeyevn-
μένης οὔτε χάριν μέλλουσαν θηρωμένη, τελευτή-
σοντα yap. αὐτὸν ἠπίστατο, φύσει τῶν ἀνθρώπων
ἢ πρὸς τοὺς ἀγαθόν τι παρεσχημένους φιλοτιμου-
μένων, ἢ παρ᾽ ὧν ἄν τι δύνωνται λαβεῖν ὄφελος
342 τούτους προθεραπευόντων. καλὸν οὖν ἐστι μιμεῖ-
σθαι τὴν γυναῖκα καὶ ποιεῖν εὖ πάντας τοὺς ἐν χρείᾳ
γενομένους, καὶ μηδὲν ὑπολαμβάνειν ἄμεινον μηδὲ
μᾶλλόν τι προσήκειν τῷ τῶν ἀνθρώπων γένει τού-
του μηδ᾽ ἐφ᾽ ᾧ" τὸν θεὸν εὐμενῆ καὶ χορηγὸν τῶν
ἀγαθῶν ἕξομεν. καὶ τὰ μὲν περὶ τῆς γυναικὸς
343 ἐν τοσούτοις ἀρκεῖ δεδηλῶσθαι: τὸν δὲ πόλεσι καὶ
δήμοις καὶ ἔθνεσι συμφέροντα λόγον καὶ προσ-
1 ὅτῳ 55 Vat. ap. Hudson.
2 μᾶλλον ἔξομεν con}. Naber.
® The following eulogy of the witch of Endor is, of course,
an addition to Scripture.
335
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 339-343
possession, she slaughtered it, prepared the meat
and set it before his servants and himself. And Saul
that night returned to his camp.
(4) 7 Here itis but right to commend the gencrosity Eulogy of
of this woman who, though she had been prevented (faoe
by the king from practising an art which would have
made it easier and more comfortable for her at home,
and though she had never seen Saul before. yet bore
him no resentment for having condemned her pro-
fession nor turned him away as a stranger and as one
with whom she had never been acquainted; but
instead she gave him sympathy and consolation, ex-
horted him to do that which he regarded with great
unwillingness, and offered him with open friendliness
the one thing which in her poverty she possessed.
And this she did, not in return for any benefit re-
ceived, nor in quest of any favour to come—for she
knew that he was about to die—, whereas men are by
nature wont either to emulate those who have be-
stowed some kindness upon them or to be beforehand
in flattering those from whom they may possibly
reeeive some benefit. It is well, then, to take this
woman for an example and show kindness to all who
are in need, and to regard nothing as nobler than this
or more befitting the human race or more likely to
make God gracious and ready to bestow upon us His
blessings. Coneerning this woman, then, let these
words suffice. © But now I shall touch on a subject Reflections
᾿ on the
profitable to states, peoples and nations, and of heroism of
Saul.
> That is, to partake of food.
¢ Contrast the eulogy of Saul which follows (and is an
addition to Scripture) with the characterization above,
§§ 262 ff. So also rabbinic tradition is divided between blame
of Saul’s pride and praise of his heroism.
339
JOSEPHUS
nKovTa τοῖς ἀγαθοῖς, ὑφ᾽ οὗ προαχθήσονται πάντες
> \ ὃ ΄ 1 \ “~ \9 50 \ /
ἀρετὴν διώκειν; καὶ ζηλοῦν τὰ" δόξαν Kal μνήμην
αἰώνιον παρασχεῖν δυνησόμενα, ποιήσομαι, πολλὴν
καὶ βασιλεῦσιν ἐθνῶν καὶ ἄρχουσι πόλεων ἐπι-
,ὔ ~ ~ \
θυμίαν καὶ σπουδὴν τῶν καλῶν ἐνθήσοντα, Kat
A ~ 4
πρός τε κινδύνους Kal TOV ὑπὲρ τῶν πατρίδων
/ λ 4 ~
θάνατον προτρεψόμενον, Kat πάντων καταφρονεῖν
- ~ ” 3 , ~ 4
344 διδάξοντα τῶν δεινῶν. ἔχω δ᾽ αἰτίαν τοῦ λόγου
, τ ~ Ἁ ~ e / 4 Ὄ
τούτου Σαοῦλον τὸν τῶν ‘EBpaiwy βασιλέα: οὗτος
γὰρ καίπερ εἰδὼς τὰ συμβησόμενα καὶ τὸν ἐπι-
κείμενον θάνατον τοῦ προφήτου προειρηκότος οὐκ
yy “A ? \ 50" “ “~
ἔγνω φυγεῖν αὐτὸν οὐδὲ φιλοψυχήσας προδοῦναι
3 - ,ὔ
μὲν τοὺς οἰκείους τοῖς πολεμίοις καθυβρίσαι δὲ
\ ~ , > f > \ LY ς Ἁ
314570 τῆς βασιλείας ἀξίωμα, ἀλλὰ παραδοὺς αὑτὸν
πανοικὶ μετὰ τῶν τέκνων τοῖς κινδύνοις καλὸν
¢ oF > ΒΞ \ a
ἡγήσατο εἶναι πεσεῖν μετὰ τούτων ὑπὲρ τῶν
\ \ “a >
βασιλευομένων μαχόμενος, καὶ τοὺς παῖδας ἀπο-
- “- ω A >
θανεῖν μᾶλλον ἀγαθοὺς ὄντας ἢ καταλιπεῖν ἐπ
3 ~
ἀδήλῳ τῷ ποδαποὶ γενήσονται τὸν τρόπον" διά-
δοχον" γὰρ καὶ γένος τὸν ἔπαινον καὶ τὴν ἀγήρω
346 μνήμην ἕξειν. οὗτος οὖν δίκαιος καὶ ἀνδρεῖος καὶ
σώφρων ἔμοι γε δοκεῖ μόνος καὶ" εἴ τις γέγονε
τοιοῦτος 7 γενήσεται τὴν μαρτυρίαν ἐπ᾽ ἀρετῇ καρ-
ποῦσθαι παρὰ πάντων ἄξιος" τοὺς γὰρ μετ᾽ ἐλπίδων
ἐπὶ πόλεμον ἐξελθόντας ὡς καὶ κρατήσοντας καὶ
σῶς" ὑποστρέψοντας,; ἐπειδάν τι διαπράξωνται
~ ~ - ,
λαμπρόν, οὔ μοι δοκοῦσι καλῶς ποιεῖν ἀνδρείους
1 Dindorf: διώξειν codd.
2 ζηλοῦν τὰ] Bekker: ξηλοῦντα vel δηλοῦντα codd.: ζηλοῦν
τὸ Niese. 83 δυνησόμενον ROS? Exc.
4 διαδοχὴν MSP Exc. 5 δοκεῖν καὶ μόνος con). Niese.
8 ἴσως RO: σώους MSP Exc.
7 Bekker: ἐπιστρέψοντας codd.
340
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 343-346
interest to all good men—one whereby all should be
induced to pursue virtue and to aspire to those things
which may procure them glory and eternal renown,
one, moreover, that should instil into the hearts of
kings of nations and rulers of cities a great desire and
Zeal for noble deeds, should stimulate them to face
dangers and death for their country’s sake, and teach
them to despise all terrors. The occasion for this
discourse I find in the person of Saul, king of the
Hebrews. For he, although he knew of what was
to come and his impending death, which the prophet
had foretold, yet determined not to flee from it or,
by clinging to life, to betray his people to the enemy
and dishonour the dignity of kingship; instead, he
thought it noble to expose himself, his house and his
children to these perils and, along with them, to fall
fighting for his subjects.? He pr referred to have his
sons meet death as brave men rather than leave them
behind, while still uncertain what kind of men they
might prove to be; for thus, as successors and
posterity, he would obtain glory and an ageless name?
Such a man alone, in my opinion, is just, valiant and
wise, and he, if any has been or shall be such, deserves
to have all men acknowledge his virtue. For men who
have gone forth to war with high hopes, thinking to
conquer and return in safety, and have accomplished
some brilliant feat are, to my mind, mistakenly de-
¢ The rabbis also emphasize Saul’s heroism in exposing
himself and his sons to danger in battle.
> ‘That is, glory ete. would take the place of physical
posterity. The last phrase is perhaps a conscious echo of
ἀγήρων ἔπαινον in Pericles’ funeral oration, Thucydides ii. 43.
341
JOSEPBLGS
ἀποκαλοῦντες, ὅσοι περὶ τῶν τοιούτων ἐν ταῖς
ἱστορίαις καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις συγγράμμασιν εἰρήκασιν"
347 ἀλλὰ δίκαιοι μέν εἰσι κἀκεῖνοι τυγχάν ειν ἀποδοχῆς,
εὐψυχοι δὲ καὶ μεγαλότολμοι καὶ τῶν δεινῶν κατα-
φρονηταὶ μόνοι δικαίως ἂν λέγοιντο πάντες οἵ
Σ αοῦλον μιμησάμενοι. τὸ μὲν γὰρ οὐκ εἰδότας τί
μέλλει συμβήσεσθαι κατὰ τὸν πόλεμον αὐτοῖς μὴ
μαλακισθῆναι περὶ αὐτόν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀδήλῳ τῷ “μέλλοντι
παραδόντας αὑτοὺς ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῦ σαλεύειν οὔπω" γεν-
348 ναῖον, κἂν ἔργα πολλὰ διαπραξάμενοι τύχωσι" τὸ
δὲ ΠΩΣ τῇ διανοίᾳ χρηστὸν προσδοκῶντας, ἀλλὰ
προειδότας ὡς δεῖ θανεῖν καὶ τοῦτο παθεῖν μαχο-
μένους, εἶτα μὴ φοβηθῆναι μηδὲ καταπλαγῆναι TO
δεινόν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸ χωρῆσαι προγινωσκόμενον,
τοῦτ᾽ ἀνδρείου ἀληθῶς τεκμήριον ἐγὼ κρίνω.
349 Σαοῦλος τοίνυν τοῦτο ἐποίησεν ἐπιδείξας ὅτι πάν-
τας μὲν προσήκει τῆς μετὰ τὸν θάνατον εὐφημίας
γλιχομένους ταῦτα ποιεῖν, ἐξ ὧν ἂν αὑτοῖς ταύτην
καταλείποιεν," μάλιστα δὲ τοὺς βασιλέας, ὡς οὐκ
ἐξὸν αὐτοῖς Saas “μέγεθος Τῆς ἀρχῆς οὐ μόνον
οὐ κακοῖς εἶναι περὶ τοὺς ἀρχομένους, ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ
350 μετρίως χρηστοῖς. ἔτι τούτων πλείω περὶ Σαούλου
καὶ τῆς εὐψυχίας λέγειν ἠδυνάμην, ὕλην ἡ ἡμῖν χορη-
γησάσης τῆς ὑποθέσεως, ἀλλ᾽ ἵνα "μὴ φανῶμεν
ἀπειροκάλως αὐτοῦ χρῆσθαι τοῖς ἐπαίνοις, ἐπάνειμι
πάλιν ἀφ᾽ ὧν εἰς τούτους ἐξέβην.
851] (5) Κατεστρατοπεδευκότων γὰρ τῶν Π]αλαιστί-
νων, ὡς προεῖπον, καὶ κατὰ ἔθνη καὶ βασιλείας
καὶ σατραπείας ἐξαριθμούντων τὴν δύναμιν, τελευ-
1 οὐδ᾽ οὕτω(ς) M Exe.: οὐχ οὕτως SP: non valde Lat
3 καταλίποιεν SP: -λίποιε M.
342
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 346-351
scribed as valiant by the historians and other writers
who have spoken of such persons. Certainly it is
just that these too receive approbation; but the
terms “ stout-hearted,” “greatly daring,’ ‘ con-
temptuous of danger ”’ can justly be applied only to
such as have emulated Saul. That men, not knowing
what is to happen to them in war, should not flinch
from it, but should commit themselves to an uncertain
future and ride the stormy seas of chance—al] this
still falls short of magnanimity,? however many the
exploits they may accomplish. On the other hand,
to harbour in one’s heart no hope of success, but to
know beforehand that one must die and die fighting,
and then not to fear nor be appalled at this terrible
fate, but to meet it with full knowledge of what is
coming—that, in my judgement, is proof of true
valour. And this Saul did, thereby showing that it
behoves all men who aspire to fame after death so
to act as to leave such a name after them ; especially
should kings do so, since the greatness of their power
forbids them not merely to be bad to their subjects,
but even to be less than wholly good. I might say
still more than this about Saul and his courage, for
they are subjects which afford us ample material ;
but, lest we should appear to lack good taste in de-
livering this pancgyric, I will return again to the
point from which I made this digression.
(5) The Philistines had pitched their camp, as I Toe...
said before, and were reviewing their forces by compel
nations, kingdoms and satrapics,? when last of all 4chs4
4 Variant ‘is not so magnanimous.”
ὃ Suggested by the Lxx σατράπαι τῶν de =tTTeb.
sarne Pelishtim (A.V. lords of the Philistines’); ef. | Sam.
xxix. 2 “* And the lords of the Philistines passed on by hun-
dreds and by thousands.”
VOL. V Ζ 343
JOSEPHUS
~ Ἁ ~ > ~ A ~ 9 é
tatos βασιλεὺς παρῆλθεν ᾿Αγχοῦς μετὰ τῆς ἰδίας
~ A ~ ς , ~
στρατιᾶς καὶ Aavidys μετὰ τῶν ἑξακοσίων ὁπλιτῶν
4 ~
352 εἵπετο. θεασάμενοι δὲ αὐτὸν ot στρατηγοὶ τῶν
; ,ὔ Ta ΄σ 4 ς ~
Παλαιστίνων, πόθεν εἴησαν ἥκοντες ot ‘EBpator
καὶ τίνων καλεσάντων ἠρώτων τὸν βασιλέα. ὁ δὲ
, ») 4 a 9 , a \
Δαυίδην ἔλεγεν εἶναι, dv? φυγόντα Σιαοῦλον τὸν
ς »“»- ’ὔ 4 A > \ > ἣν a
ἑαυτοῦ δεσπότην Kal πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐλθόντα δέξασθαι,
»“". ~ 4 ~
Kal νῦν τῆς χάριτος ἀμοιβὴν ἐκτῖσαι βουλόμενον
A ~ ~ ~
Kat τιμωρήσασθαι. τὸν διαοῦλον συμμαχεῖν αὐτοῖς.
353 ἐμέμφθη δὲ ὑπὸ τῶν στρατηγῶν ἄνδρα παρειληφὼς
ἐπὶ συμμαχίᾳ “πολέμιον, καὶ ἀποπέμπειν συνεβού-
evov, μὴ καὶ λάθη μέγα δι᾿ αὐτὸν κακὸν τοὺς
φίλους ἐργασάμενος" καιρὸν" γὰρ αὐτῷ" παρέξειν
τοῦ καταλλαγῆναι" πρὸς τὸν δεσπότην κακώσανται"
354 τὴν ἡμετέραν δύναμιν. ὃ δὴ καὶ προορώμενον εἰς
τὸν τόπον ὃν ἔδωκεν αὐτῷ κατοικεῖν ἐκέλευον
ἀποπέμπειν σὺν τοῖς ἑξακοσίοις ὁπλίταις" τοῦτον
\ > ν 7 t a » ς ,
yap εἶναι tov’ Aavidny, ov adovow at παρθένοι
‘ 7 fA ae ͵ om >
πολλὰς μυριάδας ᾿]αλαιστίνων ἀπολέσαντα. ταῦτ
> ~ ~ ~ ~
ἀκούσας ὁ τῶν Tirra@v βασιλεὺς Kai καλῶς εἰρῆσθαι
λογισάμενος καλέσας τὸν Δαυΐδην “ἐγὼ μέν,"
« ~ A
355 εἶπε, “᾿ μαρτυρῶ σοι πολλὴν περὶ ἐμὲ σπουδὴν Kal
, ~ fd 3
εὔνοιαν Kal διὰ τοῦτό GE σύμμαχον ἐπηγόμην" οὐ
~ A > A ~ “- ᾽ > M” >
δοκεῖ δὲ ταὐτὸ Tots στρατηγοῖς. ἀλλ᾽ ἄπιθι μεθ
ἡμέραν εἰς ὃν ἔδωκά σοι τόπον μηδὲν ὑπονοῶν
ἄτοπον, κἀκεῖ φύλασσέ μοι τὴν χώραν, μή τινες
“- ’ὔ
εἰς αὐτὴν τῶν πολεμίων ἐμβάλωσιν. ἔστι δὲ καὶ
1 4 μετὰ τοῦτον (αὐτὸν) δ᾽ (δὲ) ὁ MSPE: et post eum Lat.
2 Niese: τὸν codd. 8 NM Lat.: καὶ rell.
οὕτω RO. 5 4 πρόφασιν SP.
6 Naber: κακώσαντα vel κακώσοντα codd.
7 τὸν om. MSPE.
844
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 351-355
Εἰ = ee . Ἶ ᾿ to dismiss
appeared King Anchis with his own troops, followed {0 dismiss”
by David with his six hundred soldiers. On seeing his army.
him, the Philistine generals asked the king whence ear
these Hebrews? had come and who had summoned
them. ‘The king replied that this was David who
had fled from Saul, his master, and had come to him ;
he had received him, and now David, wishing to repay
that favour and to be avenged on Saul, was fighting
in their ranks.2. The generals, however, reproached
him for having taken as an ally one that was their
enemy, and they advised him to dismiss him lest on
David’s account he should unwittingly do grave
mischief to his friends; for he would be affording
David an opportunity of becoming reeonciled to his
master by injuring their army. Aecordingly they
bade him with this in mind to send David with his
six hundred soldiers back to the plaee which he had
given him for his habitation ; for this was that same
David of whom the virgins sang that he had slain
many myriads of the Philistines. Having listened
to these words and eonsidering them well spoken, the
king of Gitta called David and said, “ For myself, I
can testify to the great zeal and friendliness which
thou hast shown to me, and it was for that reason that
I brought thee as an ally ; but such is not the view
of our chiefs. Now then, go within a day’s time to
the place which I have given thee, and suspect no-
thing untoward. There keep guard for me over the
country, lest any of the enemy invade it. That too
4 So the Hebrew, ‘Jbrim; txx, reading ‘ébrim “ passers-
by,” has διαπορευόμενοι.
ὑ This explanation of David’s motives is added by
Josephus.
345
JOSEPHUS
356 τοῦτο συμμαχίας pépos.”’ Kat Aavidns μέν, ws
¢
357
358
359
360
~ ~ ᾽
ἐκέλευσεν ὁ τῶν Γιττῶν βασιλεύς, ἧκεν εἰς Σέκελ-
λαν. καθ᾽ ὃν δὲ καιρὸν ἐξ αὐτῆς συμμαχήσων τοῖς
s 5 ~ Ἀ ~ ? ~ wf
Παλαιστίνοις ἀπῆλθε τὸ τῶν ᾿Αμαληκιτῶν ἔθνος
? A ¢ ~ ‘ . + 2 ‘ 4 ‘
ἐπελθὸν αἱρεῖ τὴν Σέκελλαν κατὰ κράτος, καὶ
3 ? \ NAT x 4 1.» > ? ~ ? /
ἐμπρήσαντες Kat πολλὴν λείαν' ἔκ τ᾽ αὐτῆς ἐκείνης
‘ ~ ” ~ , , /
καὶ τῆς ἀλλης τῶν []αλαιστίνων χώρας λαβόντες
ἀνεχώρησαν.
(6) ᾿᾿Εκπεπορθημένην δὲ τὴν Σέκελλαν κατα-
Ἁ ¢ 4 \ / ’ὔ A Ἁ
λαβὼν ὁ Aavidys καὶ διηρπαγμένα πάντα καὶ τὰς
A \ ¢€ A , \ >
γυναῖκας τὰς ἑαυτοῦ, δύο yap ἦσαν, καὶ Tas
“- ~ ς ’ Α “-
γυναῖκας τῶν ἑταίρων σὺν τοῖς τέκνοις ἠχμαλω-
\ ‘ > ~ ,
τισμένας, περιρρήγνυται εὐθὺς τὴν ἐσθῆτα. κλαίων
δὲ καὶ ὀδυρόμενος μετὰ τῶν φίλων ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον
“- ~ τ > ~
παρείθη τοῖς κακοῖς, ὥστε αὐτὸν ἐπιλιπεῖν ἤδη
\ \ 7 > , 2 \ \ \ eA
καὶ τὰ δάκρυα: ἐκινδύνευσε" δὲ Kat βληθεὶς ὑπὸ
“-- “a 3 ~
τῶν ἑταίρων ἀλγούντων ἐπὶ ταῖς αἰχμαλωσίαις τῶν
~ ~ > ~
γυναικῶν καὶ τῶν τέκνων ἀποθανεῖν: αὐτὸν yap
~ / ~ > > ~
τῶν γεγονότων ἠτιῶντο. ἀνασχὼν δ᾽ ἐκ τῆς λύπης
4
Kal THY διάνοιαν πρὸς τὸν θεὸν ἀναστήσας παρ-
᾽ A > / ᾽ “ > ’ Α
εκάλεσε τὸν ἀρχιερέα ᾿Αβιάθαρον ἐνδύσασθαι τὴν
A > ~
ἱερατικὴν στολὴν καὶ ἐπερωτῆσαι τὸν θεὸν καὶ
~ > [4 \ ᾽ , 4
προφητεῦσαι εἰ διώξαντι τοὺς ᾿Αμαληκίτας δίδωσι
~ ‘ ~ ‘ ~
καταλαβεῖν Kal σῶσαι μὲν τὰς γυναῖκας καὶ τὰ
> ~
τέκνα, τιμωρήσασθαι δὲ τοὺς ἐχθρούς. τοῦ δ᾽
/
ἀρχιερέως διώκειν κελεύσαντος ἐκπηδήσας μετὰ
τῶν ἑξακοσίων ὁπλιτῶν εἵπετο τοῖς πολεμίοις" παρα-
γενόμενος δ᾽ ἐπί τινα χειμάρρουν Βάσελον λεγό-
1 λείαν ἄλλην codd.: ἄλλην om, Lat.
2 κινδυνεῦσαι RO.
eee ee τ
α This last instruction to guard Philistine territory is an
amplification of the txx addition to 1 Sam. xxix. 11, φυ-
3:40
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 356-360
is the part of an ally.”? So David, as the king of David finds
Gitta ordered, went to Sekella. But at the very ee
time when he had left there to lend aid to the Phi- ty the |
listines, the Amalekite nation had made an invasion ioe
and taken Sekella by storm, and, after setting fire *** ἢ
to it and capturing much booty both from that town
and from the rest of the Philistine territory, had
retired.
(6) Now when David found that Sekella had been The |
sacked and everything therein pillaged and that his [73cuts
two wives and the wives of his comrades along with their
their children had been taken captive, he straightway se
rent his clothes,’ and, wailing and lamenting with shildren.
his friends, he was so utterly undone by this calamity xxx. 4.
that at length even tears failed him. Moreover he
was not far from being stoned to death by his com-
rades, who were deeply grieved by the capture of
their wives and children, and held him responsible
for what had happened. Recovering from his grief,
however, and lifting his thoughts to God, he besought
the high priest Abiathar to put on his priestly robe ¢
and to inquire of God and predict to him whether, if
he pursued the Amalekites, He would grant him
to overtake them, and to rescue the women and
children and avenge himself on his foes. And when God
the high priest bade him pursue, he rushed off with [ans
his six hundred soldiers on the track of the enemy. pursue the
A Amalekites
On reaching a stream called Baselos,? he came upon 1 sam.
xxx ὃς
λάσσειν τὴν γῆν : the Hebrew says merely “ἢ And David and
his men rose early in the morning to return to the land of the
Philistines.”
> The rending of the clothes is an unscriptural detail.
é 1 Sam. xxx. 7“ bring me hither the ephod.”
4 Bibl. Besor, xx Βοσόρ ; site unknown.
347
361
363
364
JOSEPHUS
ῖ
μενον καὶ πλανωμένῳ τινὶ περιπεσὼν Αἰγυπτίῳ
μὲν τὸ γένος ὑπ᾽ ἐνδείας δὲ καὶ "λιμοῦ παρει-
μένῳ, τρισὶ γὰρ ἡμέραις ἐν τῇ ἐρημίᾳ πλανώμενος
ἄσιτος διεκαρτέρησε, πρῶτον αὐτὸν ποτῷ καὶ
τροφῇ παραστησάμενος καὶ ἀναλαβὼν ἐπύθετο
τίς τε εἴη καὶ πόθεν. ὁ δὲ γένος μὲν ἐσήμαινεν
Αἰγύπτιος ὦν, καταλειφθῆναι δὲ ὑπὸ τοῦ δεσπότου
? 3 ‘ “ \ , 0.» 3
κατ᾽ ἀρρωστίαν ἕπεσθαι μὴ δυνάμενον" ἐδήλου ὃ
~ “
αὑτὸν" τῶν καταπρησάντων καὶ διηρπακότων ἄλλα
a ᾿] f \ \ / /
te τῆς ‘lovdaias Kat τὴν Σέκελλαν εἶναι. χρησά-
> f 9 ἢ \ ?
μενος οὖν ὁ Aavidns τούτῳ ἐπὶ τοὺς Αμαληκίτας
“- A % NN
ὁδηγῷ καὶ καταλαβὼν αὐτοὺς" ἐπὶ γῆς ἐρριμ-
μένους, καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἀριστῶντας, τοὺς δὲ καὶ
μεθύοντας ἤδη καὶ λελυμένους ὑπὸ τοῦ οἴνου καὶ
τῶν λαφύρων καὶ τῆς λείας ἀπολαύοντας, ἐπιπεσὼν
αἰφνιδίως πολὺν αὐτῶν φόνον εἰργάσατο" γυμνοὶ
γὰρ ὄντες καὶ μηδὲν προσδοκῶντες τοιοῦτον, ἀλλὰ
~ A aA
πρὸς TO πιεῖν καὶ εὐωχεῖσθαι τετραμμένοι πάντες
Ω ¢€ ~ ~
ἦσαν εὐκατέργαστοι. καὶ οἱ μὲν αὐτῶν ἔτι τῶν
τραπεζῶν 1 παρακειμένων ἐπικαταλαμβανόμενοι παρ᾽
A
αὐταῖς ἀνῃροῦντο καὶ παρέσυρεν αὐτοῖς τὰ σιτία
καὶ τὴν τροφὴν τὸ αἷμα, τοὺς δὲ δεξιουμένους
>] , ~ é f 2d \ \
ἀλλήλους ταῖς προπόσεσι διέφθειρεν, ἐνίους δὲ καὶ
πρὸς ὕπνον ὑπὸ τοῦ ἀκράτου κατενηνεγμένους.
¢ / ? ” ’ A 4 >
ὁπόσοι δ᾽ ἔφθασαν περιθέμενοι τὰς πανοπλίας ἐξ
ἐναντίας αὐτῷ" στῆναι, τούτους οὐδὲν ἧττον εὐχερῶς
τῶν γυμνῶν κατακειμένων ἀπέσφαττε.Σ διέμειναν
- ~ 3
δὲ οἱ σὺν τῷ Aavidn καὶ αὐτοὶ ἀναιροῦντες amo
1 rivos MSP Lat. (ef. xx).
2 Edd.: αὐτὸν ROM: αὐτῷ SP. 3 αὐτοὺς om. RO.
4 ed. pr.: τε (τ᾽) αὐτῷ codd. δ ἀπέσφαττον RO.
8. αὐτὸς conj. Niese.
848
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 360-364
a straggler, an Egyptian by raee, who was exhausted
from want and hunger, having endured three days’
wandering in the wilderness without food. After
he had first revived him and restored him with food
and drink, David asked him who he was 2 and whenee
heeame. He revealed that he was of Egyptian race
and had been left behind by his master, being unable
to follow beeause of sickness ; he further made known
that he was one of those who had burnt and ravaged
Sekella as well as parts of Judaea. So David made
use of the man to guide him to the Amalekites, and
came upon them lying around on the ground, some
at their morning meal, others already drunken and
relaxed with wine, regaling themselves with their
spoils and booty. Falling suddenly upon them, he
made a great slaughter of them, for, being unarmed
and expeeting no such thing but intent upon drinking
and revelry, they were allan easy prey. Some, being
surprised at the outspread tables, were massaered
beside them, and their streaming blood swept victuals
and food away ; others were drinking each other’s
health when he slew them; still others, under the
influenee of strong drink, were plunged in sleep ;
while those who had been quiek enough to put on
their armour and make a stand against him—these
too he cut to picees with no less ease than those
who lay defeneeless on the ground.? David’s eom-
panions too eontinued the slaughter from the first
@ Variant (as in Scripture) “ἢ to whom he belonged.”’
> The details of the massacre are an amplification of
Scripture.
349
David's men
surprise the
Amalekites
and
massacre
them.
] Sam. xxx,
15.
~
vo
ae)
=
366
367
368
JOSEPHUS
f σ @¢ ¢ 4 ¢ A ~
πρώτης ὥρας ἕως ἑσπέρας, ws μὴ περιλειφθῆναι
~ 9 ~ 4
τῶν ᾿Αμαληκιτῶν πλείονας ἢ τετρακοσίους" Kal
Ως δὲ ὃ Ar 2 / ὃ “
οὗτοι δὲ δρομάσι καμήλοις ἐπιβάντες διέφυγον.
Se SS , > 1 / δ , γα
ἀνέσωσε δὲ τά T ἀλλα' πάντα ἃ διήρπασαν αὐτῶν
ς lon ~
ot πολέμιοι καὶ τάς τε αὐτοῦ γυναῖκας Kal τὰς
“- e t
τῶν ἑταίρων. ws δὲ ἀναστρέφοντες ἧκον ἐπὶ TOV
/ » f “
τόπον, ἔνθα διακοσίους μὴ δυναμένους αὐτοῖς
Ὁ ~ ~
ἕπεσθαι καταλελοίπεσαν ἐπὶ τῶν σκευῶν, οἱ μὲν
4 ~ A ” ’ / A id
τετρακόσιοι τῆς μὲν ἄλλης ὠφελείας τε Kal λείας
ὅ 3 f “a
οὐκ ἠξίουν αὐτοῖς ἀπομερίζειν: οὐ συνακολουθή-
\ LAAQ λ θέ ‘ A δί
σαντας γὰρ αλλὰ μαλακισθέντας περὶ τὴν δίωξιν
ἀγαπήσειν ἀνασεσωσμένας τὰς γυναῖκας ἀπολαμ-
/ 3 ,ὔ \ ‘ ‘ »
βάνοντας ἔλεγον: Aavidns δὲ πονηρὰν καὶ ἄδικον
αὐτῶν ταύτην ἀπέφηνε τὴν γνώμην: εἶναι γὰρ
ἀξίους, τοῦ θεοῦ παρασχόντος αὐτοῖς ἀμύνασθαι
μὲν τοὺς πολεμίους, κομίσασθαι δὲ πάντα τὰ
αὑτῶν, πᾶσιν ἐξ ἴσου τοῖς συστρατευσαμένοις μερί-
A 3 ͵ A ~ > A “ ~
ζεσθαι τὴν ὠφέλειαν, καὶ ταῦτ᾽ ἐπὶ φυλακῇ τῶν
~ ͵ὔ »“"
σκευῶν μεμενηκότων. καὶ ἐξ ἐκείνου νόμος οὗτος
bf “~ A “a ,ὔ
ἐκράτησε παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἵνα ταὐτὰ τοῖς μαχομένοις
e
λαμβάνωσιν ot τὰ σκεύη φυλάσσοντες. γενόμενος
δ᾽ ἐν Σεκέλλᾳ Δαυίδης διέπεμψε πᾶσι τοῖς ἐν τῇ
3 ’ on ‘A ‘ f 3 / ~
lovda φυλῇ συνήθεσι καὶ φίλοις ἀπομοίρας τῶν
lA \ A | ‘ \ 7 4
λαφύρων. καὶ τὰ μὲν περὶ τὴν Σεκέλλων πόρθησιν
καὶ ᾿Αμαληκιτῶν ἀναίρεσιν οὕτως ἐγένετο.
(7) Τῶν δὲ Παλαιστίνων συμβαλόντων καὶ καρ-
τερᾶς μάχης γενομένης νικῶσιν" ot Παλαιστῖνοι καὶ
πολλοὺς ἀναιροῦσι τῶν ἐναντίων, Σαοῦλος δὲ ὁ
1 Niese: τὰ ἄλλα vel τἄλλα codd.
2 νικῶσι μὲν 8} Lat.
950
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 364-368
hour until evening, so that there were left of the
Amalekites no more than four hundred; these, by
mounting swift eamels, had eseaped. So David re-
eovered not only the booty whieh the enemy had
earried off, but also his wives and those of his eom-
panions. When, on their return, they arrived at the Α dispute
spot where they had left in charge of the baggage peeeia
two hundred men who were unable to follow, the cee by
other four hundred were unwilling to share with them 1 Sau XXX.
in their gains and booty, saying that, as they had not *
gone along but had been unequal to the pursuit, they
ought to be content with getting back their wives
who had been reseued. But David pronouneed this
view of theirs wicked and unjust ; for, he said, seeing
that God had enabled them to avenge themselves
on their enemies and to reeover all their possessions,
they were bound to give an equal share of their gains
to all who had taken part in the expedition, especially
as they had remained to guard the baggage. And
theneeforward this law has prevailed among them,
that those who guard the baggage receive the same
share as those who do the fighting. Moreover, on
his return to Sekella, David sent around portions
of the spoils to all his aequaintances and friends in
the tribe of Judah. Such, then, was the affair of
the saeking of Sekella and the slaughter of the
Amalekites.
(7) Meanwhile? the Philistines had joined battle The
with the Israclites and, after a sharp contest, the [hitines
defeat the
Philistines were victorious and slew multitudes of Israelites at
¢ Bibl. “to the elders of Judah, to his friends’ (Lxx
“kinsmen ’’), Josephus omits the names of the favoured
cities, | Sam. xxx. 27-30.
> Continuing the account of the battle near Mt. Gilboa
from §§ 327 ff.
351
JOSEPHUS
τῶν ᾿Ισραηλιτῶν βασιλεὺς καὶ οἱ παῖδες αὐτοῦ γεν-
ναίως ἀγωνιζόμενοι καὶ πάσῃ προθυμίᾳ χρώμενοι,
ὡς ἐν μόνῳ τῷ καλῶς ἀποθανεῖν καὶ παρα ὅλως
διακινδυνεῦσαι τοῖς πολεμίοις τῆς ὅλης αὐτοῖς δόξης
ἀποκειμένης, οὐδὲν γὰρ τούτου “περισσότερον εἶχον,
369 ἐπιστρέφουσι πᾶσαν εἰς αὑτοὺς τὴν τῶν ἐχθρῶν
ta \ ὔ > ᾽ὔ
φάλαγγα καὶ περικυκλωθέντες ἀποθνήσκουσι πολ-
r \ om , , - 4 ς
ovs τῶν []αλαιστίνων καταβαλόντες. ἦσαν δὲ οἵ
- > Ἁ
παῖδες, ᾿Ιωνάθης καὶ ᾿Αμινάδαβος καὶ ΔΜίειέλχισος.
~ em ~
τούτων πεσόντων τρέπεται TO τῶν ᾿Εβραίων πλῆθος
Α >
Kal ἀκοσμία καὶ σύγχυσις γίνεται καὶ φόνος ἐπι-
» ~ ~ A
370 κειμένων τῶν πολεμίων. Σαοῦλος δὲ φεύγει TO
, “ “
καρτερὸν ἔχων" περὶ αὑτόν: καὶ τῶν ]Ἰ]αλαιστίνων
> \
ἐπιπεμψάντων ἀκοντιστὰς καὶ τοξότας πάντας μὲν
> , \ > 4 5 \ A ~ 3 ,
ἀποβάλλει πλὴν ὀλίγων, αὐτὸς δὲ λαμπρῶς ἀγωνισά-
‘ ,
μενος Kat πολλὰ τραύματα λαβών, ὡς μηκέτι δια-
- 3 - ~ “a
καρτερεῖν μηδ᾽ ἀντέχειν ταῖς πληγαῖς, ἀποκτεῖναι
s φ Ἁ 3 4 , A 4 ς 4
μὲν αὑτὸν ἠσθένει, κελεύει δὲ τὸν ὁπλοφόρον σπα-
- ’ὔ Ἁ
σάμενον τὴν ῥομφαίαν ταύτην αὐτοῦ διελάσαι, πρὶν
~ - , \
371 ζῶντα συλλαβεῖν αὐτὸν τοὺς πολεμίους. μὴ TOA-
~ ~ “~ +. é
μῶντος δὲ τοῦ ὁπλοφόρου κτεῖναι τὸν δεσπότην,
αὐτὸς τὴν ἰδίαν σπασάμενος" καὶ στήσας ἐπὶ τὴν
> 4 ~ ~ Ἁ
ἀκμὴν ῥίπτει Kat αὐτῆς ἑαυτόν ἀδυνατῶν δὲ'
, 5» ἡ θ 8 , > 9 ! 5 r A ¢ -
μήτ᾽" ὠσασθαι μήτ᾽ ἐπερείσας διαβαλεῖν αὑτοῦ
\ , ,
TOV σίδηρον ἐπιστρέφεται, καὶ νεανίσκου τινὸς
€ ~ - 4 ” \ Α € >
ἑστῶτος πυθόμενος Tis εἴη Kat μαθὼν ws ᾿Αμαλη-
1 Σαούλου παῖδες MSP Lat.
2 καρτερὸν στῖφος ἔχων NI: καρτερὸν ἔχων στῖφος SP.
3 4 μάχαιραν SP Lat. Glycas.
“δὲ ins. Niese: ἀδυνατῶν RO: καὶ μὴ δυνάμενος MSPE.
5 und codd. 8 ἵστασθαι RO.
2 So most Mss. of the Lxx (v.1. ᾿Ιωναδάβ) ; bibl. Abinadab.
> Bibl. Melchishua (Heb. alki-shwa), txx Medxeod.
Soe
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 368-371
their adversaries. Saul, king of Israel, and his sons Mt. Gilboa.
struggled valiantly and Giese all Chen erdeur no eae a
the fight, as though their entire glory rested solely eo
on their dying nobly and desperately hazarding all ἢ =
against the enemy, ‘for nothing else was left them.
Thus they drew upon themselves the whole line of
the foe and, so surrounded. perished, after laying
many of ay Philistines low. Now his sons were
Jonathan, Aminadab? and Melchis.2 When these
fell, the Hebrew host took flight, disorder and con-
fusion ensued, and there was a massacre as the enemy
fell upon them. But Saul fled, having the ablest
men around him; of these, w hen the Philistines sent
javelin-throwers and archers after him, he lost all
but a few. He himself, after fighting magnificently δαὶ, too
and receiving numerous wounds,’ until he could no jak to kill
imself, bids
longer hold out nor endure under these blows, was an Amale.
too weak to kill himself and bade his armour-bearer *!t¢ /4¥
hitn,
draw his sword and thrust it through him before 1 Sam. xxxi,
the enemy should take him alive. But, as the 5 °*™
armour-bearer did not dare to slay his master, Saul
drew his own sword himself and, fixing it with its
point toward him, sought to fling himself upon it,
but was unable either to ) push it in or, by leaning upon
it, to drive the weapon home. Then he turned ἢ and,
seeing a youth standing there, asked him who he
was, and, on learning that he was an Amalekite,
¢ So the txx ἐτραυματίσθη, 1 Sam. xxxi. 3, translating
Heb. wayyahel, which the Targum and Jewish interpreters
render “was afraid.’ The details of the rout are unscriptural.
¢ Josephus has combined the contradictory accounts of
Saul’s death given by Scripture in 1 Sam. xxxi, and 2 Samm. i.
In the earlier account Saul kills himself after his armour-
bearer declines to do so through fear; in the later chapter
he is slain, at his own request, by the Amalckite. Josephus
repeats the second account below, “1. vii. 1 ff.
353
JOSEPHUS
A
κίτης ἐστὶ παρεκάλεσεν ἐπερείσαντα τὴν ῥομφαίαν,
Ἁ A “ἢ A ~
διὰ TO μὴ ταῖς χερσὶν αὐτὸν τοῦτο δύνασθαι
ποιῆσαι, παρασχεῖν αὐτῷ τελευτὴν ὁποίαν αὐτὸς
\ ~
372 βούλεται. ποιήσας δὲ τοῦτο καὶ περιελόμενος τὸν
373
374
375
Ἁ A ’ > ~ A x A A
περὶ τὸν βραχίονα αὐτοῦ χρυσὸν καὶ τὸν βασιλικὸν
; 9 ‘ 9 / ΄ 9 eS
στέφανον ἐκποδὼν ἐγένετο. θεασάμενος δ᾽ ὁ ὅπλο-
φόρος Σαοῦλον ἀνῃρημένον ἀπέκτεινεν ἑαυτόν" δι-
if >] 3 4 ~ # ~ ᾽
εσώθη δ᾽ οὐδεὶς τῶν σωματοφυλάκων τοῦ βασιλέως,
5 ‘ , 37 A A ? A
ἀλλὰ πάντες ἔπεσον περὶ TO καλούμενον LeABove
ww 3 ὔ A ~ ἐ ’ ¢ ‘ ,
ὄρος. ἀκούσαντες δὲ τῶν ᾿Ιβραίων of τὴν κοιλάδα
πέραν τοῦ ᾿Ιορδάνου κατοικοῦντες καὶ ot ἐν τῷ
, f ~
πεδίῳ τὰς πόλεις ἔχοντες, ὅτι Σαοῦλος πέπτωκε
- ~ \ ‘ ~ ~
Kal οἱ παῖδες αὐτοῦ, Kat TO σὺν αὐτῷ πλῆθος ἀπό-
ς ~
λωλε, καταλιπόντες τὰς ἑαυτῶν πόλεις εἰς ὀχυ-
, 2 » eg A ‘
ρότητας" ἔφυγον. ot δὲ [[αλαιστῖνοι τὰς κατα-
λελειμμένας ἐρήμους εὑρόντες κατῴκησαν.
(8) TH δ᾽ ἐπιούσῃ σκυλεύοντες ot Tadatorivor
τοὺς τῶν πολεμίων νεκροὺς ἐπιτυγχάνουσι Tots
τοῦ Σαούλου καὶ τῶν παίδων αὐτοῦ σώμασι καὶ
σκυλεύσαντες ἀποτέμνουσιν αὐτῶν τὰς κεφαλᾶς,
~ 4
Kal κατὰ πᾶσαν περιήγγειλαν τὴν χώραν πέμ-
ψαντες ὅτι πεπτώκασιν οἱ πολέμιοι" καὶ τὰς μὲν
’ ~
πανοπλίας αὐτῶν ἀνέθηκαν ets to ᾿Αστάρτειον
ἱερόν, τὰ δὲ σώματα ἀνεσταύρωσαν πρὸς τὰ τείχη
~ : Δ ἢ “λ a ~ "Ὁ, θ é λ λ “-
τῆς θηθσὰν᾽ πόλεως, ἣ νῦν Σικυθόπολις καλεῖται.
4 A \ om” © 3 3 ad / ~ f
ἐπεὶ δὲ ἤκουσαν ot ἐν ᾿Ιαβεῖ" πόλει τῆς Padaditid0s
κατοικοῦντες, ὅτι λελώβηνται τὸν Σαούλου νεκρὸν
1 γρῦτο. . , ποιῆσαι MSP: δύνασθαι RO: διὰ vO...
ποιῆσαι om. E Lat.
2 Cocceli: ὀχυροτάτας (-wrdras) codd.
8 RO: Βηθσιὼν rell.: Bessam Lat.
4K: NaBet RO: ᾿Ιαβ(ε)ισσῷ SP: Jabes Lat.
354
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 371-375
begged him to force the sword in, since he could not
do this with his own hands, and so procure him such
a death as he desired. This he did, and, after strip-
ping off the bracelet of gold on Saul’s arm and his
royal crown, disappeared. Then the armour-bearer,
seeing that Saul was dead, killed himself; and of
the king’s bodyguard not a man escaped, but all fell
on that mountain called Gelboue. And when the 1 Sam.
Hebrews who inhabited the valley across the Jordan ~ .
and those who had their cities in the plain ® heard
that Saul and his sons had fallen and that all his host
had perished, they forsook their cities and fled to the
strongholds ὃ ; and the Philistines, finding these cities
deserted, settled therein.
(8) On the morrow the Philistines, while stripping me men of
the corpses of their enemies, came upon the bodies JApesh, |
of Saul and his sons ; these they stripped and cut off the -
their heads, and then sent tidings throughout all the ΠΡ μαῦρα
country round about that their enemies had fallen, Saul and
Their armour they set up as an offcring in the temple hee ai
of Astarte,° and impaled their bodies to the walls of 1.
the city of Bethsan,? which is now called Seythopolis.
But when the inhabitants of Jabis¢ in the region of
Galaditis heard that they had mutilated the corpses
@ Of Esdraelon.
» Emended text; ss. “ to the strongest (eities).”” Scrip-
ture says simply “ they fled.”
¢ 1 Sam. xxxi. 10 does not make clear where the temple
was; 1 Chron. x. 10 reads ‘“* And they put his armour in the
house of their gods, and fastened his head in the temple of
Dagon,” that is, in Philistia. Mecent excavations have un-
covered a Canaanite temple of the fifteenth century B.c.
and figures of Astarte (bibl. Ashtoreth) in Beth Shan.
¢ Bibl. Beth-Shan, txx Βαιθσάν (v.l. Βαιθέμ), modern
Beisan, cf. A. v. 83 note.
¢ Bib]. Jabesh-Gilead, cf. § 71 note.
355
910
918
-.ἢ}
JOSEPHUS
Kal TOUS τῶν παίδων αὐτοῦ, δεινὸν ἡγησάμενοι
oe “A 3 , 3 ’ € > ’
περιϊδεῖν ἀκηδεύτους, ἐξελθόντες οἱ ἀνδρειότατοι
4 , , € 4 4 “ \ ;
καὶ τόλμῃ διαφέροντες (ἡ δὲ πόλις αὕτη καὶ σώ-
3 ’ ay - ’ A 3 ef ~
μασιν ἀλκίμους Kat ψυχαῖς φέρει) καὶ dt’ ὅλης τῆς
νυκτὸς ὁδεύσαντες ἦλθον εἰς Βηθσάν: καὶ προσ-
ελθόντες τῷ τείχει τῶν πολεμίων καὶ καθελόντες
τὸ σῶμα Σιαούλου καὶ τὰ τῶν παίδων αὐτοῦ κομί-
ζουσιν εἰς ᾿Ιάβησαν μηδὲ τῶν πολεμίων αὐτοὺς
κωλῦσαι δυνηθέντων ἢ' τολμησάντων διὰ τὴν ἀν-
δρείαν. οἱ δὲ ᾿Ιαβησηνοὶ πανδημεὶ κλαύσαντες"
θάπτουσι τὰ σώματα ἐν τῷ καλλίστῳ τῆς χώρας
τόπῳ ᾿Λρούρης λεγομένῳ, καὶ πένθος ἐφ᾽ ἡμέρας
ἑπτὰ σὺν γυναιξὶ καὶ τέκνοις ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἦγον
κοπτόμενοι καὶ θρηνοῦντες τὸν βασιλέα καὶ τοὺς
παῖδας αὐτοῦ μήτε τροφῆς pene ποτοῦ γευσάμενοι.
(9) Τοῦτο NaodAos τὸ τέλος ἔσχε προφητεύσαντος
Σαμουήλου διὰ τὸ παρακοῦσαι τοῦ θεοῦ τῶν ἐπ᾽
᾿Αμαληκίταις ἐντολῶν, καὶ ὅτι τὴν ᾿Αβιμελέχου
τοῦ ἀρχιερέως γενεὰν καὶ ᾿Αβιμέλεχον αὐτὸν καὶ
τὴν τῶν ἀρχιερέων πόλιν ἀνεῖλεν. ἐβασίλευσε δὲ
Σαμουήλου ζῶντος ἔτη ὀκτὼ πρὸς τοῖς δέκα, τελευ-
τήσαντος δὲ δύο καὶ εἴκοσι. καὶ Σαοῦλος μὲν
οὕτω κατέστρεψε τὸν βίον.
1 δυν. ἢ om. ROE. 2 καύσαντες con). Niese (ef. xx).
3 6. καὶ εἴκοσι} duos Lat.
@ Unscriptural detail.
δ So the mss., kAavcavres; Niese conjectures καύσαντες
having burnt,” to make Josephus agree with Scripture,
Loto sexe 10
¢ So the txx; Heb. ’éshel, a kind of tree; cf. § 251 note.
BS 330:
¢ Josephus agrees with rabbinic tradition in making the
356
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VI. 375-378
of Saul and his sons, they were horrified at the thought
of leaving them unburied, and so the most valiant
and hardy among them—and this city breeds men
stalwart of body and soul—set forth and, having
marched all night, reached Bethsan. Then, having
advanced to the enemy’s ramparts and taken down
the bodies of Saul and his sons, they bore them to
Jabésa, and the enemy was neither able nor dared to
hinder them, because of their prowess. The Jabé-
sénians with public mourning? buried the bodies in
the fairest spot in their country, called Aroura°¢
(“ Plowland’’), and, with their wives and children,
continued for seven days to mourn for them, beating
the breast and bewailing the king and his sons, with-
out touching either meat or drink.
(9) ‘To such an end did Saul come, as Samuel had
predicted, because he had disobeyed God’s command-
ments touching the Amalekites.? and because he had
destroyed the family of Abimelech the high priest
and Abimelech himself and the city of the high
priests.¢ He reigned eighteen years during the life-
time of Samuel and for twenty-two’ years more after
the latter’s death. Thus then did Saul depart this life.
slaughter of the priests of Nob one of the reasons for Saul’s
doom, but omits reference to the sin of consulting the witch,
ef. πον, 19.
7 Or (with Lat.) “ two,” 7.e. 20 years in all, instead of 40.
This would agree with A. x. 143 and with later Jewish
tradition (Sepher Yuhasin) citing this passage. No figures
are given in Scripture, but cf. the xx addition to 1 Sam.
xiii. 1 stating that Saul reigned 2 years (Lue. 30 years). On
the other hand the tradition in Acts xiii. 21 gives 40 years.
tappaport suggests that a Christian scribe has changed the
text of Josephus here to ‘ twenty-two ”’ to make it conform
to the New Testament, and that the author of Sepher Yuhasin
is indirectly combating this view.
357
Brief
summary of
Saul’s reign.
Cf. 1 Chron.
4. 13.
ΒΙΒΛΙΟΝ Z
Φ A
(i. 1) Συνέβη δὲ ταύτην γενέσθαι τὴν μάχην
> “a e / 3 ’ὔ Ἀ > ,
Kal” ἣν ἡμέραν καὶ Aavidns τοὺς ᾿Αμαληκίτας
f > saa Res r φ / "ὃ δὲ > ~
νικήσας εἰς Σέκελλαν ὑπέστρεψεν. ἤδη dE αὐτοῦ
δύο ἡμέρας ἔχοντος ἐν τῇ Σεκέλλᾳ τῇ τρίτῃ παρα-
γίνεται διασωθεὶς ἐκ τῆς μάχης τῆς πρὸς Παλαι-
Ἢ ~ > ~
στίνους ὁ τὸν Σαοῦλον ἀνελών, τήν τε ἐσθῆτα
περιερρηγμένος καὶ τῇ κεφαλῇ τέφραν περι-
ο χεάμενος. καὶ προσκυνήσας αὐτὸν πυνθανομένῳ
πόθεν ἥκοι τοιοῦτος, ἀπὸ τῆς τῶν ᾿Ισραηλιτῶν
4 ὅλ ΄ > > \ > «A \ “λ
μάχης ἔλεγε: γενέσθαι δ᾽ ἀτυχὲς αὐτῆς τὸ τέλος
ἐδήλου πολλῶν μὲν ἀναιρεθεισῶν τοῖς Ἑβραίοις
μυριάδων, πεσόντος δὲ καὶ τοῦ βασιλέως αὐτῶν
ὅ Σαούλου μετὰ τῶν τέκνων: ταῦτα δὲ σημαΐνειν
, ~ ~ ~
ἔφασκεν αὐτὸς παρατυχὼν TH τροπῇ τῶν “EBpaiwy
καὶ τῷ βασιλεῖ πεφευγότι παρών, ὃν καὶ κτεῖναι
7 ς ‘ ~ ᾽ ’;
μέλλοντα ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων λαμβάνεσθαι παρα-
\ > \ e / ~ e ’ \ > 4
κληθεὶς αὐτὸς ὡμολόγει: τῇ ῥομφαίᾳ yap αὐτὸν
> ~
ἐπιπεσόντα διὰ τὴν τῶν τραυμάτων ὑπερβολὴν
ἁ( αὑτὸν ἀσθενῆσαι κατεργάσασθαι. καὶ σύμβολα"
τῆς ἀναιρέσεως ἐπεδείκνυεν τόν τε περὶ τοῖς
βραχίοσι χρυσὸν τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ τὸν στέφανον,
1 edd.: αὐτὸν codd. 4+ δὲ (δ᾽ P) αὐτοῦ SP Lat.
358
BOOK VII
(i. 1) Now this battle, as it happened, took plaee
on the same day on which David returned to Sikella
after his victory over the Amalekites.t* And when
he had already been two days in Sikella, there came,
on the third day, the slayer of Saul, who had escaped
from the battle with the Philistines, with his clothes
rent and ashes ὃ sprinkled on his head. He prostrated
himself before David and, to his question whence he
had come in such condition, replied, ‘ From the
battle of the Israelites.”’ He then went on to tell
that its issue had been disastrous to the Hebrews, for
many tens of thousands of them had been slain and
Saul, their king, had also fallen along with his sons.
These things he claimed to report as one who had
himself been present at the rout of the Hebrews and
had been with the king when he fled, and he further
confessed to having killed Saul at his own request
when he was about to be taken by the enemy ; for,
after he had fallen upon his sword, he had been too
weak, because of the great number of his wounds, to
do away with himself.¢ As token of Saul’s having
been slain, he showed the gold ornament that had
been on the king’s arm and his erown, which he had
α Scripture says merely that David returned to Ziklag
(Sikella) after Saul’s death.
> arth, according to Scripture,
ον Vis: ΠΤ} Ore:
VOR. A 359
David
learns of
Saul’s death
from the
Amalekite.
2 Semel, 1,
JOSEPHUS
a δ᾽ re a Bo. , | ee
QA WEplovoas TOV ««αουλοὺ VEKPOV KOJLLOELEV QAUTW.
, A Ὁ ᾽ ~ "» 3 9 ? ~
Aavidns δὲ μηκέτ᾽ ἀπιστεῖν ἔχων ἀλλ᾽ ἐναργῆ
τεκμήρια τοῦ Σαούλου θανάτου βλέπων καταρ-
ρηγνύει μὲν τὴν ἐσθῆτα, κλαίων δὲ καὶ ὀδυρόμενος
μετὰ τῶν ἑταίρων ὅλην διεκαρτέρησε τὴν ἡμέραν.
6 ποιεῖ" δ᾽ αὐτῷ τὴν λύπην χαλεπωτέραν ὁ Σαούλου
“-ς bY ~ 4
mats ᾿Ιωνάθης πιστότατός τε wy φίλος αὐτῷ Kat
> ,
σωτηρίας αἴτιος γεγενημένος. τοσαύτην δ᾽ ἐπεδεί-
ξατο τὴν ἀρετὴν καὶ τὴν πρὸς τὸν UaovAov εὔνοιαν,
ὡς μὴ μόνον ἐπὶ τεθνηκότι χαλεπῶς ἐνεγκεῖν,
πολλάκις ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ κινδυνεύσας ἀφαιρεθῆναι τὸν
, > \ A \ ᾽ , / f
6 βίον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸν ἀποκτείναντα κολάσαι. φήσας
\ “~
yap πρὸς αὐτόν, ws αὐτὸς αὑτοῦ" γένοιτο κατ-
/ a ‘ 4 7 , ‘ ¢ 7
nyopos ἀνελὼν τὸν βασιλέα, καὶ μαθὼν ws εἴη
\ >
πατρὸς ᾿Αμαληκίτου γένος, ἐκέλευσεν αὐτὸν ἀπ-
/ + . Ἁ ’; Ἁ ? ,
ολέσθαι. ἔγραψε δὲ καὶ θρήνους Kal ἐπιταφίους
> / Ss 7 9 / Δ \ / > -
ἐπαίνους NaovAovu καὶ ᾿Ιωνάθου, ot Kat μέχρις ἐμοῦ
διαμένουσιν.
/
7 (2) ᾿Επεὶ δὲ τούτοις ἐξετίμησε τὸν βασιλέα,
παυσάμενος τοῦ πένθους ἤρετο τὸν θεὸν διὰ τοῦ
~ - ’
προφήτου τίνα δίδωσιν αὐτῷ κατοικῆσαι πόλιν
τῆς ᾿Ιούδα καλουμένης φυλῆς. φήσαντος δ᾽ αὐτοῦ
διδόναι Χεβρῶνα" καταλιπὼν τὴν Σέκελλαν εἰς
ἐκείνην παραγίνεται τάς τε γυναῖκας ἐπαγόμενος
~ > 4
Tas αὑτοῦ, δύο δὲ ἦσαν, Kal τοὺς ὁπλίτας τοὺς
“ ¢ ~
8 σὺν αὐτῶ. συνελθὼν δὲ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἅπας ὁ τῆς
φυλῆς τῆς προειρημένης λαὸς ἀποδείκνυσιν αὐτὸν
βασιλέα. ἀκούσας δ᾽ ὅτι τὸν Σαοῦλον καὶ τοὺς
υἱοὺς αὐτοῦ θάψειαν οἱ ἐν ᾿Ιαβησῷ" τῆς Γαλαδίτιδος
1 ἐποίει SP. 2 ex Lat. Naber: αὐτοῦ ed. pr.: om. codd.
3 Τιβρῶνα RO hic at infra: Chebron Lat.
4 ᾿Ιαβείσῳ M: ᾿Ιαβεισῷ S: ᾿Ιαβισῷ PE: Tabes Lat.
360
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 4-8
stripped from the corpse of Saul and brought to him.
David, being no longer able to doubt him with these lott be
clear proofs of Saul’s death before his eyes, rent his death of
‘ ; Saul and
garments and continued all of that day to weep and Jonathan.
lament together with his companions. His grief was ἡ eee
made heavier by (the thought of) Saul’s son Jonathan
who had been his most faithful friend and had been
responsible for saving his life. And sueh nobility did
David show and such loyalty to Saul that not only
was he grieved at his death, although he had several
times been in danger of losing his own life at his
hands, but he also punished the man who had killed
him; he told him that he had accused himself of
having slain the king, and when he learned that his
father was of the Amalekite race, he ordered him to
be put to death. David also composed laments and
eulogies for the funeral of Saul and Jonathan, which
have survived to my own time.@
(2) After he had duly paid these honours to the God bids
king and had ceased to mourn, he inquired of God ate
through the prophet ἢ what city He granted him to ὅν !
dwell in among those of the tribe called Judah, and,
when God answered that He granted Hebron, he
left Sikella and went to that place, taking along his
wives, of whom there were two, and the soldicrs then
with him. There all the people of the aforesaid tribe
gathered to him and proclaimed him king. Now
when he heard that those who inhabited Jabésos of
® A reference to the dirge in 2 Sam. i. 19 ff.
> No prophet is mentioned in Scripture.
361
9
10
11
JOSEPHUS
κατοικοῦντες, ἔπεμψε πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἐπαινῶν Kal
9 ~
ἀποδεχόμενος αὐτῶν TO ἔργον, καὶ χάριτας ἀπο-
ὔ ~ ~
δώσειν ἀντὶ τῆς πρὸς τοὺς τεθνηκότας σπουδῆς
¢ 7 ch 4 4 ~ φ [ἐ 9 FA
ὑπισχνούμενος, ἅμα δὲ Kat δηλῶν ὡς ἡ Ιούδα
Ἁ
φυλὴ κεχειροτόνηκεν αὐτὸν βασιλέα.
e - >
(3) Ὁ δὲ τοῦ Σαούλου μὲν ἀρχιστράτηγος ᾿Αβεν-
~ ~ A
vijpos Νήρου δὲ παῖς, ἀνὴρ δραστήριος Kat ἀγαθὸς
Α
τὴν φύσιν, ὡς ἔγνω πεσόντα τὸν βασιλέα καὶ τὸν
ἾἾ 1 4 4 7 4 ᾽᾽ 9 ~ to
wvabyv Kat τοὺς δύο τοὺς ἄλλους αὐτοῦ παῖδας,
, 4 > A sy 4 4 ,
ἐπειχθεὶς εἰς τὴν παρεμβολὴν καὶ τὸν περιλειπό-
b f e,A 3 ~ > , 4 9 ~
μενον ἐξαρπάσας υἱὸν αὐτοῦ, ᾿Ιέβοσθος δ᾽ ἐκαλεῖτο,
? ᾿ Α I “-ς ἊΨ ᾽ὔ Ἁ
διαβιβάζει πρὸς τοὺς πέραν τοῦ Ἰορδάνου Kat
Α > f ~ I f f
παντὸς ἀποδείκνυσι τοῦ πλήθους βασιλέα πάρεξ
ζω 3 - ~
τῆς ᾿Ιούδα φυλῆς. βασίλειον δ᾽ ἐποίησεν αὐτῷ
Ά “- ᾿
τὴν κατὰ μὲν τὴν ἐπιχώριον γλῶτταν λ]άναλιν,
κατὰ δὲ τὴν ᾿Ελλήνων [Παρεμβολὰς λεγομένην"
, 3 “a ~ ”~ >
ὥρμησε δ᾽ ἐκεῖθεν ᾿Αβεννῆρος μετὰ στρατιᾶς ἐπι-
λέκτου, συμβαλεῖν τοῖς ἐκ τῆς ᾿Ιούδα φυλῆς
προαιρούμενος" ὥργιστο γὰρ αὐτοῖς βασιλέα τὸν
Δαυίδην κεχειροτονηκόσιν. ἀπήντησε δ᾽ αὐτῷ πεμ-
φθεὶς ὑπὸ Δαυίδου Σαρουίας μὲν παῖς, πατρὸς δὲ
f b Α ~ 5 aA ~ 9 ᾽ὔ Α
Σουρί, ἐκ δὲ τῆς ἀδελφῆς τῆς ἐκείνου γεγονὼς
αὐτῷ ᾿Ιώαβος ἀρχιστράτηγος ὧν αὐτοῦ, μετὰ καὶ
τῶν ἀδελφῶν ᾿Αβισαίου καὶ ᾿Ασαήλου καὶ πάντων
τῶν Δαυίδου ὁπλιτῶν καὶ περιτυχὼν ἐπί τινος
@ Bibl. Jabesh-Gilead, also called Jabis (4. vi. 71, 375)
and Jabésa (1. vi. 376).
δ Bibl. Ish-bosheth (a deliberate alteration of the Canaanite
name Ish-baal, attested by 1 Chron. viii. 33 and some Lxx
362
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 8-11
Galaditis α had buried Saul and his sons, he sent them
messages of praise and commendation for their act,
and promised that he would repay them for their
devotion to the dead ; at the same time he informed
them that the tribe of Judah had chosen him king.
(3) When Saul’s commander-in-chief Abenner,
son of Ner, a man of action and of good character,
learned that the king and Jonathan and his two other
sons had fallen, he hastened to the camp and, carrying
off his surviving son, who was called Jebosthos,?
brought him over to the people aeross the Jordan
and proclaimed him king of all the multitude except
the tribe of Judah, and as his royal residence he
appointed the eity ealled Manalis® in the native
tongue, whieh in Greek means ‘“‘ Camps’ (Parembolai).
From there Abenner set out with a picked army, in-
tending to engage the men of the tribe of Judah, for
he was angry ‘that they had chosen David king. He
was met by Joab, who had been sent by Dav id-—Joab
was a son of Saruia and of Suri,? his mother being a
sister of David whose eomimanderincehick he was—
and along with him were his brothers Abisai and
Asaél® and all of David’s soldiers. Joab, coming
Mss. in this passage; bosheth means “ shame’”’), Lxx ᾿Τεβοσθέ,
᾿Ιεβοῦσθε κτλ.
¢ Bibl. Mahanaim, lit. ‘‘camps.’’ <A corruption οὗ
Mavdew or the like for Heb. Mahanaim. The Hebrew name
is explained by Josephus in the next sentence. ITere he is
following the Lxx, in which the words ἀνεβίβασεν αὐτὸν ἐκ τῆς
παρεμβολῆς els Maveen contain a doublet, mistranslating
the Hebrew, ‘“‘and brought him over (the Jordan) to
Mahanaim.”’ The site has not been identified. It probably
lay near the Jabbok river and the Jordan valley.
4 Scripture does not give the name of Joab’s father.
Possibly Josephus thought of Seraiah (Luxx Xapai), the father
of a Joab inentioned in 1 Chron. iv. 14.
¢° Bibl. Asahel, xx "Acayj\, Luc. ᾿λσσαήλ.
363
Abner
rescues
Saul's son,
2 Sam. ii. 8
Joab’s men
meet
Abner’s
in single
eom bat.
2 Sam. ii. 13.
JOSEPHUS
κρηνίδος ev Γαβαὼν πόλει παρατάσσεται πρὸς
12 μάχην. τοῦ δ᾽ ᾿Αβεννήρου φήσαντος πρὸς αὐτὸν
βούλεσθαι μαθεῖν πότερος αὐτῶν ἀνδρειοτέρους
στρατιώτας ἔχει, συντίθεται παρ᾽ ἀμφοτέρων δυο-
καίδεκα μαχησομένους. συμβαλεῖν. προελθόντες"
τοίνυν εἰς τὸ μεταξὺ τῶν παρατάξεων οὗ πρὸς τὴν
μάχην ὑφ᾽ ἑκατέρων τῶν στρατηγῶν ἐξειλεγμένοι
καὶ τὰς αἰχμὰς ἐπ᾿ ἀλλήλους ἀφέντες σπῶνται τὰς
μαχαίρας καὶ τῶν κεφαλῶν ἐλλαμβανόμενοι κατ-
ἔχοντες αὑτοὺς ἔπαιον εἰς τὰς πλευρὰς “καὶ τὰς
λαγόνας ἀλλήλους ταῖς ῥομφαίαις, ἕως οὗ πάντες
13 ὥσπερ ἐκ συνθήματος ἀπώλοντο. πεσόντων δὲ
τούτων συνέρρηξε καὶ ἡ λοιπὴ στρατιά, καὶ καρ-
τερᾶς τῆς μάχης γενομένης ἡττήθησαν οἱ τοῦ
εννήρου: καὶ τραπέντας οὐκ ἀνίει διώκων
᾿Ιώαβος, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτός τε ἐπέκειτο παρακελευόμενος
τοὺς ὁπλίτας ἐκ ποδὸς ἕπεσθαι καὶ μὴ κάμνειν
14 ἀναιροῦντας, οἵ τε ἀδελφοὶ προθύμως ἠγωνίσαντο,
καὶ διαφανέστερος τῶν ἄλλων μάλιστα ὁ νεώτερος
᾿Λσάηλος, ὃ ὃς ἐπὶ ποδῶν ὠκύτητι κλέος εἶχεν" οὐ
γὰρ ἀνθρώπους ἐ ἐνίκα μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἵππῳ κατα-
στάντα εἰς ἅμιλλαν λέγουσι παραδραμεῖν, καὶ τὸν
᾿Αβεννῆρον ἐδίωκεν ὑπὸ ῥύμης καὶ τῆς ἐπ᾽ ὀρθὸν
15 φορᾶς εἰς οὐδέτερον ἐγκλιθεὶς τῶν μερῶν. ἐπι-
στραφέντος δὲ τοῦ ᾿Αβεννήρου καὶ κατασοφίζεσθαι
τὴν ὁρμὴν αὐτοῦ πειρωμένου καὶ ποτὲ μὲν εἰπόν -
τος ἑνὸς τῶν αὐτοῦ στρατιωτῶν ἀφέμενος τῆς
διώξεως ἀφελέσθαι τὴν πανοπλίαν, πάλιν δ᾽ ws
1 ex Lat. Bekker: προσελθόντες codd.
‘Niese: ἵππων ROM: ἵππον SP: ἵππους E Lat.
¢ Bibl. Gibeon, txx VaBawy. Probably the modern el-J%,
364
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 11-15
upon him at a eertain spring in the eity of Gabain,?
drew up his men for battle. Abenner then said to
him that he wished to diseover whieh of them had
the braver soldiers, and it was agreed that twelve
men from either side should meet in combat. Aceord-
ingly there advaneed to the spaee between the
opposing lines the men who had been ehosen by
either of the commanders. They threw their spears ὃ
and then drew their swords and eaeh, taking hold of
his opponent’s head and holding him fast, piereed the
other’s ribs and flanks with his sword until all were
killed as though by agreement. And when these
had fallen, the rest of the army also went into
action and, after a stubborn fight, Abenner’s men
were defeated. Once they were routed, Joab did
not relax the pursuit, but himself pressed after them
and gave orders to his soldiers to follow at their heels
and not weary in dealing death. His brothers also
fought with eagerness, and most conspicuous among
them was the youngest, Asaél, who was famous for
his fleetness of foot, for not only could he beat men,
but he was said to have outrun a horse with whieh he
had been matehed in araee.* So he pursued Abenner
with a rush, dashing straight ahead, and turning
neither to the one side nor to the other. Abenner,
however, turned around and attempted to talk him
out of his fixed intent, first telling him to stop pursu-
ing and take the armour of one of his own soldiers for
ὁ. 5m. N.W. of Jerusalem, is meant. Josephus mentions the
spring in wf. v. 58, vit. 283, where he locates it at 40 stades
(5. 5 m.) from Jerusalem, and in B.J. ii. 516 at 50 stades
(ey Gelb):
> The spears are not mentioned in Scripture.
¢ Asahel’s race with a horse is an invention of Josephus.
Scripture says merely, ‘* And Asahel was as light of foot as
one of the roes in the field.”
365
Defeat and
pursuit of
Abner.
2 Sam. ii. 17
16
17
JOSEPHUS
” ~ “- “ 4 ‘ 4
οὐκ ἔπειθε τοῦτο ποιεῖν κατασχεῖν αὑτὸν καὶ μὴ
4 ~ 4 ,
διώκειν παραινοῦντος, μὴ κτείνας αὐτὸν ἀπολέσῃ
Α Ἁ A 3 ~
τὴν πρὸς τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ παρρησίαν, οὐ προσ-
, 1 A , 3 > > , ~ ͵ 3
€pevor" τοὺς Aoyous, ἀλλ ἐπιμείναντα τῇ διώξει
φεύγων ὡς εἶχε τὸ δόρυ πλήξας εἰς τοὐπίσω
καιρίως παραχρῆμ᾽ ἀπέκτεινεν. οἱ δὲ μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ
διώκοντες τὸν ᾿Αβεννῆρον ὡς ἦλθον ἐπὶ τὸν τόπον
- ΡΞ \ > , ,
ov κεῖσθαι συνέβαινε τὸν ᾿Ασάηλον, περιστάντες
U ¢ 4
τὸν νεκρὸν οὐκέτι τοὺς πολεμίους ἐδίωκον" ὁ δὲ
"| , 2 Α \ ς 3 \ ’ ~ > A “-
waBos αὐτὸς καὶ ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ ᾿Αβισαῖος
παραδραμόντες τὸ πτῶμα καὶ τῆς πλείονος ἐπὶ
4 ? ~ ~ > + ‘ ~
TOV ABevvijpov σπουδῆς αἰτίαν τὴν ὑπὲρ τοῦ τετε-
λευτηκότος ὁ ὀργὴν λαβόντες, a ἀπίστῳ τάχει καὶ προ-
θυμίᾳ χρώμενοι μέχρι τόπου τινός, ᾿Αμμάταν"
καλοῦσιν, ἐδίωξαν τὸν ᾿Αβεννῆρον, ἤδη περὶ δυσμὰς
δέ ¢ ,ὔ 3 A ? > , / id >
ὄντος ἡλίου. ἀναβὰς δ᾽ ἐπί τινα βουνόν, ὅς ἐστιν
> > “- ~ ~
ἐν ἐκείνῳ τῷ τόπῳ μετὰ" τῆς Bertapitidos φυλῆς,
2 ~
αὐτούς τε κατεσκέπτετο καὶ τὸν ᾿Αβεννῆρον. Tov-
A 3 ὔ ~
Tov δὲ ἀνακεκραγότος Kal φήσαντος μὴ δεῖν ἀνὸρας
ς > »
ὁμοφύλους εἰς ἔριδα καὶ μάχην παροξύνειν, ἅμαρ-
“᾿ Α Ἁ Α 3 Q 9 ~ ? , a
τεῖν δὲ Kat Tov ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ ᾿Ασάηλον, ὃς παρ-
“- A 3 , \ ~
αινοῦντος μὴ διώκειν οὐκ ἐπείσθη Kal διὰ τοῦτο
3 ,
βληθεὶς ἀπέθανε, συμφρονήσας Kat παράκλησιν
4 A , > a
ἡγησάμενος τούτους Tous λόγους ὁ ᾿Ιώαβος ἀνακαλεῖ
τῇ σάλπιγγι σημάνας τοὺς στρατιώτας καὶ τῆς ἐπὶ
1 προσιέμενον RO. 2 ed. pr.: τὴν δίωξιν codd.
3 "Ὺσμματὸν M: ὃν ΔΙατὸν RO: (nomine) Maton Lat.
ὁ μέγας RO: corruptelam latere statuit Niese.
¢ Bibl. “* with the hinder part of the spear.”
δ Bibl. Ammah, txx ᾿Αμμάν, ᾿Αμμά, Luc. Ἕμμάθ. The
site is unknown, although Scripture adds, ‘‘ that lies before
Giah (ixx lat) on the way to the wilderness of Gibeon.”’
366
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 15-17
himself, and then, as he could not persuade him to do
this, urging him to restrain himself and give up the
pursuit, lest he should kill him and so end his friendly
relations with his brother (Joab). But as 588] paid
no attention to these words and continued in pursuit,
Abenner, while still in flight, with a well-aimed
blow of his spear hurled backwards,? struck him dead
on the spot. When the men who were pursuing
Abenner with Asaé] came to the place where he lay,
they surrounded his dead body and gave up their
pursuit of the enemy. But Joab himself and_ his
brother Abisaj ran past the corpse and, finding cause
for pressing still harder after Abenner in their wrath
at the death of Asaél, with incredible speed and
determination pursuce Abenner up to a certain place
called Ammata ὃ it being now about sunset. Climb-
ing a certain hill in that place, Joab caught sight of
Abenner and the men of the tribe of Benjamin who
were with him.¢ Abenner then cried out and said
that it was not right to stir up fellow-countrymen
to strife and warfare, and furthermore that Joab’s
brother Asaél had been in the wrong in not listening
to him when he had urged him to give up the pursuit,
for which reason he had been struck and killed.
Accepting his view and considering these words as
an expression of sympathy, Joab gave a signal on the
trumpet and recalled his men, so putting a stop to
¢ The text is probably corrupt. Scripture says that the
Benjamites were gathered together with Abner on a hill.
Perhaps the variant μέγας in Josephus conceals the name lal
(bibl. Giah), mentioned in the verse quoted in the preceding
note. I suspect that the text originally read somewhat as
follows: ‘* Climbing a certain hill in Gai (in the territory) of
the tribe of Benjamin, Joab caught sight of them (i.e. the
Benjamites) and Abner.”’
307
Abner slays
Joab’s
brother
Asahel.
2 Sam. fi. 23.
Joab makes
peace with
Abner.
2 Sam. ii. 27.
18
19
20
2]
JOSEPHUS
\ ΄, ies 1 ae: « ae tee cea
πολὺ διώξεως ἐπέσχε. Kal οὗτος μὲν ἐπ᾽ ἐκείνου
καταστρατοπεδεύεται τοῦ τόπου τὴν νύκτα ταύτην,
3 ~ A > ee 2 “- ¢ / \
Λβεννῆρος δὲ dv’ ὅλης αὐτῆς ὁδεύσας καὶ περαιω-
σάμενος τὸν ᾿Ιόρδανον ποταμὸν ἀφικνεῖται πρὸς
\ ~ 7 ~ 3 A "ἢ
τὸν τοῦ Σαούλου. παῖδα εἰς τὰς TepapBords
᾿Ιέβοσθον. TH δ᾽ ἐχομένῃ τοὺς νεκροὺς ὁ ᾿Ιώαβος
ἐξαριθμήσας ἅπαντας ἐκήδευσεν. ἔπεσον δὲ τῶν
μὲν ᾿Αβεννήρου στρατιωτῶν ws τριακόσιοι καὶ
¢ ? “~ A / / \ - > ᾽
ἑξήκοντα, τῶν δὲ Δαυίδου δέκα πρὸς τοῖς ἐννέα
καὶ ᾿Ασάηλος, οὗ τὸ σῶμα κομίσαντες ἐκεῖθεν
> 4 \ 3 ~ > / \ “
Ἰώαβος καὶ Λβισαῖος εἰς Βηθλεέμην καὶ θάψαντες
ἐν τῷ πατρῴῳ μνήματι πρὸς Δαυίδην εἰς Χεβρῶνα
παρεγένοντο. ἤρξατο μὲν οὖν ἐξ ἐκείνου τοῦ
χρόνου τοῖς “EBpatow ἐμφύλιος πόλεμος καὶ δι-
ἔμεινεν ἄχρι πολλοῦ, τῶν μὲν μετὰ Δαυίδου κρειτ-
τόνων ἀεὶ γινομένων καὶ πλεῖον ἐν τοῖς κινδύνοις
φερομένων, τοῦ δὲ NaovdAov παιδὸς" καὶ τῶν
ὑπηκόων αὐτοῦ κατὰ πᾶσαν σχεδὸν ἡμέραν ἐλατ-
τουμένων.
> / \ ‘ ~ ‘ 4 Ἁ
(4) ᾿᾿γένοντο δὲ κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν Kat
παῖδες Δαυίδῃ τὸν ἀριθμὸν ef, ἐκ γυναικῶν
τοσούτων," ὧν ὃ μὲν πρεσβύτατος ἐκ μητρὸς
"Aywwas γενόμενος ᾿Αμνὼν ἐκλήθη, ὁ δὲ δεύτερος
9 \ 3 ,ὔ , ~ é 2 >
ex γυναικὸς “ABvyaias Aavindos, τῷ τρίτῳ δ᾽ ἐκ
~ / A / 4 ~
τῆς Θολομαίου θυγατρὸς Mayans φύντι τοῦ
Γεσσηρῶν βασιλέως ᾿Αψάλωμος, ὄνομα, τὸν δὲ
τέταρτον ᾿Αδωνίαν ἐκ γυναικὸς ᾿Αγίθης" προσ-
: ἐπισχών K ΘΑ
2 ex Lat. Niese: τῶν δὲ ΣΦ, παίδων codd. E.
8 ΤᾺ . .. τοσούτων om. RO.
4 RO: ᾿Αβεσ(σ)άλωμος rell. hic et infra. 5 ᾿Αήθης RO.
ὁ In Hebron, as Scripture adds. ‘The sons born to David
in Jerusalem are enumerated in § 70.
368
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 18-21
further pursuit. Then, while Joab eneamped that
night upon the spot, Abenner marehed through the
whole night and, after erossing the river Jordan,
came to Saul’s son Jebosthos at ‘‘ The Camps.” On
the following day Joab counted the dead and gave
them all burial. There had fallen about three hundred
and sixty of Abenner’s soldiers, and of David's
nineteen beside Asaél, whose body Joab and Abisai
brought from there to Bethlehem and buried it in
the tomb of their fathers ; then they eame to David
at Hebron. Beginning with this time there was eivil
war among the Hebrews whieh lasted for a long
while ; those on David’s side continually beeame
stronger and came off best in the fortunes of war,
while Saul’s son and his subjeets grew weaker almost
daily.
(4) About this time also there were born? to
David six sons by as many wives ; the eldest of these,
whom he had by Achina,’ was ealled Amnon; the
second, by Abigaia, was Daniel®; the name of the
third, born to Maehamé,? daughter of Tholomaios,¢
king of the Gesserites, was Absalom/ ; the fourth, by
his wife Agithé,? he named Adonias’; the fifth, son
® Bibl. Ahinoam; ef. A. vi. 309, 320 notes.
¢ So in 1 Chron.; 2 Sam. Chileab (Heb. /¢tleab), uxx
Δαλοιιά. Aceording to rabbinie tradition, he was really
Nabal’s son, born after Abigail’s marriage to David; his
naimne was Daniel but he was also ealled Kileab, because he
resembled his father (eld ’ab). —
4 Bibl. Maacah, txx Maaydé (Chron. Mwya).
¢ Bibl. Talmai, rxx Oodpei, Ooupel (Chron, Θολμεί Θοαμαί,
Lue. Oodopi).
f Variant Abessalém, as in xx; Heb. ’Abshalom.
9 Variant Aéthé; bibl. Hagyith, uxx Φεγγείθ, Lue.
"Ayyeld.
δ Bibl. Adonijah (Ileb. “Adoutyydah) 3 uxx ᾿Ορνεία, ᾿᾽Ορνείὰ
(Chron. ‘Adwrela, “Adwvlas).
900
David's six
sons (born
in tiebron),
2 Sam. lin 2s
i Chron
iii. 1.
JOSEPHUS
, \ ’ δὲ av ͵ ~ 3 /
nyopevae, τὸν πέμπτον δὲ Σαφατίαν τῆς ᾿Αβιτάλης
καὶ τὸν ἕκτον ᾿Ιεθρόαν' τῆς Λἰγλᾶς" ἐπωνόμασε.
22 705 δ᾽ ἐμφυλίου πολέμου συνεστῶτος καὶ συμ-
πιπτόντων εἰς ἔργα καὶ “μάχην πυκνῶς τῶν μεθ᾽"
ἑκατέρου τῶν βασιλέων, ᾿Αβεννῆρος ὁ ὁ τοῦ Σιαούλου
παιδὸς ἀρχιστράτηγος συνετὸς ὧν καὶ σφόδρα
εὔτουν ἔχων τὸ πλῆθος πάντας συμμεῖναι τῷ
᾿Ιεβόσθῳ' παρεσκεύασε: ca διέμειναν ἱκανὸν
23 χρόνον τὰ ἐκείνου φρονοῦντες. ὕστερον δ᾽ ἐν
ἐγκλήματι γενόμενος ᾿Αβεννῆρος καὶ λαβὼν αἰτίαν
ὡς συνέλθοι τῇ NaovAou παλλακῇ 'Ῥεσφᾶ μὲν
τοὔνομα Σιβάτου δὲ θυγατρί, καὶ καταμεμφθεὶς
ὑπὸ ᾿Ιεβόσθου περιαλγήσας καὶ θυμωθείς, ὦ ὡς οὐ
δικαίων τῶν παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ τυγχάνοι πάσῃ προνοίᾳ
περὶ αὐτὸν χρώμενος, ἠπείλησε μὲν τὴν βασιλείαν
εἰς Δαυίδην περιστήσειν, ἐπιδείξειν δὲ ὡς οὐχὶ
διὰ τὴν ἰδίαν ῥώμην καὶ σύνεσιν ἄρχοι τῶν πέραν
᾿Ιορδάνου, διὰ δὲ τὴν αὐτοῦ στρατηγίαν τε καὶ
24 πίστιν. καὶ πέμψας εἰς Χεβρῶνα παρὰ Δαυίδην
λαβεῖν ὅρκους τε καὶ πίστεις ἠξίου, i] μὴν ἕξειν
αὐτὸν ἑταῖρον καὶ φίλον ἀναπείσαντα τὸν λαὸν τοῦ
Σαούλου μὲν ἀποστῆναι παιδός, αὐτὸν δὲ ἀποδεί-
1 Τεθερσὰν ROM: Τεθραάμην ex cod. Vat. Hudson:
Therran Lat.
* Ταλαὰς RO: Γάλα ΔΙ Lat.: AtyAns E.
3 γῶν μεθ᾽ cod. Vat. ap. Hudson: μεθ᾽ rell.: utrinsque
regis exercitus Lat. 4 τῷ ᾿Ιεβόσθῳ om. RO.
@ Bibl, Abital; mxx ᾿Αβειτάλ, ᾿Αβιτάλ, Luc. ᾿Αβειταάλ
(Chron, Σαβειτάλ, ᾿Αβιτάλ).
’ So Luc. in Sam. and most mss. of Lxx in Chron.; bibl.
Shephetaiah (Heb. Shephatydh), Lxx Σαβατεία.
¢ Bibl. Eglah, txx Alyad\, ᾿Αγλά κτλ, (Chron. ‘Ada,
"Αγλά).
370
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 21-24
of Abitalé,* he called Saphatias®: and the sixth, by
Aigla,© he named Jethroas.¢ Now when civil war
broke out and the followers of each of the two kings
had frequent encounters and fights, Abenner, the
commander-in-chief of Saul’s son, being a clever man
and enjoying very great favour with ‘the populace,
contrived to keep them on the side of Jebosthos, and
for a considerable time they supported him. Later, Abner
however, when Abenner was made the object of com- {0.8
alleyiance
plaints and accused of intimacy with Saul’s concubine, ea at
named Respha,¢ the daughter of Sibatos, and was pavid.
censured by Jebosthos, he was very much hurt and 238m. ii. τ
angered at receiving what he thought was unjust
treatment from him in spite of all the kindness he
had shown Jebosthos. He therefore threatened to
transfer the kingship to David and to show that it
was not through his own strength and understanding
that Jebosthos ruled over the people across the
Jordan, but through his generalship and loyalty.
Then he sent to David at Hebron? and asked for a
sworn pledge” that he would own him as a comrade
and friend when once he had persuaded the people
to revolt from Saul’s son and caused David to be
ἀ Bibl. Ithream (Heb. YVithre‘dm), txx ᾿Ιεθεραάμ (Chron.
Ιθαράμ, ᾿Ιεθραάμ κτλ.)ὴ. Lue. ᾿Τεθράμ.
¢ Bibl. Rizpah (Heb. 1 ῳ ρα), τχκ ἱΡεσφά,
7 Cf. Lue. Σειβά; bibl. Aiah, exx Ἰάλ, “Idd (but Αἰά
2 Sam. xxi. 8 ff.).
9 So Lue.; Lxx εἰς Θαιλάμ, apparently Telem or Telaim,
acity inthe south of Judah, The Hebrew ** sent messengers
to David where he was, saying, ‘‘To whom is the land?’ ”* is
corrupt.
* This “sworn pledge’’ is probably derived from the
Targum’s rendering of the obscure Hebrew verse quoted in
the preceding note, ‘* Let us swear by Him who made the
earth.”
371
JOSEPHUS
25 €avra πάσης τῆς χώρας βασιλέα. τοῦ δὲ ἙΝ
ποιησαμένου τὰς ὁμολογίας, ἥσθη γὰρ ἐφ᾽
᾿Αβεννῆρος διεπρεσβεύσατο πρὸς αὐτόν, καὶ aba:
τον τεκμήριον παρασχεῖν τῶν συνθηκῶν ἀξιώσαν-
τος ἀνασώσαντα πρὸς αὐτὸν τὴν γυναῖκα μεγάλοις
ὠνηθεῖσαν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ κινδύνοις καὶ [[αλαιστίνων
κεφαλαῖς ἑξακοσίαις, ἃς ὑπὲρ αὐτῆς ἐκόμισε τῷ
26 πατρὶ Σαούλῳ, πέμπει μὲν αὐτῷ τὴν MeAyadAnv
ἀποσπάσας ᾿Οφελτίου τοῦ τότε συνοικοῦντος αὐτῇ,
πρὸς τοῦτο καὶ ᾿[ἰεβόσθου συμπράξαντος" ἐγεγράφει
γὰρ αὐτῷ Δαυίδης τὴν γυναῖκα δικαίως ἀπολαβεῖν"
συγκαλέσας δὲ τοὺς γεγηρακότας τοῦ πλήθους καὶ
ταξιάρχους καὶ χιλιάρχους" λόγους ἐ ἐποιήσατο πρὸς
27 αὐτούς, ὡς ἔχοντας ἑτοίμως ἀποστῆναι μὲν “leBo-
σθου Aavidn δὲ προσθέσθαι ταύτης ἀποστρέψειε
τῆς ὁρμῆς, νῦν “μέντοι ἊΣ ἐπιτρέποι χωρεῖν οἵ
οὕύλονται" καὶ γὰρ εἰδέναι τὸν θεὸν διὰ Σαμουήλου
τοῦ προφήτου Δαυίδην χειροτονήσαντα πάντων
Ἑβραίων βασιλέα, προειπεῖν δ᾽ ὅτι ]αλαιστίνους
ἐκεῖνος αὐτὸς τιμωρήσεται καὶ ποιήσει κρατήσας
28 ὑποχειρίους. ταῦτ᾽ ἀκούσαντες οἱ πρεσβύτεροι καὶ
ἡγεμόν ες, ὡς καὶ τὴν ᾿Αβεννήρου y ὦμην ἼΠ
πρότερον εἶχον αὐτοὶ περὶ τῶν πραγμάτων σύμ-
φωνον προσέλαβον, τὰ Δαυίδου φρονεῖν μετ-
29 εβάλοντο. πεισθέντων δὲ τούτων ᾿Αβεννῆρος συγ-
καλεῖ τὴν Βενιαμιτῶν φυλήν: οἱ γὰρ ἐκ ταύτης
1 καὶ χιλ. om. ROM Zonaras.
2 xalom. RO. 3 ex Lat. Niese: ἢ RO: ἣν MSP.
4 μετεβάλλοντο ROS.
Cf wo νι, 908 note:
®» Bibl. Michal; ef. 4. vi. 20-4, where she is called
Melcha, and vii. 85, where she is called Michalé.
S72
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 25-2
declared king of the whole country. When David ee
pleased at the offer which Abenner had made to him his wits
through his envoys, accepted these terms, he asked ἴδ].
Abenner to furnish a first proof of earrving out their iii. 13.
agreement by reeovering for him the wife who had
been purehased by him w ith great perils and the heads
of six hundred? Philistines. whieh he had brought
as payment for her to her father Saul. Accordingly,
Abenner took Melehalé ὃ away from Opheltias © who
was then living with her, and sent her to David,
Jebosthos also assisting in the matter, for David had
written to him that he had a just elaim to reeover
his wife. Then Abenner ealled together the elders Avner’s
of the people and the lower officers and the captains 3)0758 0?
of a thousand,? and addressed them, saving that ites in
when they had prepared to revolt from Jebosthos bead
and to join David's side, he had dissuaded them frony ; 54™.
this attempt, but that now he gave them leave to go ὁ
where they liked, his reason being that he knew that
God, through the prophet Samuel, had ehosen David
king of all ‘the Hebrews and had foretold that none
other than he would chastise the Philistines and, by
his vietories, make them subject. When the elders
and the leaders heard this and pereeived that Aben-
ner’s view of the situation was in agreement with that
which they themselves had previously held, they
changed over to David's side ; and when they had
been won ov er, Abenner ealled together the tribe of
Benjamin—for it was from this tr ibe that all the body-
© Dibl, Phaitiel: ef. τον 00 nole;
ἀ Scripture mentions only the elders. The word here
translated ‘* lower officers ᾽ (Gr. *S taxiarchs ’’) corresponded,
in Josephus’s time, to the Koman “ military tribune ”’ as
well as “ centnrion,”’ but is used here, as elsewhere in the
elntiquities, of subordinate officers generally.
373
JOSEPHUS
ἅπαντες ᾿Ιεβόσθου σωματοφύλακες ἦσαν: καὶ
ταὐτὰ' πρὸς αὐτοὺς διαλεχθείς, ἐπεὶ μηδὲν ἀντι-
κρούοντας ἑώρα, προστιθεμένους δ᾽ οἷς ἐβούλετο,
παραλαβὼν ὡς εἴκοσι τῶν ἑταίρων ἧκε πρὸς
Δαυίδην, τοὺς ὅρκους παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ ληψόμενος αὐτὸς
(πιστότερα yap τῶν Ov ἄλλου πραττομένων ὅσα OV
αὑτῶν ἕκαστοι ποιοῦμεν εἶναι δοκεῖ) καὶ προσέτι
τοὺς γενομένους αὐτῷ λόγους πρός τε τοὺς ἡγε-
᾽ \ ‘ Q ia ~ 2 ¢
3Q μονας και τὴν φυλὴν απασαν σημανων. υπο-
31
δεξαμένου δ᾽ αὐτὸν φιλοφρόνως Kat λαμπρᾷ Kat
α ἢ , ees eer nee
πολυτελεῖ τραπέζῃ ξενίσαντος ἐπὶ πολλὰς" ἡμέρας,
ἠξίωσεν ἀφεθεὶς ἀγαγεῖν τὸ πλῆθος, ἵνα παρόντι
καὶ βλεπομένῳ παραδῶσι' τὴν ἀρχήν.
(5) ᾿Εκπέμψαντος δὲ τοῦ Δαυίδου τὸν *ABev-
ἊΝ > Q > / 4 3 bg ~ oe
νῆρον οὐδὲ ὀλίγον διαλιπὼν εἰς NeBp@va ἧκεν
.51] 7 ς » , 5 ἢ “- ᾿ ᾿ ς
Ιώαβος oO αρχιστρατῆγος αὐτου, Και μαθὼν ως
εἴη παρὼν πρὸς αὐτὸν ᾿Αβεννῆρος καὶ μικρὸν
ἔμπροσθεν ἀπηλλαγμένος ἐπὶ συνθήκαις, καὶ ὁμο-
λογίαις τῆς ἡγεμονίας, δείσας μὴ τὸν μὲν ἐν τιμῇ
καὶ τῇ πρώτῃ ποιήσειε" τάξει συνεργόν τε τῆς
βασιλείας ἐσόμενον καὶ τἄλλα δεινὸν ὄντα συνιδεῖν
πράγματα καὶ τοὺς καιροὺς ὑποδραμεῖν, αὐτὸς δ᾽
ἐλαττωθείη καὶ τῆς στρατηγίας ἀφαιρεθείη," κακ-
32 οὔργον καὶ πονηρὰν ὁδὸν ἄπεισι. καὶ πρῶτον μὲν
ἐπιχειρεῖ διαβαλεῖν αὐτὸν πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα, φυλάτ-
“- \ \ ͵) Φ > “.
τεσθαι παραινῶν καὶ μὴ προσέχειν οἷς ᾿Αβεννῆρος
“ a Α A A > A “~
συντίθεται: πάντα yap ποιεῖν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τῷ βε-
1 Ernesti: τὰ αὐτὰ KE: ταῦτα codd.: ista Lat.
2 Es σημαίνων ecodd. 3 συχνὰς MSPE.
4 Niese: παραδώσει ROMS?P*: rapaddoyS'P!: traderet Lat.
5 ἀντιστράτηγος RO: pro eo militiae princeps Lat.
parny } I ]
6 Niese: ποιήσεται codd.: ποιήσηται ed. pr.
1 ἀφεθείη RO.
374
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 29-32
guards of Jebosthos eame 7—and made the same
speech to them. As he saw that they made no
objection but acceded to his wishes, he took some
twenty companions and came to David in order to
receive his oath in person—for we all seem to have
more faith in what we do ourselves than in what is
done through others,—and also to aequaint him with
the speeeh he had made to the leaders and to the
whole tribe. David reeeived him in friendly fashion
and entertained him with splendid and lavish feasts
that lasted many days.” Then Abenner asked to be
dismissed and given leave to bring the people, in
order that they. might hand over the royal power to
David when present and before their eyes.
(5) Hardly had David sent Abenner away when
Joab, his commander-in-ehief, came to Hebron and, :
when he learned that Abenner had been there to see
David and had departed a little while before, after
reaching an understanding and agreement about the
sovereignty, he feared that David might give him
honours of the first rank as one who would help him
in securing the kingdom and who was, besides, apt in
understanding matters of state and in seizing oppor-
tunities, while he himself might be set down and
deprived of his command.* He therefore took a
dishonest and evil eourse ; first of all he attempted
to ealumniate Abenner to the king, urging him to be
on his guard and not to pay attention to the agree-
ments Abenner had made; for he was doing every-
thing, he said, in order to seeure the sovercienty for
@ Addition to Seripture,
® The “ many days ” is a detail added by Josephus.
¢ This motive for Joab’s hatred of Abner is supplied by
Josephus ; cf. § 36.
VOL. V 2B 375
Abner visita
David at
Hebron.
2 Sam. iii,
20.
Joab’s envy
οἱ Abner,
2 Sam. iii.
23.
99
94
35
36
JOSEPHUS
βαιώσασθαι τῷ Σιαούλου παιδὶ aie ἡγεμονίαν, ἐπὶ
δὲ ἀπάτῃ καὶ δόλῳ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐλθόντα μεθ᾽ ἧς
ἐβούλετο νῦν ἐλπίδος καὶ οἰκονομίας τῶν κατα-
σκευαζομένων ἀπελθεῖν. ὡς δ᾽ οὐκ ἔπειθε τὸν
Δαυίδην τούτοις οὐδὲ παροξυνόμενον ἑώρα, τρέ-
πεται ταύτης τολμηροτέραν ὁδὸν καὶ κρίνας Ἄβεν-
νῆρον ἀποκτεῖναι πέμπει τοὺς ἐπιδιώξοντας, οἷς
καταλαβοῦσι προσέταξεν αὐτὸν καλεῖν ἐκ τοῦ
Δαυίδου ὀνόματος, ὡς ἔχοντος αὐτοῦ τινα περὶ
τῶν πραγμάτων πρὸς αὐτόν, ἃ μὴ διεμνημόνευσε
παρόντος, εἰπεῖν. ΤΣ δ᾽ ὡς ἤκουσε, τὰ
παρὰ τῶν ἀγγέλων, κατέλαβον γὰρ αὐτὸν ἐν τόπῳ
twit Βησηρᾷ καλουμένῳ ἀπέχοντι τῆς Χεβρῶνος
σταδίους εἴκοσι, μηδὲν ὑπιδόμενος᾽ τῶν συμβησο-
μένων ὑπέστρεψεν. ἀπαντήσας δ᾽ αὐτῷ πρὸς τῇ
πύλῃ ὁ ᾿Ιώαβος καὶ δεξιωσάμενος ὡς μάλιστ᾽
εὔνους καὶ φίλος, ὑποκρίνονται γὰρ ἱκανῶς πολ-
λάκις εἰς τὸ ἀνύποτπ πτον τῆς ἐπ ιβουλῆς τὰ τῶν
ἀληθῶς ἀγαθῶν. ol πράγμασιν ἐγχειροῦντες ἀτόποις,
ἀποσπᾷ μὲν τῶν οἰκείων αὐτὸν ὡς ἐν ἀπορρήτῳ
διαλεξόμενος, παραγαγὼν δὲ εἰς τὸ ἐρημότερον τῆς
πύλης μόνος αὐτὸς ὧν σὺν ᾿Αβισαίῳ τῷ ἀδελφῷ
σπασάμενος τὴν μάχαιραν ὑπὸ τὴν λαγόνα παίει.
καὶ τελευτᾷ μὲν ᾿Αβεννῆρος τοῦτον ἐνεδρευθεὶς τὸν
τρόπον ὑπὸ ᾿Ιωάβου, ὡς μὲν αὐτὸς ἔλεγε τιμω-
ρήσαντος ᾿Ασαήλῳ τῷ ἀδελφῷ, ὃν διώκοντα λαβὼν
᾿Αβεννῆρος ἀπέκτεινεν ἐν τῇ πρὸς Χεβρῶνι μάχῃ,
ὡς δὲ τἀληθὲς εἶχε δείσαντος περὶ τῆς στρατηγίας
καὶ τῆς παρὰ τῷ βασιλεῖ τιμῆς, μὴ τούτων μὲν
1 Bekker: ὑπειδόμενος codd.
α Joab’s message is an amplification of Scripture.
> Bibl. Bor-sirah (‘‘ cistern of Sirah’’), Lxx Ppdaros τοῦ
370
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 32-36
Saul’s son, and, after having come to David with
deceit and guile, he had now gone away with the hope
of realizing his wish and carrying out his carefully
laid plans. But as he could not persuade David by
these means and saw that he was not moved to anger,
he turned to a course still bolder, and, having decided
to kill Abenner, sent men in pursuit af him, “to whom
he gave orders that when they came up ‘with him
they should call to him in David’s name and s say that
he had eertain things to discuss with him concerning
their affairs, which he had forgotten to mention w hen
Abenner was with him.?) When Abenner heard this Joab
from the messengers—they had come upon him at a Buenas
certain place called Béséra,? twenty stades distant Abner.
from Hebron—he turned hack with no suspicion of 3, parte ΗΝ;
what was to come. Joab met him at the gate and
greeted him with the greatest show of eoodwill and
triendship—for very often those who undertake dis-
graceful acts assume the part of truly good men, in
order to avert suspicion of their design—and then,
having drawn him apart from his attendants, as if to
speak with him privately, led him to a more deserted
part of the gate, where he was alone with his brother
Abisai, drew his sword and struck him under the
flank. So died Abenner through this treachery of
Joab, who claimed to have done it to avenge his
brother Asaél, for when he had pursned Abenner, the
latter had caught and slain him in the fight near
Hebron ©; but in truth it was because he feared for
his command of the army and his place of honour
with the king, of which he himself might have been
Σεειράμ, Luc. Σεειρά, The site is unidentified. Its distance
from Hebron (¢. 23 m.) is a detail added by Josephus.
cA a for “ Gibeon,” as in Scripture and in the account
given earlier by Josephus, § 11.
377
37
38
39
40
JOSEPHUS
αὐτὸς ἀφαιρεθείη, λάβοι δὲ παρὰ Aavidov τὴν
πρώτην τάξιν ᾿Λβεννῆρος. ἐκ τούτων ἄν τις
κατανοήσειεν, ὅσα καὶ πηλίκα τολμῶσιν ἄνθρωποι
πλεονεξίας ἕνεκα καὶ ἀρχῆς καὶ τοῦ μηδενὶ τού-
των παραχωρῆσαι: κτήσασθαι γὰρ αὐτὰ ποθοῦντες
διὰ μυρίων κακῶν λαμβάνουσι, καὶ δείσαντες
ἀποβαλεῖν πολλῷ χείροσι τὸ βέβαιον αὑτοῖς τῆς
παραμονῆς περιποιοῦσιν, ὡς οὐχ ὁμοίου δεινοῦ
τυγχάνοντος μὴ πορίσασθαι τηλικοῦτον μέγεθος
ἐξουσίας, καὶ συνήθη τοῖς am αὐτῆς ἀγαθοῖς γε-
νόμενον ἔπειτ᾽" αὐτὴν ἀπολέσαι" τούτου δὲ ὑπερβολὴν
ἔχοντος συμφορᾶς, διὰ τοῦτο καὶ χαλεπώτερα μη-
χανῶνται καὶ τολμῶσιν ἔργα" ἐν φόβῳ πάντες
τοῦ ἀποβαλεῖν γενόμενοι. ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν τούτων
ἐν βραχέσιν ἀρκεῖ δεδηλῶσθαι.
(6) Δαυώης δ᾽ ἀκούσας ἀνῃρημένον τὸν ᾿Ἄβεν-
νῆρον ἤλγησε μὲν τὴν ψυχήν, ἐμαρτύρατο δὲ πάντας
ἀνατείνων εἰς τὸν θεὸν τὴν δεξιὰν καὶ βοῶν, ὡς
οὔτε κοινωνὸς εἴη τῆς ᾿Αβεννήρου σφαγῆς, οὔτε
κατ᾽ ἐντολὴν καὶ βούλησιν ἰδίαν ἀποθάνοι. ἀρὰς
δὲ κατὰ τοῦ πεφονευκότος αὐτὸν δεινὰς ἐτίθετο,
καὶ τὸν οἶκον ὅλον αὐτοῦ καὶ τοὺς συμπράξαντας
ὑπευθύνους ἐποιεῖτο ταῖς ὑπὲρ τοῦ τετελευτηκότος
ποιναῖς" ἔμελε γὰρ αὐτῷ μὴ δόξαι παρὰ τὰς πίστεις
καὶ τοὺς ὅρκους οὗς ἔδωκεν ᾿Αβεννήρῳ τοῦτο εἰργά-
σθαι. προσέταξε μέντοι γε παντὶ τῷ λαῷ κλαίειν
καὶ πενθεῖν τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ τοῖς νομιζομένοις τιμᾶν
αὐτοῦ τὸ σῶμα περιρρηξαμένῳ μὲν τὰς ἐσθῆτας
1 μὴ ins. Cocceji.
3 Holwerda: ἔτι codd.
3 ἔργα post φόβῳ hab. codd.: del. Holwerda.
378
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 36-40
deprived while Abenner received the foremost place
from David. From this one may perceive to what Reflections
lengths of recklessness men will go for the sake of Oe Doe ae
ambition and power, and in order not to let these go
to another ; for, in their desire to acquire them, they
obtain them through innumerable acts of wrong-
doing and, in their fear of losing them, they ensure
the continuance of their possession by much worse
acts, their belief being that it is not so great an evil
to fail to obtain ἂν ery g “στοαὶ degree of authority as to
lose it after having econ Heed toned to the benefits
derived there tron Since this last would be a sur-
passing misfortune, they aecordingly contrive and
attempt even more ruthless deeds, always in fear of
losing what they have. But concerning such
tatters it is enough to have discoursed thus briefly.
(6) When David heard that Abenner had been Davia
slain, he was grieved in spirit and, with his right hand P'ores's
‘ ss , ‘ o innocence of
upraised to God and in a loud voice, called upon all to Abner’s
bear witness that he had had no share in Abenner’s ee ae
murder and that it was not by his command or at his PU him.
5. 2 “ Ae 1,
own wish that Abenner had died. He also called 2s.
down terrible curses ® upon the man who had mur-
dered him and deelared his whole house and _ his
accomplices liable to the penalties for having caused
his death; for he was coneerned that he: himself
should not seem to have brought this about in viola-
tion of the sworn pledges which he had given Aben-
ner. Furthermore, he commanded all the pcople
to weep and mourn for the man and to honour his
body with the customary rites by rending their gar-
~
α Vit. ‘‘ all in fear of losing.”” The text is doubtful.
> 9 Sam. ili. 29 “ Let there not fail from the house of Joab
one that has an issue or is a leper or leans on a staff or falls by
the sword or lacks bread.”
379
4]
JOSEPHUS
ἐνδύντι δὲ σάκκους, ταῦτα δὲ ποιεῖν προάγοντας
τὴν κλίνην. αὐτὸς δ᾽ ἐφείπετο “μετὰ τῶν Ὑ
\ 4
ρακότων καὶ τῶν ἐν ἡγεμονίαις ὄντων κοπτόμενός
τε καὶ τοῖς δακρύοις ἐνδεικνύμενος τό τε εὔνουν τὸ
πρὸς τὸν ζῶντα καὶ τὴν ἐπὶ τεθνηκότι λύπην, καὶ
Ω ἰχ A Α ‘ >] ~ 7 9 ,ὔ θ ᾽
12 ὁτι μὴ κατὰ τὴν αὐτοῦ γνώμην ἀνήρηται. θάψας
2
43
44
δ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐν Χεβρῶνι μεγαλοπρεπῶς ἐπιταφίους τε
συγγραψάμενος θρήνους αὐτὸς ἐπὶ τοῦ τάφου στὰς
πρῶτος ἀνεκλαύσατο καὶ παρέδωκε τοῖς ἄλλοις.
οὕτως δ᾽ αὐτὸν ὁ ᾿Αβεννήρου συνέσχε θάνατος ὡς
μηδὲ τροφὴν ἀναγκαζόντων αὐτὸν τῶν ἑταίρων
λαβεῖν, ἀλλ᾽ ὥμοσε γεύσεσθαι μηδενὸς ἄχρι ἡλίου
δυσμῶν. ταῦτ᾽ εὔνοιαν αὐτῷ παρὰ τοῦ πλήθους
ἐγέννησεν: οἵ τε γὰρ πρὸς τὸν ᾿Αβεννῆρον φιλο-
στόργως διακείμενοι σφόδρ᾽ αὐτοῦ τὴν πρὸς αὐτὸν
τιμὴν ἀποθανόντα καὶ φυλακὴν τῆς πίστεως ἠγά-
πησαν, ore’ πάντων αὐτὸν ἀξιώσειεν τῶν νομιζο-
μένων ὡς συγγενῆ καὶ φίλον, ἀλλ᾽ οὐχ ὡς ἐχθρὸν
γενόμενον ὑβρίσειεν ἀκόσμῳ ταφῇ καὶ ἠμελημένῃ"
τό τε ἄλλο πᾶν ὡς ἐπὶ χρηστῷ καὶ ἢ; τὴν
φύσιν ἔχαιρε, τὴν αὐτὴν ἑκάστου λογιζομένου
πρόνοιαν εἰς αὑτὸν τοῦ βασιλέως ἐν τοῖς ὁμοίοις
ἧς τυγχάνοντα τὸν ᾿Αβεννήρου νεκρὸν ἑώρα.
πρὸς τούτοις οὖν μάλιστα Δαυίδην γλίχεσθαι
δόξης ἀγαθῆς ποιούμενον πρόνοιαν εἰκὸς μὲν ἦν,
ὡς" οὐθεὶς ὑπενόησεν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ φονευθῆναι τὸν
᾿Αβεννῆρον᾽ ἔλεξε δὲ καὶ πρὸς τὸ πλῆθος ὡς αὐτῷ
1 ex Lat. Niese: γεύσασθαι codd.
2 ἔτι RO: Ere δὲ ὅτι conj. Thackeray (vid.).
8 Niese: ὁποίοις codd.: ὁποίων ed. pr.: ὁποίας Naber.
* πρὸς Τούτοις KT, corrupta esse susp. Niese.
5 εἰκὸς μὲν jj ἣν ὡς Conj.: ws εἰκὸς μὲν ἣν ὡς M: ἣν εἰκὸς μὲν ἣν
ὡς SP: ὡς εἰκὸς ἣν RO.
380
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 40-44
ments and putting on sackcloth, and in this fashion
to escort the bier. He himself followed with the
elders and those in office, beating his breast and
showing by his tears both his εἰ Δρὶ ἡ « for him when
alive and ‘his grief for him in death, and also that
the slaying hed not been in accordance with his will.
He then gave him a magnificent burial in Hebron and
composed laments for the dead δ; ; standing by his
grave, he himself first began the wailing which was
taken up by the others. ” So greatly did Abenner’s
death affect him that he did not take the food which
his comrades forced upon him, but swore that he
would taste nothing until the setting of the sun.
This conduct procured for him the favour r of the people, David's
for those who held Abenner in affection were greatly ἘΡΡΡΕ
pleased with him for honouring the dead man and ee peop
keeping faith with him, in that he had seen fit to pay 2Sum. iii,
him all the customary tributes as if he had been a *°:
kinsman and friend, and had not treated him shame-
fully, as if an enemy, by giving him a bare and
ueglectful funeral; and all the others rejoiced that
he was of so kind and gentle a nature, for each
thought he himself would in like circumstances receive
from the king the same care that he saw the corpse of
Abenner receive.© Morcover it was quite natural 4
that David should desire to merit a good opinion by
showing eare (for the dead), so that 4 no one sus-
pected, that Abenner had been murdered by him.
Ες also said to the people that he himself felt more
¢ ‘There are reminiscences of Thucydides in this sentence
(ἐν ἡγεμονίαις. . . τὸ εὔνουν).
> A reference to the brief lament in 2 Sam. iii. 33, 34.
¢ The last remarks are an addition to Scripture.
4 Text doubtful.
381
JOSEPHUS
\ 3 « ~ 4 4 3 > \ > “-
μὲν οὐχ ἡ τυχοῦσα λύπη γένοιτ᾽ ἀνδρὸς ἀγαθοῦ
τετελευτηκότος, οὐ μικρὰ δὲ τοῖς ‘EBpaiwy πράγ-
μασι βλάβη στερηθέντων τοῦ" καὶ συνέχειν αὐτὰ;
καὶ σώζειν βουλαῖς τε ἀρίσταις καὶ ῥώμῃ χειρῶν
Ξ 3 “A λ “A μὴ ὃ / ce LAAG θ \
45 ἐν τοῖς πολεμικοῖς ἔργοις δυναμένου. “᾿ ἀλλὰ θεὸς
μέν,᾽᾿ εἶπεν,“ ᾧ μέλει πάντων, οὐκ ἐάσει τοῦτον ἡμῖν"
> ,ὔ > \ 3 ? / ¢€ 9 \ 3 ’ὔ
ἀνεκδίκητον: ἐγὼ δ᾽ ἐπίστασθε ὡς οὐδὲν ᾿Ιώαβον
καὶ ᾿Αβισαῖον τοὺς Lapovias παῖδας ποιεῖν ἱκανός
? ᾽ὔ 3 A f 3 3 3 ; Ἁ
εἰμι πλέον ἐμοῦ δυναμένους, ἀλλ᾽ ἀποδώσει τὴν
ὑπὲρ τῶν τετολμημένων αὐτοῖς ἀμοιβὴν τὸ θεῖον.᾽᾽
\ 3 ~ ~
καὶ ᾿Αβεννῆρος μὲν εἰς τοιοῦτο κατέστρεψε τέλος
τὸν βίον.
ee ~ e
46 (ii. 1) ᾿Ακούσας δὲ τὴν τελευτὴν αὐτοῦ ὁ
NM A A *T ; θ 5 4 ” 3 ὃ \
Laovdou παῖς ᾿Ιέβοσθος οὐ πράως ἤνεγκεν avdpos
ἐστερημένος συγγενοῦς καὶ τὴν βασιλείαν αὐτῷ
A
παρασχόντος, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπερεπάθησε καὶ λίαν αὐτὸν
>] 4 ¢ 3 / ’ 3 , 3 0.9
ὠδύνησεν ὃ ᾿Αβεννήρου θάνατος. ἐπεβίω δ᾽ οὐδ
,ν \ , > > EE eee x 3 7, 4
αὐτὸς πολὺν χρόνον, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὸ τῶν ᾿Βρέμμωνος
ta 45 ¢ 7 \ \ 6 > 3 yt
υἱῶν Bava,® ἑτέρῳ δὲ Oanvos® ὄνομα ἦν, ἐπιβουλευ-
\ > / Ὁ \ Ν᾿ A \ /
47 θεὶς ἀπέθανεν. οὗτοι yap ὄντες TO μὲν γένος Bev-
a ~ >
ιαμῖται τοῦ δὲ πρώτου τάγματος, λογισάμενοι ὃ
5 Ἁ
ὡς ἂν ἀποκτείνωσι τὸν ᾿Ιέβοσθον μεγάλων παρὰ
“ f
Δαυίδου τεύξονται δωρεῶν, Kal στρατηγίας ἤ τινος
1 Niese: αὐτοῦ codd.
2 καὶ συνέχειν αὐτὰ om. MSP Lat.
3 ὑμῖν MSP.
4 "“Ἱερέμμωνος MSP: ᾿Πρεμμῶτος EF: Remnon Lat.
6 Βαναόθα (-4 P) MSP: Βανασθάνου EK: Bana (sive Bena)
Lat.
6 Oaiivos SP: Θάννος M: Βαήβου E: Ratha Lat.
¢ Josephus properly omits the reference at this point in
Scripture (2 Sam. iv. 4) to the laming of Jonathan’s son
Mephibosheth, with whom Saul’s son Ishboshcth is confused.
382
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 44-47
than passing grief at the death of so good a man,
while the fortunes of the Hebrews had suffered a
great blow when they were deprived of one who
eould have held them together and preserved them,
both by his excellent counsels and by his bodily
strength in time of war. ‘‘ But God,”’ he said, “‘ who
has all things in His eare will not let us see this deed
go unavenged. As for me, you know that I ean do
nothing to Joab and Abisai, the sons of Saruia, who
are more powerful than I, but the Deity will! infliet
upon them just punishment for their lawless deed.”’
In such manner, then, did Abenner meet his end.
(ii. 1) When Saul’s son Jebosthos heard of Aben- Assassina-
’ : : : ion of
ner’s passing, he took it not lightly to heart, for he saur's son
was deprived of a kinsman and one who had pro- οι
eured him the kingship ; indeed he suffered exceed- 2 Sam. iv. 1
ingly and was sorely aflieted by Abenner’s death.
He himself did not long survive,® but died the victim
of a plot by the sons of Eremmon,? whose names were
Bana® and Thaénos.4 ‘These men, who were Ben-
jamites ὁ by birth and of the foremost rank, reekoned
that if they killed Jebosthos they would receive great
gifts from David and that their deed would bring
them a military command or some other mark of
Josephus follows the Hebrew in making Ishbosheth, not
Mephibosheth (as in the Lxx), the vietim of the plot narrated
in the following lines.
® Bibl. Rimmion, vxx ἱΡεμμών.
¢ Bibl. Baanah, xx Βαανά, Lue. Βαναία.
4 Bibl. Rechab (Heb. 7kab), xx “PnxyaB. Josephus’s
form Thaénos (var. Thaunos, Thannos) is puzzling. I sus-
pect that it has arisen from a careless reading of the Targum,
which translates “‘ the name of the second (son was) Keehab ”
by shum tinydnd ete.; tinydnd, “ seeond,” was taken as a
proper name and corrupted to Thaénos ete. in the Greek.
¢ from Beeroth (2 Sam. iv. 5).
383
JOSEPHUS
ἄλλης πίστεως τὸ ἔργον αὐτοῖς ἔσται παρ᾽ αὐτῷ
48 αἴτιον, μόνον εὑρόντες μεσημβρίζοντα καὶ κοιμώ-
μενον τὸν ᾿Ιέβοσθον καὶ μήτε τοὺς φύλακας παρόν-
τας μήτε τὴν θυρωρὸν € ἐγρηγορυῖαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ αὐτὴν
ὑπό τε τοῦ κόπου καὶ τῆς ἐργασίας, ἣν μετεχειρί-
ζετο, καὶ τοῦ καύματος εἰς ὕπνον καταπεσοῦσαν,
παρελθόντες εἰς τὸ δωμάτιον, ἐν ᾧ συνέβαινε κατα-
κεκοιμῆσθαι τὸν Σαούλου παῖδα, κτείνουσιν αὐτόν.
49 καὶ τὴν κεφαλὴν ἀποτεμόντες καὶ Ou ὅλης νυκτὸς
καὶ ἡμέρας ποιησάμενοι τὴν πορείαν, ὡς ἂν φεύ-
γοντες ἐκ τῶν ἠδικημένων πρὸς τὸν ληψόμενόν
τε τὴν χάριν καὶ παρέξοντα τὴν ἀσφάλειαν, εἰς
Χεβρῶνα παρεγένοντο: καὶ τὴν κεφαλὴν ἐπιδεί-
ἕαντες τῷ Aavidn τὴν ᾿Ιεβόσθου συνίστων αὑτοὺς
ὡς εὔνους καὶ τὸν ἐχθρὸν αὐτοῦ καὶ τῆς βασιλείας
50 ἀνταγωνιστὴν ἀνῃρηκότας. ὁ δ᾽ οὐχ ὡς ἤλπιζον
οὕτως αὐτῶν προσεδέξατο τὸ ἔργον, ἀλλ᾽ εἰπών'
“ὦ κάκιστοι καὶ παραχρῆμα δίκην ὑφέξοντες, οὐκ
ἔγνωτε πῶς ἐγὼ τὸν LaovdAov φονέα καὶ τὸν κομί-
σαντά μοι τὸν χρυσοῦν αὐτοῦ στέφανον ἠμυνάμην,
καὶ ταῦτα ἐκείνῳ χαριζόμενον τὴν ἀναίρεσιν, ἵνα
δ] μὴ συλλάβωσιν αὐτὸν οἱ πολέμιοι; 7 μεταβεβλῆ-
σθαί με καὶ μηκέτ᾽ εἶναι τὸν αὐτὸν ὑπωπτεύσατε,
ὡς χαίρειν κακούργοις cu δράσι καὶ χάριτας ἡγή-
σασθαι τὰς κυριοκτόνους ὑμῶν πράξεις, avypy-
κότων ἐπὶ τῆς αὐτοῦ κοίτης ἄνδρα, δίκαιον καὶ
μηδένα μηδὲν κακὸν εἰργασμένον, ὑμᾶς δὲ καὶ διὰ
62 πολλῆς εὐνοίας καὶ τιμῆς ἐσχηκότα; διὸ δώσετε
ποινὴν μὲν αὐτῷ κολασθέντες, δίκην δ᾽ ἐμοὶ τοῦ
νομίσαντας ἡδέως ἕξειν με τὴν ᾿Ιεβόσθου τελευτὴν'
ley... τελευτῇ SPE.
384
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 47-52
confidence from him. So, when they found Jebosthos
alone, taking his noonday rest and lying asleep with
no guards present and not even the portress awake—
she too had fallen asleep as a result of fatigue from
the labour she had performed and the heat ?—they
made their way into the particular room where Saul’s
son lay asleep, and killed him. Then they cut off his
head and, travelling a whole night and day? with
the thought of fleeing from those whom they had
wronged to one who would accept their deed as a
kindness and offer them security, they came to
Hebron. Here they showed the head of Jebosthos
to David and presented themselves as his well-
wishers, who had removed his enemy and rival for
the kingdom. He did not, however, receive their
deed in the manner whieh they had expected, but
eried, “ Vile wretches, you shall suffer instant punish-
ment! Did you not know how I requited the mur-
derer of Saul who brought me his gold erown,® and
that too although he slew him as a kindness in order
that the enemy might not capture him? Or per-
haps you suspected that I have changed and am no
longer the same man, so that I take pleasure in evil-
doers and consider your regicidal deed a favour—
when you slay in his own bed a righteous man who
has done no one a single wrong and even showed you
great friendliness and honour. You shall, therefore,
make amends to him by being punished and shall
give satisfaction to me for having slain Jebosthos in
α In 2 Sam. iv. 6 the Hebrew reads, ‘ And they (feminine !)
came into the midst of the house, taking (or ‘* buying ’’)
wheat,” — obviously corrupt. Josephus follows the Lxx
which reads, “* and the portress was cleansing wheat and she
beeaine drowsy and slept.”’
ὃ Scripture says merely “ all night.” o OFS.
385
David
punishes
Ishbosh-
eth’s
murderers,
2 Sam. iv. 8
63
54
55
56
JOSEPHUS
~ 2 ~ 2 A 3 / ~ > foal
τοῦτον ἀνελεῖν: οὐ yap ἐδύνασθε μᾶλλον ἀδικῆσαι
\ 2S EN ὃ / "“ ~ {> ¢ / > ~ >
τὴν ἐμὴν δόξαν ἢ τοῦθ᾽ ὑπολαβόντες. ταῦτ
3 ~
εἰπὼν πᾶσαν αἰκίαν αὐτοὺς αἰκισάμενος διεχρή-
A ~
σατο Kat τὴν ᾿Ιεβόσθου κεφαλὴν ἐν τῷ ᾿Αβεννήρου
τάφῳ πάντων ἀξιώσας ἐκήδευσε.
(2) Τούτων δὲ τοιοῦτον λαβόντων τέλος ἧκον
ef ~ ~ ~ ~
ἅπαντες ot τοῦ λαοῦ τῶν “Ἑβραίων πρῶτοι πρὸς
Δαυίδην εἰς Χεβρῶνα οἵ τε χιλίαρχοι καὶ ἡγεμόνες
~ A
αὐτῶν, Kal παρεδίδοσαν αὑτούς, THY τε εὔνοιαν,
a ” ἢ , ~ > \ > ἡ
nv ἔτι Kat LaovAov ζῶντος εἶχον πρὸς αὐτόν,
ὑπομιμνήσκοντες καὶ τὴν τιμήν, ἣν γενόμενον τότε
“" eo
χιλίαρχον τιμῶντες od διέλιπον, ὅτι τε βασιλεὺς
ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ διὰ Σαμουήλου τοῦ προφήτου χειρο-
τονηθείη καὶ παῖδες αὐτοῦ, καὶ ὡς τὴν Ἑβραίων
χώραν αὐτῷ σῶσαι καταγωνισαμένῳ [|]αλαιστίνους
ς δι 2 ,ὔ ¢ s /
δέδωκεν ὁ θεὸς ἐμφανίζοντες. ὁ δὲ ταύτης τε
~ 4 ‘
ἀποδέχεται τῆς προθυμίας αὐτοὺς καὶ παρα-
καλέσας διαμένειν, οὐ γὰρ ἔσεσθαι μετάνοιαν αὐτοῖς
ἐκ τοῦ τοιούτου, καὶ κατευωχήσας καὶ φιλοφρονὴη-
3 3
σάμενος ἔπεμψε τὸν λαὸν παρ᾽ αὐτὸν ἀξοντας
Ω Α NAO 3 \ -- | 0 AK
ἅπαντα. καὶ συνῆλθον ἐκ μὲν τῆς ᾿Ιούδα φυλῆς
~ 4 ~
ὁπλιτῶν ws ὀκτακόσιοι καὶ ἑξακισχίλιοι φοροῦντες
qj “ A ~ lA
ὅπλα θυρεὸν Kal σιρομάστην" οὗτοι δὲ TH Σαούλου
‘ 7 4 4 Ἁ ¢ Ἴ ὃ Ar
παιδὶ παρέμενον: τούτων yap χωρὶς ἡ ᾿Ιούδα φυλὴ
> ‘A ~
τὸν Aavidny ἀπέδειξε βασιλέα. ἐκ δὲ τῆς Σεμεω-
, ~ e , ‘ ¢ 7 3 δὲ ~
vidos φυλῆς ἑπτακισχίλιοι καὶ ἑκατόν. ἐκ δὲ τῆς
α Or, less probably, “‘my thoughts (or “intentions ’’).”
The last sentence is an amplification of Seripture.
> 2 Sam. iv. 12 ** And David commanded his servants and
386
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 52-56
the belief that I should be glad of his death, for you
could not have done my reputation α a ercater wrong
than by supposing such a thing.” W hen he had so
spoken, he inflicted every kind of torture ὃ on them
and put them to death. The head of Jebosthos he
buried in Abenner’s grave with every honour.
(2) When these matters had thus been brought to The tribal
an end, there came to David at Hebron all the rene
prineipal men of the Hebrew people, the captains of ΠΆΛΙ at
thousands and their leaders,¢ and offered themselves 2 Sam. v. 1;
to him while reminding him of the loyalty they had },°7"°™
shown him when Saul was still alive, and the honour
which they had not ceased to pay him since he had
beeome captain of a thousand; they also deelared
that he had been chosen king by God through the
prophet Samuel, together with his sons, and that God
had given him power to save the Hebrews’ country by
eonquering the Philistines. David commended them
for their devotion and urged them to continue in it,
for, he said, they would have no regrets for so doing.
Then, after entertaining them and treating them
hospitably, he sent them to bring all the pcople to
him.? Thereupon there came to him from the tribe The tribal
of Judah about six thousand eight hundred armed (r<"s:
men carrying as weapons long shields and barbed xii. 25.
lanees, who had remaincd loyal to the son of Saul and
had not joined the tribe of Judah in proclaiming
David king. V'rom the tribe of Simeon came seven
thousand one hundred. From the tribe of Levi came
they slew them and cut off their hands and feet and hanged
them beside the pool in Hebron.’
9 Scripture says merely ‘ all the tribes of Israel.”’
4 David’s reply and the entertainment are not mentioned
in Scripture.
“ The last clause is a detail added by Josephus.
387
57
JOSEPHUS
Ληουίτιδος τετρακισχίλιοι καὶ ἑπτακόσιοι ἔχοντες
ἄρχοντα ᾿Ιώδαμον' μετὰ τούτοις ἦν ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς
Σ άδωκος σὺν εἴκοσι δύο συγγενέσιν ἡγεμόσιν. ἐκ
δὲ τῆς Βενιαμίτιδος φυλῆς ὁπλῖται τετρακισχίλιοι"
ἡ γὰρ φυλὴ περιέμενεν ἔτι τῶν τοῦ γένους Ξαούλου
τινὰ βασιλεύσειν" προσδοκῶσα. ἐκ δὲ τῆς ᾿Εφραΐί-
μου φυλῆς δισμύριοι καὶ ὀκτακόσιοι τῶν δυνατω-
τάτων καὶ κατ᾽ ἰσχὺν διαφερόντων. ἐκ δὲ τῆς
δΙανασσήτιδος φυλῆς τοῦ ἡμίσους μύριοι ὀκτα-
κισχίλιοι." ἐκ δὲ τῆς ᾿Ισαχάρου φυλῆς διακόσιοι
μὲν οἱ προγινώσκοντες τὰ μέλλοντα, ὁπλῖται δὲ
58 δισμύριοι. ἐκ δὲ τῆς Δαβουλωνίτιδος φυλῆς ὁπλι-
δ9
τῶν ἐπιλέκτων πέντε μυριάδες: αὑτὴ γὰρ ἡ φυλὴ
μόνη πᾶσα πρὸς Δανίδην συνῆλθεν’ οὗτοι πάντες
τὸν αὐτὸν ὁπλισμὸν εἶχον τοῖς τῆς ᾿Ιούδα φυλῆς.
ἐκ δὲ τῆς Νιεφθαλίδος φυλῆς ἐ ἐπίσημοι καὶ ἡγεμόνες
χίλιοι ὅπλοις χρώμενοι θυρεῷ καὶ δόρατι, ἠκο-
λούθει δ᾽ ἡ φυλὴ ἀναρίθμητος οὖσα. ἐκ δὲ τῆς
Aavizidos φυλῆς ἐκλεκτοὶ δισμύριοι ἑπτακισχίλιοι
ἑξακόσιοι. ἐκ δὲ τῆς ᾿Ασήρου φυλῆς μυριάδες
τέσσαρες. ἐκ δὲ τῶν δύο φυλῶν τῶν πέραν τοῦ
᾿Ιορδάνου καὶ τοῦ λοιποῦ τῆς ΔΙανασσήτιδος φυλῆς
1 ex Lat. Niese: βασιλεῦσαι codd.
2
2 4 τῶν δυνατωτάτων ROSPE.
8 Reinach: Γαλάδον O: Γάδου rell.: Gath Lat.
4 4600 according to Scripture. Josephus omits the 3700
of the house of Aaron under Jehoiada (ef. next note).
> Bibl. Jehoiada (Heb. VYehdydda'), txx ‘Iwadds, ᾿Ιωδαέ
κτλ.
¢ 3000 according to Scripture.
4 2 Chron. xii. 33 “men that had understanding of the
times, to know what Israel should do.”
¢ Heb. “their leaders were two hundred and all their
388
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIT. 56-59
four thousand seven hundred 4 with Jédamos ὃ eom-
manding ; among them were the high priest Sadok
and twenty-two kinsmen as leaders. From the tribe
of Benjamin eame four® thousand armed men ; for
(the rest of) the tribe hesitated in the expeetation
that someone of the family of Saul would still be king.
From the tribe of Ephraim eame twenty thousand
eight hundred of the ablest and exceptionally power-
ful men. From the half tribe of Manasseh came
eighteen thousand. From the tribe of Isachar came
two hundred who eould foretell the future,? and
twenty thousand® armed men. From the tribe of
Zabulon eame fifty thousand picked men, for this
tribe was the only one whieh joined David as a
whole.’ All these had the same armour as the tribe
of Judah [rom the tribe of Nephthali eame a
thousand eminent men and leaders whose weapons
were shield and spear, and (the rest of) the tribe
whieh followed was innumerable.” From the tribe
of Dan eame twenty-seven thousand six hundred #
pieked men. From the tribe of Asher came forty
thousand. From the two tribes aeross the Jordan *
and the rest of the tribe of Manasseh eame a hundred
brothers were at theircommandment”’ (ὃ αἱ pihem), Possibly
Josephus has taken the words ‘al pihem to mean “ in pro-
portion to them ”’ and assumed that the proportion is [00 to 1,
Weill suggests that Josephus read ‘esrim ’dleph, ‘ 20,000,”
instead of ‘al pihem. ‘The rxx has merely “200, and all their
brothers were with them.”
7 Apparently an interpretation of the obscure Heb. text of
1 Chron. xii. 34 “τὸ fight without heart and heart,” whieh
some rabbinic commentators explain as *‘ with singleness of
mind,”
9 Reinach’s plausible emendation for “ Gad,” which has
not yet been mentioned.
δ 37,000 according to Scripture.
6 Tleb. 28,600, Lxx 28,800. k Reuben and Gad.
9280
JOSEPHUS
ὡπλισμένων θυρεὸν καὶ δόρυ καὶ “περικεφαλαίαν
καὶ ῥομφαίαν μυριάδες δώδεκα" καὶ αἵ λοιπαὶ de?
60 φυλαὶ ῥομφαίαις ἐ ἐχρῶντο. τοῦτο δὴ πᾶν τὸ πλῆθος
6]
62
63
Ets XeBpava πρὸς Δαυίδην συνῆλθε μετὰ πολλῆς
παρασκευῆς σιτίων καὶ οἴνου καὶ τῶν πρὸς τροφὴν
πάντων, καὶ μιᾷ γνώμῃ βασιλεύειν τὸν Δαυίδην
ἐκύρωσαν. ἐπὶ δὲ τρεῖς ἡμέρας ἑορτάσαντος τοῦ
λαοῦ καὶ κατευωχηθέντος ἐν Χεβρῶνι, ὁ Δαυίδης
μετὰ πάντων ἐκεῖθεν ἄρας ἧκεν εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα.
(iii. 1) Τῶν δὲ κατοικούντων τὴν πόλιν ᾿Ϊεβου-
σαίων, γένος δ᾽ εἰσὶν οὗτοι “Χαναναίων, ἀποκλει-
σάντων αὐτῷ τὰς πύλας καὶ τοὺς πεπηρωμένους
τὰς ὄψεις καὶ τὰς βάσεις καὶ πᾶν τὸ λελωβημένον
στησάντων ἐπὶ χλεύῃ τοῦ βασιλέως ἐπὶ τοῦ τείχους
καὶ λεγόντων κωλύσειν" αὐτὸν εἰσελθεῖν τοὺς ἀνα-
πήρους, ταῦτα δ᾽ ἔπραττον καταφρονοῦντες τῇ τῶν
τειχῶν ὀχυρότητι, ὀργισθεὶς πολιορκεῖν ἤρξατο τὰ
Ἱεροσόλυμα. καὶ πολλῇ σπουδῇ καὶ προθυμίᾳ
χρησάμενος ὡς 5.4 τοῦ ταύτην ἑλεῖν εὐθὺς ἐμ-
ανίσων" τὴν ἰσχὺν καὶ καταπληξόμενος εἴ τινες
ἄρα καὶ ἄλλοι τὸν αὐτὸν ἐκείνοις τρόπον διέκειντο
πρὸς αὐτόν, "λαμβάνει κατὰ κράτος τὴν. κάτω πόλιν.
ἔτι δὲ τῆς ἄκρας λειπομένης ἔγνω τιμῆς ὑποσχέσει
καὶ γερῶν ὁ βασιλεὺς προθυμοτέρους ἐπὶ τὰ ἔργα
τοὺς στρατιώτας παρασκευάσαι, καὶ τῷ διὰ τῶν
ὑποκειμένων φαράγγων ἐπὶ τὴν ἄκραν ἀναβάντι
1 δὲ ex Lat. ins. Niesce. 2 Niese: κωλύειν codd.
3 Ernesti: éudavitwy codd.
@ 1 Chron. xii. 37 “‘ with all weapons of an army in war.”
> καταφρονεῖν with the dat. has this peculiar force in
Josephus. The details about the cripples on the wall are
added by Josephus, who takes literally the Jebusites’ state-
390
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 59-63
and twenty thousand, armed with shield, spear, hel-
met and sword. The other tribes also used swords.
All this multitude, then, assembled before David at
Hebron, with a great supply of grain, wine and all
sorts of food, Pel with one voice couttined David as
king. For three days the people feasted and made
good cheer at Hebron, and then David with all of
them departed from there and came to Jerusalem.
(iii. 1) But the Jebusites who inhabited the city and
were of the Canaanite race shut their gates against him
and placed on the wall those who had fost an eye or
a leg or were crippled in any way, to mock at the
king ; these cripples, they’ said, would prevent him
from entering, and they 80 acted because of their
sublime confidence ὃ in the strength of their walls.
David’s wrath, however, was ἀγα ϑ ει and he began
to besiege Jerusalem. Ly displaying great zeal and
ardour in order to show his strength at once by the
capture of the city, and to strike terror into any
others who might treat him in the same manner as
the Jebusites had done, he took the lower ὁ city by
foree. <As the citadel? still remained, the king
decided to increase his soldiers’ ardour for their task
by the promise of honour and rewards, and offered to
give to any man who should climb up to the citadel
ment in 2 Sam. v. 6, ‘S thou shalt not come in hither unless
thou remove the blind and the lame, thinking * David shall
not come in hither ἡ.
¢ Probably the southern part of the eastern hill of Jeru-
salem. The topography of ancient Jerusalem is still un-
certain. This “ lower city δ᾽ is not mentioned in Scripture.
4The xx, like Josephus, has ἄκρα for Heb. mesiidah
(A.V. “stronghold ’’), called “the City of David.” ‘This was
probably north of the lower citv, mentioned above, although
Josephus, BJ. v. 137, identifies it with the S.W. hill, the
upper agora, as did early Christian tradition.
VOLCY Ὁ 30]
David
captures
Jerusalem
from the
Jebusites,
2 Salle Veo:
1 Chron.
xi. 4,
JOSEPHUS
καὶ ταύτην ἑλόντι στρατηγίαν ἅπαντος τοῦ λαοῦ
01 δώσειν ἐπηγγείλατο. πάντων δὲ φιλοτιμουμένων
ἀναβῆναι καὶ μηδένα πόνον ὀκνούντων ὑφίστασθαι
δι᾿ ἐπιθυμίαν τῆς στρατηγίας, 6 Σαρουίας παῖς
᾿Ιώαβος ἐφθὴη τοὺς ἄλλους, καὶ ἀναβὰς ἐβόησε
πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα, τὴν στρατηγίαν ἀπαιτῶν.
65 (2) ᾿κβαλὼν δὲ τοὺς ᾿Ιεβουσαίους ἐκ τῆς aKpas
καὶ αὐτὸς ἀνοικοδομήσας τὰ “ἱεροσόλυμα, πόλιν
αὐτὴν Aavidov προσηγόρευσε, καὶ τὸν ἅπαντα
, 3 ? ~ ,ὔ / e \ /
χρόνον ev αὐτῇ διέτριβε βασιλεύων. ὁ δὲ χρόνος
ὃν τῆς ᾿Ιούδα φυλῆς ἦρξε μόνης ἐν Χεβρῶνι
ἐγένετο ἔτη ἑπτὰ καὶ ᾿μῆνες ἕξ. ἀποδείξας δὲ
βασίλειον τὰ ᾿Ἱεροσόλυμα λαμπροτέροις αἰεὶ καὶ
μᾶλλον ἐχρῆτο Tots πράγμασι, τοῦ θεοῦ προνοου-
μένου κρείττω ποιεῖν αὐτὰ καὶ λαμβάνειν. ἐπίδοσιν.
66 πέμψας δὲ πρὸς αὐτὸν καὶ Εἴρωμος ὁ Τυρίων
βασιλεὺς φιλίαν καὶ συμμαχίαν συνέθετο" ἔπεμψε
δ᾽ αὐτῷ καὶ δωρεὰς ξύλα κέδρινα καὶ τεχνίτας
ἄνδρας τέκτονας καὶ οἰκοδόμους, of κατασκευά-
2 ἢ > ¢ , ’ \ ,
σειαν" βασίλειον ἐν ἱΙεροσολύμοις. Δαυίδης δὲ τήν
t 8... τ ν ΑΔ δι λον SF ,
τε κατωΐ πόλιν περιλαβὼν καὶ τὴν ἄκραν συνάψας
αὐτῇ ἐποίησεν ἕν σῶμα, καὶ περιτειχίσας ἐπιμελη-
67 τὴν τῶν τειχῶν κατέστησεν ᾿Ιώαβον. πρῶτος οὖν
Δαυίδης τοὺς ᾿Ιεβουσαίους ἐξ “Ἱεροσολύμων ἐκ-
βαλὼν ad’ ἑαυτοῦ προσηγόρευσε τὴν πόλιν" ἐπὶ
A ‘A / ~ f ¢ “a SoA 3
γὰρ ᾿Αβράμου τοῦ προγόνου ἡμῶν Σόλυμα ἐκα-
1 ΜῈ; ᾿έρωμος (I. R) RO: Χείραμος SP: Εἴραμος M:
Chiram Lat.
2 κατεσκεύασαν RO Lat.
8 SP: ἄνω rell. Εἰ Lat.
Ἴ
4 παραλαβὼν ]Ἰὰ: muniens Lat.
@ Bibl. Hiram or Huram (Chron.), τὰν Χειράμ.
392
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 63-67
from the valley that lay beneath it and capture it, the
eommand of all the people in war. They all vied
with each other to make the climb and, in their desire .
for the post of commander, did not draw back from
facing any diffieulty, but Joab, the son of Saruia,
outdistaneed the others and, when he had reached
the top, shouted to the king, claiming the office of
commander.
(2) When David had driven the Jebusites out of the
eitadel and had himself rebuilt Jerusalem, he called it
the City of David and continued to dwell in it for the
whole length of time that he reigned. Now the time
that he ruled over the tribe of Judah alone at Hebron
was seven years and six months. But after he had
chosen Jerusalem for his royal residence, he enjoyed
ever more brilliant fortune beeause of God’s provident
care in enhancing it and causing it to increase.
Kirdmos @ also, the king of Tyre, wrote to him, pro-
posing friendship and alliance, and sent him gifts
of cedar wood and skilled men as carpenters and
builders to construct a palace in Jerusalem. And
David enclosed the lower city ὃ and joined it to the
eitadel so as to form one whole,’ and, having put a
wall around this, appointed Joab keeper of the walls.
Thus David, who was the first to drive the Jebusites
out of Jerusalem, named the city after himself¢; for
in the time of our forefather Abraham it was ealled
δ Variant “ upper city.’”’ In view of the neertainty as to
the ancient topography, it is difheult to establish Josephus’s
text on the basis of 2 Sam. v. 9, ‘' And David built around
from Millo and inwards.’ The meaning and location of
‘* Millo”? are not eertain. Probably Seripture means that
David joined the northern part of the E. hill (the citadel) to
the southern spur, the Ophel (the lower city).
Sites hody.
4 i.e. “the city of David”? (1 Kings iii. 1 ef al.).
393
1 Chron
xi. 6.
Jerusalem
fortified by
David.
2 Sam. v. 9.
JOSEPHUS
Actro, μετὰ ταῦτα δὲ αὐτὴν" ὠνόμασεν ‘Tepooddupa:
τὸ γὰρ ἱερὸν" κατὰ τὴν ᾿ΙὩβραίων γλῶτταν ὠνόμασε
68 τὰ Σ όλυμα" ὅ ἐστιν ἀσφάλεια. ἦν δὲ πᾶς ὁ
χρόνος ἀπὸ τῆς Ἴησοῦ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ ἐπὶ Χανα-
ναίους στρατείας καὶ τοῦ πολέμου, καθ᾽ ὃν κρατήσας
αὐτῶν κατένειμε ταύτην τοῖς ᾿βραίοις καὶ οὐκέτι
τοὺς Χαναναίους ἐκβαλεῖν. ἐξ “Ἱεροσολύμων ἐδυνή-
θησαν οἱ ᾿Ισραηλῖται, μέχρις ὁ Δαυίδης αὐτοὺς
ἐξεπολιόρκησεν, ἔτη πεντακόσια καὶ δέκα καὶ
πέντε.
69 (3 ) ΠΠοιήσομαι δὲ καὶ μνήμην ᾿Ορόννα" πλουσίου
μὲν ἀνδρὸς τῶν ᾿ΙΪεβουσαίων, οὐκ ἀναιρεθέντος δὲ
ἐν τῇ “Ἱεροσολύμων πολιορκίᾳ ὑ ὑπὸ Δαυίδου διὰ τὴν
πρὸς τοὺς “Ββραίους εὔνοιαν αὐτοῦ καί τινὰ καὶ
χάριν καὶ σπουδὴν πρὸς αὐτὸν γενομένην τὸν
Post αὐτήν] φασί τινες ὅτι καὶ “Ὅμηρος ταῦτ᾽ add. codd.
2 ἱεροῦ RO: ἱερὸν (τὰ) Σόλυμα MSP.
8 σὰ Σόλυμα om. MSP
4 Hudson (ef. § 329): ᾽᾿Ορφόνα Μ᾿ : ᾿Ορφνᾶ ROSPLV: Orfin
Lat.
2‘ But afterwards ”’ ete.: text doubtful. The mss. read
“Dut some say that afterwards Homer called it Hiero-
solyma’’; these words are probably a gloss, althongh in
Ap. i. 172 f. Josephus, quoting from the Greek poet
Choerilus (a contemporary of Herodotus), who alludes to the
κε Solymian hills ’’ after Homer (Od. v. 283), identifies them
with Jerusalem. In view of the reference in DJ. vi. 438 f.
(cf. also A. i. 180) to Melehizedek, who “ gave the city,
previously called Solyma, the name of Jerusalem,”’ Niese
(Praef. vol. i. p. xxxli) has reconstructed the present passage
as follows : μετὰ ταῦτα δ᾽ αὐτὴν Μελχισεδέκης ὁ τῶν Xavavaiwy
δυνάστης ἘΠ Στ καὶ ἀσφαλισάμενος Ιεροσόλυμα ὠνόμασε" τὸ
γὰρ ἱεροῦ κατὰ τὴν ‘EBpalwy γλῶττάν ἐστιν ἀσφάλεια, “ after-
wards Melchiscdckés, the ruler of the Canaanites, built
walls around it and made it secure, and called it Hierosoly ma,
for hierou in Hebrew means ‘security.’”? Niese questions
394
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 67-69
Solyma, but afterwards they named it Hierosolyma,
calling the temple (zeron) Solyma, which, in the
Hebrew tongue, means “ seeurity.”’* Now the whole
period from the time of Joshua, the commander of
the expedition and war against the Canaanites in
which he conquered them and apportioned this (city)
to the Hebrews ’—although the Israelites were not
able to drive the Canaanites out of Jerusalem-—until
David took it from them by siege, was five hundred
and fifteen years.°¢
(3) I shall also make mention here of Oronnas ὦ
who was a wealthy Jebusite but was not slain by
David in the siege of Jerusalem beeause of his friend-
liness to the Hebrews and also beeause of a certain
kindness and devotion to the king himself which I shall
the genuineness of the reference to the temple (ἱερόν) in our
text, but it is difheult to believe that Josephus connected
hierow (as Niese gives it), rather than Solyma, with the
Hebrew word for “ἢ seeurity,” ἐν. shalém.
POS. Xico Ite
¢ This figure agrees with that in A. viii. 61, where
Josephus reekons 592 years from the Exodus to the building
of the temple in Solomon’s fourth year (Seripture gives 480
years for this period, 1 Kings vi. 1); if we subtract from
592 the sum of 77 years (40 years for the activity of Moses
+33 years for David’s reign in Jerusalem +4 years for the
reign of Solomon before the building of the temple), we get
the above figure of δι years for the period between the
conquest of Canaan by Joshua and the conquest of Jeru-
salem by David. But Josephus has no eousistent scheme of
Biblical chronology, for in A. xx. 230 and Ap. ii. 19 he
gives 612 instead of 592 years for the interval between the
.xodus and the building of the temple. Moreover, Weill
finds that the figures given in 2f. bks. v.-vii. for the various
judges and rulers between Joshua and Solomon add up to
only 5044 years,
4 Bibl. Arauna (Chron. Ornan), txx ‘Opyd. Seripture
first mentions him in 2 Sam. xxiv. 16.
395
70
71
72
73
JOSEPHUS
βασιλέα, ἣν μικρὸν ὕστερον εὐκαιρότερον σημανῶ.
ἔγημε δὲ καὶ ἄλλας γυναῖκας πρὸς ταῖς οὔσαις
αὐτῷ Aavidns καὶ παλλακὰς ἔσχεν. ἐποιήσατο δὲ
καὶ παῖδας ἕνδεκα' τὸν ἀριθμόν, οὗς προσηγόρευσεν
᾿Αμασέ, ᾿Αμνοῦ, Σεβάν, Νάθαν, ae Το;
᾿Βλιήν, Φαλναγέην, Nadyv, ‘levae, ᾿Ελιφαλέ,;" ἔτ Ξ
δὲ καὶ θυγατέρα Θαμάραν. τούτων οἱ μὲν ἐννέα
ἐξ εὐγενίδων ἦσαν γεγονότες, οὗς δὲ τελευταίους
εἰρήκαμεν δύο ἐκ τῶν παλλακίδων. Θαμάρα δὲ
ὁμομήτριος ᾿Αψαλώμῳ ἦν.
* (iv. 1) Γνόντες δ᾽ οἱ ΠΠ]αλαιστῖνοι τὸν Δαυίδην
βασιλέα ὑπὸ τῶν ‘EBpaiwy ἀποδεδειγμένον στρα-
τεύουσιν ἐπ’ αὐτὸν εἰς “Ιεροσόλυμα: καὶ κατα-
λαβόμενοι τὴν κοιλάδα τῶν Γιγάντων" καλουμένην,
τόπος δέ ἐστιν οὐ πόρρω τῆς πόλεως, ἐν αὐτῇ
στρατοπεδεύονται. ὁ δὲ τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων βασιλεὺς
(οὐδὲν γὰρ ἄνευ προφητείας καὶ τοῦ κελεῦσαι τὸν
θεὸν καὶ περὶ τῶν ἐσομένων λαβεῖν ἐγγυητὴν
ἐκεῖνον ἑαυτῷ ποιεῖν ἐπέτρεπεν) ἐκέλευσε τὸν
ἀρχιερέα τί δοκεῖ τῷ θεῷ καὶ ποδαπὸν ἔσται τὸ
τέλος τῆς μάχης προλέγειν αὐτῷ. προφητεύσαντος
δὲ νίκην καὶ κράτος ἐξάγει τὴν δύναμιν ἐπὶ τοὺς
led. pr.: ἐννέα codd.
2’Auacé ... ᾿Ελιφαλέ] ef. Hudson ad loc.: “‘innumeras
et monstrosas illorum varietates . . . referre piget.”
3 ἤν γάνων SP.
σ΄ §§ 399 ff.
ἀν Ὡς: impossible to restore the correct forms of these names
in Josephus’s text, except those of Nathan and Solomon.
Moreover, three separate lists are found in Scripture and
neither in the Hebrew nor in the Greek do the various lists
exactly agree. It may suffice to give the biblical forms
found in the first passage, 2 Sain, v. 14: Shaminua, Shobab,
Nathan, Solomon, Ibhar, Elishua, Nepheg, Japhia, Elishama,
3.96
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VH. 69-73
point out a little later in a more suitable place.*
Now David married stil] other wives in addition to Davta’s
those he had, and took concubines and begot eleven res as
~~ a . . ,
sons whom he named Amase, Amnii, Seba, Nathan, 1 Chron.
— _-_ - og - oo . 5,
Solomon, Jebaré, Eliés, Phalnageés, Naphés, Jenaé, yy. 4,
Fliphale,® and also a daughter, Thamara.° Of these
nine were the offspring of well-born mothers, but the
two last mentioned, of concubines.¢ Thamara had
the same mother as Absalom.
(iv. 1) When the Philistines learned that David had The Phil.
: Ξ istines are
been chosen by the Hebrews as their king, they deteatediby
marched against him to Jerusalem and, when they David.
5 : δ 2” 28am. ν. 17;
had taken the so-called Valley of the Giants ¢—this 1 Chron.
is a place not far from the city,—they encamped * 8:
there. But the king of the Jews, who permitted
himself to do nothing without an oracle and a com-
mand from God and without having Him as surety
for the future, ordered the high priest 7 to foretell to
him what was God’s pleasure and what the outcome
of the battle would be ; and when he prophesied a
decisive vietory,? David led his force out against the
Kliada, Eliphelet. The two lists in Chron. repeat Eliphelet
and add Nogah, giving 13 names.
¢ Bibl. Tamar, Lxx Θαμάρ, Onpap.
ἀ Seripture implies that none of the eleven were sons of
coneubines, 1 Chron. iii. 9 ‘all these were the sons of David
beside the sous of the eoneubines.”” The preeeding verse,
however, ends with the word ‘ nine” (wrongly reckoning
the nuniber of sons), and Josephus apparently took it to refer
to the number of well-born sons.
¢ Sothe .xx in Chronicles ; in Samuel the xx has Τιτάνων
(cf. the variant in Josephus) ; bibl. Valley of Rephaim. Re-
phaim was traditionally taken to mean “ giants.”’ The site is
probably the modern ef Bugei‘a, the plain S.W. of Jerusalem.
1 In Seripture David consults God directly.
9 Lit. “ vietory and mastery.’’ This phrase occurs several
times in the early books of the Antiquities.
397
JOSEPHUS
Παλαιστίνους" καὶ γενομένης συμβολῆς αὐτὸς
κατόπιν αἰφνιδίως ἐπιπεσὼν τοῖς πολεμίοις τοὺς
μὲν αὐτῶν ἀπέκτεινε, τοὺς δὲ εἰς φυγὴν ἐτρέψατο.
74 ὑπολάβῃ δὲ μηδεὶς ὀλίγην τὴν τῶν Παλαιστίνων
στρατιὰν ἐλθεῖν ἐπὶ τοὺς Ἑβραίους τῷ τάχει τῆς
ἥττης καὶ τῷ μηδὲν ἔργον ἐπιδείξασθαι. γενναῖον
μηδὲ μαρτυρίας ἄξιον στοχαζόμενος αὐτῶν τὴν
ραδυτῆτα καὶ τὴν ἀγέννειαν, ἀλλὰ γινωσκέτω
Συρίαν τε ἅπασαν καὶ Φοινίκην καὶ πρὸς τούτοις
ἄλλα ἔθνη πολλὰ καὶ μάχιμα συστρατεῦσαι αὐτοῖς
75 καὶ τοῦ “πολέμου κοινωνῆσαι" ὃ καὶ μόνον ἦν αἴτιον
τοσαυτάκις αὐτοῖς νικωμένοις καὶ πολλὰς ἀπο-
βαλοῦσι μυριάδας μετὰ μείζονος ἐπιέναι τοῖς
“Ἑβραίοις δυνάμεως. ἀμέλει καὶ ταύταις πταί-
σαντες ταῖς μάχαις τριπλάσιος στρατὸς ἐπῆλθε τῷ
Δαυίδῃ καὶ εἰς ταὐτὸ χωρίον ἐστρατοπεδεύσατο.
τὸ πάλιν δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως τῶν ᾿Ισραηλιτῶν ἐρομένου
τὸν θεὸν περὶ τῆς περὶ τὴν μάχην ἐξόδου, προφη -
τεύει ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς ἐν τοῖς ἄλσεσι τοῖς καλουμένοις
Κλαυθμῶσι κατέχειν τὴν στρατιὰν οὐκ ἀπωθεν'
τοῦ τῶν πολεμίων στρατοπέδου, κινεῖν δ᾽ αὐτὸν μὴ
πρότερον μηδ᾽ ἄρχεσθαι τῆς μάχης, πρὶν ἣ τὰ
71 ἄλση σαλεύεσθαι μὴ πνέοντος ἀνέμου. ὡς δ᾽
ἐσαλεύθη τὰ ἄλση καὶ ὁ καιρὸς ὃν αὐτῷ προεῖπεν
ὁ θεὸς παρῆν, οὐδὲν ἐπισχὼν ἐφ᾽ ἑτοίμην ἤδη καὶ
φανερὰν ἐξῆλθε τὴν νίκην" οὐ γὰρ ὑπέμειναν αὐτὸν
1 + μὲν οὖσι NSP Lat.: + οὖσι E.
¢ According to Seriptnre, it was in the second battle with
the Philistines (described below) that David took them by
Surprise in the rear.
δ The participation of other nations in the war is an
invention of Josephus.
¢ Unscriptural detail. ¢ Cf. § 72 note,
398
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 73-77
Philistines. At the first eneounter he fell suddenly
upon the enemy's rear,” slew part of them and put the
rest to flight. Let no one, however, suppose that it
was a small army of Philistines that eame against the
Hebrews, or infer from the swiftness of their defeat
or from their failure to perform any courageous or
noteworthy aet that there was any reluctance or
cowardice on their part ; on the contrary, it should
be known that all Syria and Phoenicia and beside
them many other warlike nations fought along with
them and took part in the war? It was for this pavia's
reason alone that, after having been defeated so tila
often and lost so many tens “of thousands, they over the
attacked the Hebrews with a larger force. In fact, PRUstines.,
after their discomfiture in these battles, they came } Chron.
against David with an army three times as large,° sees
and “encamped on the same site. Again the Israel-
ites’ king inquired of God concerning ‘the issue of the
battle, and the high priest ¢ gave the prophetic warn-
ing to hold his army in the so-called W eeping Groves °
not far from the enemy’s eamp, and not to move nor
begin battle until the grove should be agitated with
no wind blowing. And, when the grove was agitated
and the moment came which God had foretold to
him,’ he delayed no longer but went out to seize the
victory which he saw awaiting him. The enemy’s
€ So the Lxx, ἀπὸ τοῦ ἄλσους τοῦ κλαυθμῶνος, trans-
lating Heb. ménunil bek@im “ opposite the balsam(?)-trees ”
(A.V. “mulberry-trees”’) as if bek@im were from the root
bkh “to weep.” ‘The Targum and other versions correctly
take beh@im asa kind of tree, as does the Lxx in Chronieles,
BIE τῶν ἀπίων “‘ near the pear-trees.
2 Sam. v. 24 “' when thon hearest the sound of marching
in ue tops of the balsam-trees, then thou shalt bestir thyself,
for then is the Lord gone out before thee to smite the camp of
the Philistines.”
399
78
79
80
JOSEPHUS
ae τῶν πολεμίων φάλαγγες, ἀλλ᾽ εὐθὺς ἀπὸ τῆς
πρώτης συμβολῆς τραπέντας ἐνέκειτο κτείνων: καὶ
ιώκει μὲν αὐτοὺς ἄχρι πόλεως Γαζάρων, ἡ δ᾽
ἐστὶν ὅρος αὐτῶν τῆς χώρας, διαρπαΐζει 8 αὐτῶν
τὴν παρεμβολὴν καὶ πολὺν εὑρὼν ἐν αὐτῇ πλοῦτον,
καὶ τοὺς θεοὺς αὐτῶν διέφθειρε.
(2) ᾿Γοιαύτης δ᾽ ἀποβάσης καὶ ταύτης τῆς μάχης
ἔδοξε Δαυίδῃ συμβουλευσαμένῳ μετὰ τῶν γερόντων
καὶ ἡγεμόνων καὶ χιλιάρχων μεταπέμψασθαι τῶν
ὁμοφύλων ἐξ ἁπάσης τῆς χώρας πρὸς αὑτὸν τοὺς
ἐν ἀκμῇ τῆς ἡλικίας, ἔπειτα τοὺς ἱερεῖς καὶ An-
ovitas® πορευθέντας εἰς Ἰχαριαθιάριμα μετακομίσαι
τὴν τοῦ θεοῦ κιβωτὸν ἐξ αὐτῆς εἰς Ιεροσόλυμα καὶ
θρησκεύειν ἐν αὐτῇ λοιπὸν ἔχοντας αὐτὴν θυσίαις
καὶ ταῖς ἄλλαις τιμαῖς, αἷς χαίρει τὸ θεῖον" εἰ γὰρ
ἔτι LaovAov βασιλεύοντος τοῦτ᾽ ἔπραξαν, οὐκ av
δεινὸν οὐδὲν ἔπαθον. συνελθόντος οὖν τοῦ λαοῦ
παντός, καθὼς ἐβουλεύσαντο, παραγίνεται ὁ βασι-
λεὺς ἐπὶ τὴν κιβωτόν, ἣν βαστάσαντες" ἐκ τῆς
᾿Αμιιαδάβου οἰκίας οἱ ἱερεῖς καὶ ἐπ ιθέντες ep’
ἅμαξαν καινὴν ἕλκειν ἀδελφοῖς τε Kal παισὶν ἐπ-
ἔτρεψαν μετὰ τῶν βοῶν. προῆγε δ᾽ ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ
1 διαρπάσας NI: εἶτα διαρπάσας SVP: διαρπάσας δὲ 1.
2 τριαύτης. .. μάχη!) τοιούτου δ᾽ ἀποβάντος καὶ ταύτης τῆς
μάχης τέλους MSP. 3 + καὶ codd.
4 "ἢ Snidas: βαστάζοντες RO: βαστάξαντες MSP.
@ Wibl.-Gezer, οὐ, 2. ν. 569 note,
> The plundering of the camp is a detail added by Josephus.
Mor cover, Scripture mentions the Philistine gods (Heb.
eNOS} only | in connexion with the first battle. According
to 1 Chron. xiv. 12 (cf. the Targum on 2 Sam. v. 21) David
burnt them.
¢ In mentioning the couneil of elders, ete., Josephus follows
Chronicles. 2 Samuel merely says that he collected 30,000
(EXX 70,000) chosen men.
400
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 17--80
lines did not stand up under his attack but from the
very first eneounter were routed, with David close
behind, slaughtering them. He pursued them as
far as the city of Gazara,* which is the border of their
eountry, and, when he plundered their eamp, found
in it great wealth ; he also destroyed their gods.°
(2) “But when this battle also had come to such an The ark ts
end, David, after consulting with the elders, leaders brought to
Jerusalem.
and eaptains of thousands, decided to summon to him 281m, viel;
those of his countrymen throughout the entire land ἀπ ταν
who were in the prime of life,¢ and then have the
priests and Levites proceed to Kariathjarim ὦ to take
the ark of God from there and bring it to Jerusalem ;
there they should in future keep it and worship the
Deity with such sacrifices and other forms of homage
as are pleasing to Him, for, he believed, if they had
done this while Saul was still reigning, they would
not have suffered any misfortune.@ So then, when
all the people had assembled in accordance with this
plan, the king came to the ark, and the priests carried
it out of the house of Aminadab f and placed it upon
anew wagon which they permitted his brothers and
sons? to draw with the help of oxen. Before it went
4 ΤῊ). Kitjath Jearim, cf Avi. 17.
4 The thought here attributed to David is an amplification
of |. -Chron,-xiti.’3:
7 Bibl. Abinadab, cf. A. vi. 18 note.
¢2 Sam. vi. 3 ‘‘and Uzzah and Ahio, the sons of
Abinadab, drove the new cart.”” Josephus follows the Lxx
in reading ’ehaw ‘“* his brothers ” for ἡ! γα “‘Ahio ” (the two
forms are identieal in the consonantal text). The Lxx also
repeats the phrase οἱ ἀδελφοὶ αὐτοῦ “ his brothers,’’ mean-
ing Uzzah’s, but Josephus takes the αὐτοῦ to refer to
Abinadab, Uzzah’s father. Vinally, the omission of Uzzah’s
name at this point in Josephus’s text may be due to a lacuna,
as Niese suspects.
40]
JOSEPHUS
πᾶν σὺν αὐτῷ τὸ πλῆθος ὑμνοῦντες τὸν θεὸν καὶ
ἄδοντες πᾶν εἶδος μέλους ἐπιχώριον σύν τε ἤχῳ
ποικίλῳ κρουσμάτων τε καὶ ὀρχήσεων καὶ ψαλμῶν
ἔτι δὲ σάλπιγγος καὶ κυμβάλων κατάγοντες τὴν
81 κιβωτὸν εἰς [Ἱεροσόλυμα. ὡς δ᾽ ἄχρι τῆς Χειδῶνος"
ἅλωνος, τόπου τιὸς οὕτω καλουμένου, προῆλθον,
τελευτᾷ ᾿Οζᾶς κατ᾽ ὀργὴν τοῦ θεοῦ: τῶν βοῶν γὰρ
ἐπινευσάντων τὴν κιβωτὸν ἐκτείναντα τὴν χεῖρα
καὶ κατασχεῖν ἐθελήσαντα, ὅτι μὴ ὧν ἱερεὺς ἥψατο
82 ταύτης, ἀποθανεῖν ἐποίησε. καὶ ὁ μὲν βασιλεὺς
καὶ δ λαὸς ἐδυσφόρησαν ἐπὶ τῷ θανάτῳ τοῦ ᾽Οζᾶ,
ὁ δὲ τόπος ἐν ᾧ ἐτελεύτησεν Ola διακοπὴ καλεῖ-
ται. δείσας δ᾽ ὁ Δαυίδης καὶ λογισάμενος μὴ
ταὐτὸ πάθῃ τῷ ζᾶ δεξάμενος τὴν κιβωτὸν παρ᾽
αὑτὸν ἐν τῇ πόλει, ἐ ἐκείνου διότι μόνον ἐξέτεινε τὴν
83 χεῖρα πρὸς αὐτὴν οὕτως ἀπσθανόντος, οὐκ εἰσ-
δέχεται μὲν αὐτὴν πρὸς αὑτὸν εἰς τὴν πόλιν, ἀλλ᾽
ἐκνεύσας εἰς TL χωρίον ἀνδρὸς δικαίου, Ὠβαδάρου"
ὄνομα Ληουίτου τὸ γένος, παρ᾽ αὐτῷ τὴν κιβωτὸν
τίθησιν" ἔμεινε δ᾽ ἐπὶ τρέϊς Ὁ ον" μῆνας αὐτόθι καὶ
τὸν οἶκον τὸν ᾿Ωβαδάρου ηὔξησέ τε καὶ πολλῶν
84 αὐτῷ μετέδωκεν ἀγαθῶν. ἀκούσας δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς
ὅτι ταῦτα συμβέβηκεν ᾿Ωβαδάρῳ καὶ ἐκ THs προ-
1 Χείλωνος RO: Χήλωνος E: Χείδονος 5 Exe. Suidas: Χείδανος
P: Chedon Lat.
2 ἔτι νῦν Ora lor Lat:
8 Baddpov SP!; Ὠβαδάμου ME: ᾿Ωβεδάμου Exec.: Obidam
Lat.
« So the Hebrew in 1 Chron. xiii. 9 (Some Lxx Mss. have
Χειλών: cf. the variant in Josephus). In 2 Sam. vi. 6 the
Hebrew has Nachon; 1xx Nwéa3, Ναχώρ. It is probable
that Nachon (.Vakon) is not a proper name but a passive
(niphal) pte. of the verb kun 4nd means “ prepared ”’ or the
like, as the Targum renders it.
402
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 80--84
the king and all the people with him, chanting in
praise of God and singing all manner of native
melodies ; thus, with the mingled sounds of stringed
instruments and with daneing and singing to the harp,
as well as with trumpets and cymbals, they escorted
the ark to Jerusalem. When they had come as far as Death of
the threshing-floor of Cheidin*—so the place was (One
called —Ozas >met his death through the wrath of ?Sam. vi. 6;
God, for, when the oxen tilted the ear forward, he xiii. 9.
stretched out his hand in an attempt to hold it in
place and, because he had touched it though not a
priest, God caused his death. Both the king and his
people were displeased at the death of Ozas, and the
place where he died is called Breach of Ozas.¢ David,
therefore, fearful at the thought that he might suffer
the same fate as Ozas if he received the ark into his
house in the city, sinee the former had perished in this
way merely because he had stretched out his hand
toward it, did not bring it into his house in the city ;
instead he brought it Delsenvhere to a certain place The ark is
left with
belonging to a riehteous man named Obadaros,® a Obved-Edom
Levite/ by descent, and deposited the ark with him. None Ra
It remained there fhe three whole months and brought months. τ
inerease to Obadaros’s house, πᾷ for himself procur red te
great good. But when the king heard what had be- *ii 18.
fallen Obadaros, and that from his former poverty and
ὃ Bibl: Uzzah, rxx Od
¢ This explanation of Uzzah’s death is not given in Scrip-
ture, but is derived by Josephus, as by the rabbis, from the
Mosaic prescriptions, Num. iv. 5 ff., concerning the duties of
priests and Levites in transporting the ark.
4 Bibl. Perez-Uzzah. Josephus follows the Ltxx in trans-
lating Perez (Peres) “ breach’ by διακοπή.
* Bibl. Obed-Edom, Lxx ᾿Λβεδδαρά, Luc. ᾿Α βεδδαδάν.
7 According to 1 Chron. xv. 18. In 2 Sam. vi. 10 he is
called a Gittite, 7.e. a native of Gath.
4.03
80
87
JOSEPHUS
τέρας πενίας καὶ ταπεινότητος ἀθρόως εὐδαίμων
καὶ ζηλωτὸς γέγονε παρὰ πᾶσι τοῖς ὁρῶσι καὶ
πυνθανομένοις τὴν οἰκίαν αὐτοῦ, θαρσήσας ὡς
οὐδενὸς κακοῦ πειρασόμενος τὴν κιβωτὸν πρὸς
αὑτὸν μετακομίζει, τῶν μὲν ἱερέων βασταζόντων
αὐτήν, ἑπτὰ δὲ χορῶν ods διεκόσμησεν ὁ δ βασιλεὺς
προαγόντων, αὐτοῦ δ᾽ ἐν κινύρᾳ παίζοντος καὶ κρο-
τοῦντος, ὥστε καὶ τὴν γυναῖκα MuydAnv? Σαούλου
δὲ θυγατέρα τοῦ πρώτου βασιλέως ἰδοῦσαν αὐτὸν
τοῦτο ποιοῦντα χλευάσαι. εἰσκομίσαντες δὲ τὴν
κιβωτὸν τιθέασιν ὑπὸ τὴν σκηνήν, ἣν Δαυίδης
ἔπηξεν αὐτῇ," καὶ θυσίας τελείας" καὶ εἰρηνικὰς
ἀνήνεγκε, καὶ τὸν ὄχλον εἱστίασε πάντα καὶ γυ-
ναιξὶ καὶ ἀνδράσι καὶ νηπίοις διαδοὺς κολλυρίδα
ἄρτου καὶ ἐσχαρίτην καὶ λάγανον τηγανιστὸν καὶ
μερίδα θύματος. καὶ τὸν μὲν λαὸν οὕτως κατ-
ευωχήσας ἀπέπεμψεν, αὐτὸς δ᾽ εἰς τὸν οἶκον τὸν
αὑτοῦ παραγίνεται.
(3) Παραστᾶσα δὲ αὐτῷ Μιχάλη ἡ 7 γυνὴ Σαούλου
δὲ θυγάτηρ τά τε ἄλλα αὐτῷ KATNUXETO καὶ παρὰ
τοῦ θεοῦ γενέσθαι ἤτει πάνθ᾽ ὅσα παρασχεῖν αὐτῷ
δυνατὸν εὐμενεῖ τυγχάνοντι, καὶ δὴ κατεμέμψατο
ὡς ἀκοσμήσειεν ὀρχούμενος ὁ τηλικοῦτος βασιλεὺς
1 τῆς προτέρας om. ROM Exe.
2 λιελχάλην RE: Μελχόλην SP Lat. hic et infra.
3 post αὐτῇ lacunam statuit Niese hand recte.
4 τελείας] re ἐπετέλεσε πολυτελεῖς (om. τε Exc.) MSP Exc.
πολυτελῶς 1): copiosas Lat.
¢ An amplification of 2 Sam. vi. 11 ‘‘ and the Lord blessed
Obed-Edom and all his house.”
> Josephus here follows the order of 2 Sam.; in 1 Chron.
the narrative of the ark’s entry is preceded by an account of
401
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIL. 84-87
humble station he had all at once risen to prosperity
and become an objeet of envy to all those who saw his
house or heard about it,? he was cncouraged in the
belief that he would suffer no harm, and removed the
ark to his own house.? It was carried by the priests
and these were preceded by seven choirs ° whom the
king had marshalled, while he himself played the
harp and loudly plucked its strings,? so that Michalé,?
the daughter of Saul the first king, laughed mockingly
to see fan act in this way. Then they brought the
ark into the city and placed it under a tent which
David had set up for it, and he sacrificed whole burnt-
offerings and peace-ofterings, and feasted the people,
distributing among men, women and children twists
of bread, ash-baked bread, fried mealcakes and a
portion of the sacrifice. Having thus entertained
the people, he dismissed them, while he himself went
to his own home.
(3) Then Michalé his wife, the daughter of Saul,
eame to his side and invoked blessings upon him and
also asked of God that all those things should be °
granted him which He in His graciousness might
bestow.2 ' None the less, she reproached him for ‘his
unseemly behaviour in dancing—so great a king as
Hiram’s embassy, David’s family, and the preparation of the
Levites (1 Chron, xiv.-xv. 2-4).
¢ So the rxx, 2 Sam. vi. 13; the Heb. has something quite
different, “ἡ And when those who bore the ark had gone six
paces, they sacrificed an ox and a fatling’’; 1 Chron. xv. 26
‘‘ those who bore the ark sacrifieed seven bullocks and seven
rains.” 4 Or perhaps “ stamped his feet.”
¢ Bibl. Michal, cf. § 25 note.
7 The last is a detail added by Josephus.
9 Scripture says nothing of Michal’s blessing, but merely
that she came to meet David and reproached him for his
unseemly conduct.
405
David
dances
before
the ark.
2Sam. vi. 14.
Michal
rebukes
David.
2 Samm. vi. 20.
88
89
90
91
JOSEPHUS
Kal γυμνούμενος ὑπὸ τῆς ὀρχήσεως Kat ev δούλοις
καὶ ἐν θεραπαινίσιν. ὁ δ᾽ οὐκ αἰδεῖσθαι ταῦτα
ποιήσας εἰς τὸ τῷ θεῷ κεχαρισμένον ἔφασκεν,
ὃς αὐτὸν καὶ τοῦ πατρὸς αὐτῆς καὶ τῶν ἄλλων
ἁπάντων προετίμησε- παίξειν τε πολλάκις καὶ χορεύ-
σειν, μηδένα τοῦ δόξαι ταῖς θεραπαινίσιν αἰσχρὸν
καὶ αὐτῇ τὸ γινόμενον ποιησάμενος λόγον. ἡ δὲ
Μιχάλη αὕτη Aavidn μὲν συνοικοῦσα παῖδας οὐκ
ἐποιήσατο, γαμηθεῖσα δὲ ὕστερον ᾧ παρέδωκεν
αὐτὴν ὁ πατὴρ Σαοῦλος, τότε δὲ ἀποσπάσας αὐτὸς
εἶχε, πέντε παῖδας ἔτεκε. καὶ περὶ μὲν τούτων
κατὰ χώραν δηλώσομεν.
(4) “Ορῶν δ᾽ ὁ βασιλεὺς κατὰ πᾶσαν αὐτῷ τὰ
πράγματα σχεδὸν ἡμέραν ἀμείνω γινόμενα ἐκ τῆς
τοῦ θεοῦ βουλήσεως ἐνόμιζεν ἐξαμαρτάνειν αὑτόν
εἰ μένων αὐτὸς ἐν οἴκοις ἐκ κέδρου πεποιημένοις
ὑψηλοῖς τε καὶ καλλίστην τὴν ἄλλην κατασκευὴν
ἔχουσι περιορᾷ τὴν κιβωτὸν ἐν σκηνῇ κειμένην"
ἐβούλετο δὲ τῷ θεῷ κατασκευάσαι ναόν, ὡς
Μωυσῆς προεῖπε, καὶ περὶ τούτων Ναθᾳ τῷ
προφήτῃ διαλεχθείς, ἐπεὶ ποιεῖν ὃ τι περ ὥρμηται
προσέταξεν αὐτὸν ὡς τοῦ θεοῦ πρὸς ἅπαντ᾽ αὐτῷ
συνεργοῦ παρόντος, εἶχεν ἤδη περὶ τὴν τοῦ ναοῦ
κατασκευὴν προθυμότερον. τοῦ θεοῦ δὲ κατ᾽
1 raitew ... χορεύσειν)] Niese: παίζειν... χορεῦσαι codd.
2 + oY a
2 εἶπε RO.
8 Νάθαν O: Ναθάνᾳ MSP Exe.: Nathan Lat. hic et infra.
¢ Similar to the txx, 2 Sam. vi. 22 ἔσομαι ἀχρεῖος ἐν
ὀφθαλμοῖς σου καὶ μετὰ τῶν παιδισκῶν ὧν εἶπάς pe μὴ δοξασθῆναι
(v.l. om. (ἡ); Heb. “1 shall be base in mine own eyes, and
406
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 87-92
he was—and in uncovering himself, as he daneed,
in the presenee of slaves and maid-servants. He
replied, however, that he was not ashamed of having
done what was pleasing to God, who had honoured
him above her father and all other men, and that he
would often play and dance without caring whether
his actions seemed disgraceful to her maid-servants 4
or herself. Now this Michalé, while she lived with
David, bore no children, but, after her later marriage
to the man ὃ on whom her father Saul bestowed her—
at this particular time David, who had taken her
away from him was again her husband—she bore five
children. But of this we shall treat in its proper
place.¢
(4) When the king saw that almost from day to
day his affairs prospered more and more by the will
of God, he thought that he should be guilty of sin if,
while hie himself lodged in a lofty dw elline made of
eedar wood and beautifully appointed in otter ways,
he allowed the ark to lie in a tent. He wished,
therefore, to build sueh a temple to God as Moses
had formerly spoken of, and after discussing this with
the prophet Nathan, when he bade him do as he was
minded, seeing that God was with him to help him
in all things, he beeame still more eager to build the
temple. But God appeared to Nathan that very
with the handmaids of whom thou hast spoken, with them
I shall have honour.”
>’ Adriel, the son of Barzillai, 2 Sam. xxi. 8.
¢ Josephus harmonizes the contradictions in Scripture.
According to 2 Sam. vi. 23 Michal had no children as long as
she lived, but 2 Sam. xxi. 8 states that she oe five children
to Adriel Rabbinic tradition following the ‘Targum holds
that the five children were Merab’s but were brought up by
Michal (ef. Lue. which has Merab for Miehal in 2 Sam. xxi. 8).
4 Michal is not mentioned again in our text of Josephus.
VOL. v 2D 407
David plans
to build a
temple,
but God
? disapproves.
2 Sain. vii.1;
1 Chron.
xvii. 1.
93
94
95
JOSEPHUS
ἐκείνην τὴν νύκτα τῷ Νάθᾳ φανέντος καὶ φράσαι
κελεύσαντος τῷ Δαυίδῃ ὡς τὴν μὲν προαίρεσιν
αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν ἐπιθυμίαν' ἀποδέχεται, μηδενὸς μὲν
πρότερον εἰς νοῦν βαλομένου ναὸν αὐτῷ κατα-
σκευάσαι, τούτου δὲ ταύτην τὴν διάνοιαν λαβόντος"
οὐκ ἐπιτρέπειν δὲ πολλοὺς πολέμους ἠγωνισμένῳ
καὶ φόνῳ τῶν ἐχθρῶν μεμιασμένῳ ποιῆσαι ναὸν
αὐτῷ. μετὰ μέντοι γε τὸν θάνατον αὐτοῦ, γηράσαν -
τος ‘Kal “μακρὸν ἀνύσαντος βίον, γενήσεσθαι' τὸν
ναὸν ὑπὸ τοῦ παιδὸς τοῦ μετ᾽ αὐτὸν τὴν βασιλείαν
παραληψομένου κληθησομένου δὲ “Σολομῶνος, οὗ
προστήσεσθαι καὶ προνοήσειν ὡς πατὴρ υἱοῦ
κατεπηγγέλλετο, τὴν μὲν βασιλείαν τέκνων ἐγγόνοις
φυλάξων καὶ παραδώσων, αὐτὸν δὲ τιμωρήσων,
ἂν ἁμαρτὼν τύχῃ, νόσῳ καὶ γῆς ἀφορίᾳ. μαθὼν
ταῦτα παρὰ τοῦ προφήτου Δαυίδης καὶ περιχαρὴς
γενόμενος ἐπὶ τῷ τοῖς ἐγγόνοις αὐτοῦ τὴν ἀρχὴν
διαμένουσαν ἐγνωκέναι βεβαίως, καὶ τὸν οἶκον
αὐτοῦ λαμπρὸν ἐσόμενον καὶ περιβόητον πρὸς τὴν
κιβωτὸν παραγίνεται: καὶ πεσὼν ἐπὶ πρόσωπον
ἤρξατο προσκυνεῖν καὶ περὶ πάντων εὐχαριστεῖν
τῷ θεῷ, ὧν τε αὐτῷ παρέσχηκεν ἤδη ἐκ ταπεινοῦ
καὶ ποιμένος εἰς τηλικοῦτο μέγεθος ἡγεμονίας
τε καὶ δόξης ἀναγαγών, ὧν τε τοῖς ἐγγόνοις
αὐτοῦ καθυπέσχετο, ἔτι δὲ περὶ τῆς προνοίας, ἣν
1 + λίαν ROS.
2 Niese: γενέσθαι RO: ἔσεσθαι rell.: faciendum Lat.
3 ἔτι δὲ περὶ ex Lat. add. Niese: καὶ Naber cum Hudson.
α This expression of God's approval is unscriptural.
be TsChrony νης Ὁ,
¢ 2 Sam. vii. 14 ‘* with the rod of men and with the stripes
of the children of men,’ which some rabbinic authorities take
to mean evil spirits.
405
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 92-95
night and bade him tell David that while He approved
of his purpose and desire—for no one before him had
taken it into his mind to build Him a temple. as
David had thought to do—,? still He could not permit
him to construct a temple for Him, because he had
fought in many wars and was stained with the blood
of his enemies®; but in any case, He said, after
David’s death at an advanced age and at the end of
a long life, the temple should be brought into being }
by his son and successor to the kingdom, whose name
would be Solomon, and whom He promised to watch
over and eare for as a father for his son, and to pre-
serve the kingdom for his children’s children and
transmit it to them, but He would punish him, if he
sinned, with sickness and barrenness of the soil.¢
When David heard this from the prophet, he rejoiced
greatly to know assuredly that the royal power would
remain with his descendants and that his house would
become glorious and renowned. Then he went to
the ark and, falling on his face,? began to worship God
and render thanks to Hin for all that He had already
done for him in raising him from the humble station
of a shepherd to so great a height of power and
glory,® and for His promise to his descendants, and
¢ 9 Sam. vil. 18 “and he sat befure the Lord> (1.6. the
arl).’?> Rappaport suggests that Josephus’s paraphrase
(“ falling on his face’ instead of “ sat ’’) nay have some
connexion with the controversy in the Hasmonean period
between the partisans of the king and those of the high priests
as to whether kings of Davidic lineage had the right to sit in
the temple court or not, and that the controversy centred
about the interpretation of the verb ‘‘sat”’ in this verse of
Scripture.
¢ In Seripture the reference to David’s humble origin is
found earlier (2 Sam. vii. 8) in God’s charge to David by
Nathan, and not in David’s prayer, as in Josephus.
409
God’s
promise
concerning
Solomon,
2 Sam.
Wied;
1 Chron.
xvii, dd.
96
97
98
99
JOSEPHUS
e ’ 3 ~
EBpaiwy καὶ τῆς τούτων ἐλευθερίας ἐποιήσατο.
~ 3 2 \
ταῦτ᾽ εἰπὼν Kat Tov θεὸν ὑμνήσας ἀπαλλάσσεται.
(v. 1) Διαλιπὼν δὲ ὀλίψον χρόνον ἔγνω δεῖν ἐπὶ
‘ , ‘
tous []αλαιστίνους ἐκστρατεύειν, Kal μηδὲν ἀργὸν
A es >] ~ ~ /
μηδὲ ῥάθυμον ἐν τοῖς πράγμασιν περιορᾶν' ywo-
ΑΝ] A ~ ~
μενον, ἵν ὡς τὸ θεῖον αὐτῷ προεῖπε καταστρε-
’ὔ A ‘
ψάμενος τοὺς πολεμίους ἐν εἰρήνῃ τὸ λοιπὸν τοὺς
> / ~
ἐκγόνους αὐτοῦ βασιλεύοντας καταλείποι. καὶ συγ-
/ / ~
καλέσας πάλιν τὴν στρατιὰν καὶ παραγγείλας αὐτῇ
A , e
πρὸς πόλεμον ἑτοίμην καὶ παρεσκευασμένην τυγ-
ul δι 3 “- ~ >
Xavew, ὅτ᾽ ἔδοξεν αὐτῷ καλῶς ἔχειν τὰ παρ
> ~ ow ; ~ e / δον δ Α
αὐτῆς, apas ἐκ τῶν Ἱεροσολύμων ἐπὶ τοὺς [[αλαι-
f e ~ ~ Ἁ
στίνους ἧκε. κρατήσας δ᾽ αὐτῶν τῇ μάχῃ καὶ
‘ “~ ’
πολλὴν τῆς χώρας ἀποτεμόμενος καὶ προσορίσας
~ ~ e “4 > 4 A , \ ,
τῇ τῶν “Ἑβραίων, ἐπὶ τοὺς MwaBitas τὸν πόλεμον
΄ ‘ ~ ~
μετήγαγε, Kal τὰ μὲν δύο μέρη τῆς στρατιᾶς
’ ~ ~ , / / 3 ,: ’ὔ
αὐτῶν τῇ μάχη νικήσας διέφθειρε, τὸ δὲ λειπόμενον
3 ,ὔ ” 7 ‘ > ~ > /
αἰχμάλωτον ἔλαβε. φόρους δὲ αὐτοῖς ἐπιτάξας
> ee ae ee , 2 ee a \
κατ᾽ ἔτος τελεῖν ἐπὶ ᾿Αδράζαρον" τὸν ᾿Αραοῦ μὲν
εν / A “~ >a: ~ 3 / A
υἱὸν βασιλέα δὲ τῆς Σωφηνῆς ἐστράτευσε, καὶ συμ-
~ / A ~
βαλὼν αὐτῷ παρὰ tov Εὐφράτην ποταμὸν τῶν μὲν
“- 2 “~ / e - / ~ >
πεζῶν αὐτοῦ διέφθειρεν ὡσεὶ δισμυρίους, τῶν ὃ
1 Naber: ὁρᾶν codd.
2 ᾿Αρτάζαρον ROE.
@¢ The account of the preparations is an amplification of
Scripture, which merely says, ‘“* And after this David smote
the Philistines.”
δ 1 Chron, xviii. 1 ‘and took Gath and its villages out
of the hand of the Philistines’; the parallel verse 2 Sam.
viii. I, “‘and David took Metheg-ha-ammah, etc.,”’ is obscure
410
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 95-99
also for His care of the Hebrews and their liberty.
When he had so spoken and recited the praises of
God, he departed.
(v. 1) After a short interval of time, he decided that David's
he ought to march against the Philistines, and not }00""*
permit any idleness or slackness in his conduct of Philistines,
affairs, in order that he might, as God had foretold oe
to him, overthrow his enemies and leave behind de- a
seendants who would reign thereafter in peace. So 1 Chron.
once again he assembled his army and gave them τα
orders to be in readiness and equipped for war, and,
when they seemed to him to be in good condition, he
left Jerusalem and advanced upon the Philistines.¢
Having overcome them in battle, he cut off much of
their territory and annexed it to the country of the
Hebrews.> Then he carried the war over to the
Moabites, and, upon defeating them in battle, de-
stroyed two-thirds of their army and took the rest
captive®; he also ordered them to pay a yearly
tribute. He next marched against Adrazaros,? the
son of Araos,’ king of Sophéné’ and encountered
him beside the Euphrates river, where he slew some
twenty thousand of his infantry and about five
and probably corrupt; the txx has καὶ ἔλαβεν Δαυεὶδ τὴν
ἀφωρισμένην ἐκ χειρὸς τῶν ἀλλοφύλων.
¢ 2 Sam. viii. 2 “ And he smote Moab and measured them
with the line, making them lie down on the ground, and he
measured two lines to put to death, and one full line to on
alive.”? Josephus follows the Lxx, which has ἐζώγρησεν “* too
captive ’’ for the Heb. “ keep alive.”
4 Variant Artazaros ; bibl. Hadadezer, Lxx ᾿Αδραάζαρ.
¢ Bibl. Kehob, Τὰν ‘Paas, Luc. ‘Paag.
7 Bibl. Zobah (Sébah), txx Σουβά: an Aramaean state
N.W. of Damascus in the valley between Lebanon and Anti-
Lebanon, aecording to Kraeling, dram and Israel, p. 40.
Josephus’s ‘* Sophene ’’ is misleading, as this is the Greek
name of a district in Armenia.
411
100
10]
102
JOSEPHUS
e ~ ε 3 1 ” \ A > -
ἱπποτῶν ws πεντακισχιλίους. ἔλαβε δὲ Kat αὐτοῦ
oe ~
ἅρματα χίλια, καὶ τὰ πλείω μὲν αὐτῶν ἠφάνισεν,
ἑκατὸν δὲ μόνα προσέταξεν αὑτῷ" φυλαχθῆναι.
{ς > 4 \ e ~ ae ’ \
(2) Axovoas δὲ ὁ Δαμασκοῦ Kat Σύρων βασιλεὺς
i
᾿Αδαδος ὅτι “πολεμεῖ Aavidns TOV ᾿Αδράξαρον,
φίλος ὧν αὐτῷ μετὰ δυνά ἄμεως ἧκεν ἰσχυρᾶς συμ-
μαχήσων:" ἀπήλλαξε δ᾽ οὐχ ὡς" προσεδόκα συμ-
βαλὼν πρὸς τῷ [ὐφράτῃ ποταμῷ, πταίσας δὲ τῇ
μάχῃ πολλοὺς ἀπέβαλε τῶν στρατιωτῶν: ἔπεσον
A Ἶ φ \ ~ e ’ 3 7 ~ 2 lA
yap ὑπὸ τῶν “Ιβραίων ἀναιρούμενοι τῆς ᾿Αδάδου
“ 2
δυνάμεως δισμύριοι, of δὲ λοιποὶ πάντες ἔφυγον.
/ 4 “ ~ ’ Ἁ Υ̓ ’ >
μέμνηται δὲ τούτου τοῦ βασιλέως Kat Νικόλαος ἐν
τῇ τετάρτῃ τῶν ἱστοριῶν λέγων οὕτως" “᾿ μετὰ δὲ
ταῦτα πολλῷ χρόνῳ ὕστερον τῶν ἐγχωρίων τις
” wv ~ 3 ’ ~ \
Adados ὄνομα πλεῖον ἰσχύσας Δαμασκοῦ τε καὶ
THs ἄλλης © Συρίας ἔξω Φοινίκης ἐβασίλευσε. πόλε-
μον θ᾽ ἐξενέγκας πρὸς Δαυίδην βασιλέα τῆς
᾿Ιουδαίας καὶ πολλαῖς μάχαις κριθείς, ὑστάτῃ δὲ
παρὰ τὸν υὐφράτην, ἐν ἧ WTTaTO, ἄριστος ἔδοξεν
εἶναι βασιλέων ῥώμῃ καὶ ἀνδρείᾳ.᾽ πρὸς τούτοις
δὲ καὶ περὶ τῶν ἀπογόνων αὐτοῦ φησιν, ὡς μετὰ
4 3 “ \ > , 9 3 14 \
τὴν ἐκείνου τελευτὴν ἐξεδέχοντο παρ᾽ ἀλλήλων καὶ
τὴν βασιλείαν καὶ τὸ ὄνομα, λέγων οὕτως" “᾿ τελευ-
τήσαντος δὲ ἐκείνου ἀπόγονοι ἐπὶ δέκα γενεὰς
“- \
ἐβασίλευον ἑκάστου mapa τοῦ πατρὸς ἅμα καὶ τὴν
3 A
ἀρχὴν" Kal τοὔνομ᾽ ἐκδεχομένου, ὥσπερ ot IIroXe-
1 ἑπτακισχιλίους MSP. 2 edd.: αὐτῷ eodd.
3 οὐχ ὡς] Niese: ὡς ROM: ws od P.
4 ὡς δισμύριοι EK, Lat.
δ x. τ᾿ ἀρχὴν) τῇ ἀρχῇ MSP Lat.
@ 7000 according to 1 Chron. and the ταν in 2 ὅπη, ef.
variant in Josephus; 1700 according to the Heb. of 2 Sam.
412
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 99-102
thousand @ of his eavalry. He also seized a thousand
of his chariots, most of which he destroyed, and
ordered that only one hundred be kept for himself.
(2) Now when Adados,? king of Damaseus and
Syria,” heard that David was warring with Adrazaros,
whose friend he was, he went to his aid with a power-
ful force, but came off otherwise than he had expected
when he encountered David at the Euphrates river,
and, as a result of his defeat in the battle, lost many
of his men. For there fell at the hands of the
Hebrews twenty thousand ὁ of Adados’s force, and
all the rest fled. This king is also mentioned by
Nicolas in the fourth book of his History, who writes
as follows: “A long while after this, one of the
natives, Adados by name, attained to great power
and beeame ruler of Damascus and the rest of Syria
excepting Phoenicia. He waged war against David,
king of Judaea, and, after trial of many battles, the
last of which was fought beside the Euphrates, where
he was defeated, he gained the reputation of being
the most vigorous and eourageous of kings.’’ In
addition, he speaks also of his descendants and tells
how, ate his death, they sueceeded one another in
his kingdom and his name. This is what he says:
‘Upon. his death, his posterity reigned for ten
generations, each receiving from his father both his
authority and his name, as did the Ptolemies in
> The king’s name is not given in Scripture, which has
*“ Aram of Damascus,”’ i.e. the Aramaeans of Damascus,
Lxx Συρία Δαμασκοῦ (Chron, Σύρος ἐκ Δαμασκοῦ). Syria is
the Greek name for the Heb. Aram. As Weill suggests,
Josephus probably took the name Adados from Nicolas’s
account, which follows.
¢ Bibl. 22,000.
4 On the historian Nicolas of Dam: iscus, a contemporary
of Herod the Great, cf. A. i. 94 note.
413
David's
victory
over the
king of
Damascus,
OSaniy. Vill,
τ: 1 Chron,
Xvili. 5.
JOSEPHUS
a ᾽ 2 “4 , Α e 4 A
103 patos ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ. μέγιστον δὲ ἁπάντων δυνηθεὶς
¢ ~
ὁ τρίτος ἀναμαχέσασθαι βουλόμενος τὴν τοῦ προ-
4 Ὄ ? > >
πάτορος ἧτταν στρατεύσας ἐπὶ τοὺς ᾿Ιουδαίους
> ὔ “- δ. A ~ 3}
ἐπόρθησε τὴν νῦν Σαμαρεῖτιν καλουμένην γῆν.
οὐ διήμαρτε δὲ τῆς ἀληθείας: οὗτος γάρ ἐστιν
#
"Adados 6 στρατευσάμενος ἐπὶ Σαμάρειαν ᾿Αχάβου
“- ~ χὰ s
βασιλεύοντος τῶν ᾿Ισραηλιτῶν, περὶ οὗ κατὰ
χώραν' ἐροῦμεν.
A A
104 (3) Δαυώης δὲ στρατευσάμενος emt Aapackov
\ A ” ? “A ? A ¢€ f
Kat τὴν ἄλλην Συρίαν, πᾶσαν αὐτὴν ὑπήκοον
3 7 3 -
ἐποιήσατο, καὶ φρουρὰς ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ καταστήσας
᾿ a ~ , \
καὶ φόρους αὐτοῖς τελεῖν ὁρίσας ὑπέστρεψε: Kat
4 ~ 4
τὰς τε χρυσᾶς φαρέτρας καὶ τὰς πανοπλίας, ἃς οἱ
~ % / 4 ’ ’ὔ 3 ,ὔ ~
τοῦ ᾿Αδάδου σωματοφύλακες ἐφόρουν, ἀνέθηκε τῷ
“- ᾽ ¢ / a ω « “- ᾽ ,
105 θεῷ εἰς “Ἱεροσόλυμα: ἃς ὕστερον ὁ τῶν Λἰγυπτίων
Α .Τ A ¢€ A
βασιλεὺς Lovoakos στρατεύσας ἐπὶ τὸν υἱωνον
αὐτοῦ ‘PoBdapov ἔλαβε καὶ πολὺν ἄλλον ἐκ τῶν
‘| Av > / r ~ ~ A χ
εροσολύμων ἐξεφόρησε πλοῦτον: ταῦτα μὲν ὅταν
, a ~
ἔλθωμεν ἐπὶ τὸν οἰκεῖον αὐτῶν τόπον δηλώσομεν.
e A ~ ~ ~
ὁ δὲ τῶν ᾿βραίων βασιλεὺς τοῦ θεοῦ συμπνέοντος
~ “~ A a
αὐτῷ καὶ τοὺς πολέμους συγκατορθοῦντος Kat ταῖς
/ ~ 3 ’ὔ 7 ᾽ ’
καλλίσταις τῶν ᾿Αδραζάρου πόλεων ἐπεστράτευσε
1 + ὕστερον MSP Lat.
© 4nt. Vill 368 ΕΗ,
>In 2 Sam. viii. 7 the Heb. has shilté, here meaning
‘** shields’? according to Jewish tradition; the ~xx has
χλίδωνας “ bracelets” or “ἢ anklets,”? and in 1 Chron. κλοιούς
“collars.” In Ezek. xxvii. 11 the uxx translates shilté by
φαρέτρας “ quivers,’’ as does Josephus here.
414.
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 103-105
Egypt. The most powerful of all these kings was
the third, who, in his desire to make good his erand-
father’s detec. marched against the ee and saeked
the country now called ΠΕ ΕΟ ΕΣ And in so writ-
ing he has not departed from the truth, for this is the
Adados who invaded Samaria when Anal reigned
over the Israelites. About this we shall speak in the
proper place.%
(3) David then led his army against Damascus and
the rest of Syria, and made all of it subject to him ;
and, after stationing garrisons in their country and
fixing the amount of tribute they must pay, he re- 6
turned home. The gold quivers® and the suits of xvii
armour’ which the bodyguards of Adados ὁ wore,
he dedicated to God in Jerusalem. These were after-
wards taken by the Egyptian king Susakos,’ who
marched against David's grandson aRaposas! and
carried off much other wealth from Jerusalem. But
these things we shall narrate when we come to their
proper plaee.? Now the king of the Hebrews, with the
encouragement of God w ho gave him success in war,
attacked the fairest of Adrazaros’s eities, Battaia”
¢ Not mentioned in Scripture.
¢ He * the servants of Hadadezer.”’
Bibl. Shishak, xx Loveaxeiu. Josephus here follows
the Lxx, whieh ἀΠΠΟΙΡΟΙς 5 the invasion of Shishak (described
later in 1 Kings xiv. 25 ff.), while the Heb. omits it at this
point. Inthe later passage the Fleb. mentions only Shishak’s
taking the gold shiclds which Solomon had made, while the
uxx adds a reference to the spears taken by David from the
servants of Hadadezer.
f Bibl. Rehoboam, cf. § 190 note.
o Ae Nils Bom
*2 Sam. Betah, rxx Μετεβάκ, MacBdx xrd.: 1 Chron.
TVibhath, rxx Μεταβηχάς, Mare8é@ xrd., Luc. Ταβάθ. (The
syllable μα- or we in the Lxx forms has arisen from the I[eb.
preposition mi “ἢ from”? before the name ‘Tibhath.)
415
Tribute and
, spoil taken
from the
Sans:
2 2 Sain. Vill.
. 1 Chron,
6.
JOSEPHUS
, 4 ’ Ἁ A ᾽ A Ἁ
Βατταίᾳ καὶ δίάχωνι, καὶ λαβὼν αὐτὰς κατὰ
Ul \ 3 “a
106 κράτος διήρπασε. χρυσὸς δ᾽ ἐν αὐταῖς εὑρέθη
, 4 » “a
πάμπολυς καὶ ἄργυρος ἔτι δὲ Kal χαλκός, ὃν τοῦ
~ > ‘ Ἁ
χρυσοῦ κρείττον᾽ ἔλεγον, ἐξ οὗ καὶ Σολομὼν τὸ
~ Ἁ
μέγα σκεῦος θάλασσαν δὲ καλούμενον ἐποίησε καὶ
\ , ~ cd ~ ~
τοὺς καλλίστους ἐκείνους λουτῆρας, ὅτε TH θεῷ
τὸν ναὸν κατεσκεύασεν.
£ ~ > / 4 4 \
10] (4) (Qs δὲ ὁ τῆς ᾿Αμάθης βασιλεὺς τὰ περὶ τὸν
3 ΄ 3 ’ \ \ / 3 ~
Adpalapov ἐπύθετο καὶ τὴν δύναμιν αὐτοῦ διεφθαρ-
“ »ὕ ~
μένην ἤκουσε, δείσας περὶ αὑτῷ Kat τὸν Aavidny
‘ > } bn) ” 1 , \ ; ‘
πριν ἐπ᾿ αὐτὸν ἐλθοιΐ φιλίᾳ καὶ πίστει γνοὺς
> / / \ ᾽ 4 > ᾽ὔ’ €A
ἐνδήσασθαι, πέμπει πρὸς αὐτὸν ᾿Αδώραμον υἱὸν
᾽ “ \ \ “" ‘ 3 “ 3 Ἁ Μ 3
αὐτοῦ καὶ περὶ τοῦ τὸν ᾿Αδράζαρον ἐχθρὸν ὁντ
> ~ ~ / ᾽ ~ \
αὐτῷ πολεμῆσαι χάριν ἔχειν ὁμολογῶν, Kat συμ-
’ὔ A
108 μαχίαν πρὸς αὐτὸν Kat φιλίαν ποιούμενος. ἔπεμψε
3 ~ ~ ~ ~
δ᾽ αὐτῷ καὶ δῶρα σκεύη τῆς ἀρχαίας κατασκευῆς
/ 3 4
χρύσεα Kal ἀργύρεα καὶ χάλκεα. Aavidns δὲ
ἃ “A ~
ποιησάμενος τὴν συμμαχίαν πρὸς τὸν Θαῖνον, τοῦτο
Ἁ > ~ ~ “
γὰρ ἦν ὄνομα τῷ βασιλεῖ τῆς ᾿Αμάθης, Kat τὰ
~ 3 ~
δῶρα δεξάμενος ἀπέλυσεν αὐτοῦ τὸν υἱὸν μετὰ
~ ~ ὔ ς
τιμῆς τῆς πρεπούσης ἑκατέροις. τὰ δὲ πεμφθέντα
> ~ \ ’
ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ Kat Tov ἄλλον χρυσὸν καὶ ἄργυρον, ὃν ἐκ
~ 3 , ~ > ~
τῶν πόλεων εἰλήφει καὶ τῶν κεχειρωμένων ἐθνῶν,
109 φέρων ἀνατίθησι τῷ θεῷ. od« αὐτῷ δὲ πολεμοῦντι
1 Niese: ἔλθῃ codd.
¢ Cf. 1 Chron,. Heb, Sanikkin “and from Kun (?)*';
2? Sam. Berothai. In both places the rxx has “ἢ from the
chosen cities,” probably reading behiurdth “ chosen ”’ (pass.
pte. fem. pl.) instead of Beréthay.
» Scripture does not mention gold or silver at this point
2 Sam. viii. 8), but in vs. 11 speaks of the silver and gold
416
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIT. 105-109
and Mach6n,* took them by storm and plundered
them. ‘There was found in them a great amount of
gold and silver ® and that kind of Bronze: said to be
finer than gold, out of which Solomon made the great
vessel called “ sea,’ and those very beautiful lavers,
when he built the temple to God.4
(4) When the king of Amathé ὁ learned of Adra-
zaros’s fate and heard that his army had been de-
stroyed, he became alarmed for himself and decided,
before David should conie against him, to bind him
by a sworn agrcement of friendship. He therefore
sent his son Addramos 7 to him, expressing his thanks
to him for having made war on Adrazaros who was his
enemy, and offering to make an alliance of friend-
ship with him. He also sent him presents of gold,
silver and bronze vessels of ancient workmanship.9
David thereupon made an alliance with uns ἘΞ
that was the name οὗ the king of Am
having accepted the gifts, sent away his son ἢ the
honours befitting both sides. The objects sent by
Thainos and the. rest of the gold and silver which he
had taken from the conquered cities and nations, he
earried away and dedicated to God. Now it was not
““that he had dedicated of all nations that he had sub-
dued.”’
¢ A.V. translates Heb. nehosheth (Lxx χαλκός) by “ brass.””
@ These details about Solomon’s vessels are found in
1 Chron. and in the txx of 2 Sam., but are omitted in the
Heb. of the latter book. .
κ 10]. ‘Hamath; uxx Hudé, (luc. (Chron.) Αἱμάθ: an
important [littite city on the river Orontes in N. Syria. On
the king’s name cf. § 108 note.
7 So Lue. in 1 Chron. where the txx has ᾿Ιδουραάμ and
the Heb. Hadoram ; 2 Sam. Joram (Yordm), xx 'leddoupay,
σι Ancient workmanship ”’ is a detail added by Josephus.
2 Sam. Toi (70%), txx Θούον, Θόου, Caer; 1 Chron. Tou
(Td ἃ), Lxx Oda, Θόου.
417
Alliance
with the
king of
Hainath
(Amathé).
2 Sam. viii.
23.1 Chron,
XVHL 9.
110
JOSEPHUS
~ ~ a A
μόνον Kal τῆς στρατιᾶς yyoupévw TO νικᾶν Kal
~ - ς 4 > 4 \ tA
κατορθοῦν παρεῖχεν ὁ θεός, ἀλλὰ καὶ πέμψαντος
> ~ 3 4 > A 93 , 3 “-
αὐτοῦ μετὰ δυνάμεως εἰς τὴν ᾿Ιδουμαίαν ᾿Αβισαῖον
~ 3
τὸν ᾿Ιωάβου τοῦ ἀρχιστρατήγου; ἀδελφόν, δι
> a A ~ 3 ,’ 4 ww ,
ἐκείνου τὴν τῶν ᾿Ιδουμαίων νίκην ἔδωκε: μυρίους
γὰρ αὐτῶν καὶ ὀκτακισχιλίους ᾿Αβισαῖος διέφθειρε
“~ , . A > 4 σ A
τῇ μάχῃ. Kat τὴν ᾿Ιδουμαίαν ἅπασαν φρουραῖς
N ς ‘ Fé e f ~ , \
διαλαβὼν ὁ βασιλεὺς φόρους ὑπέρ τε τῆς χώρας Kat
~ ς f ~ > 3 ~ > ’ > 3
τῆς ἑκάστου κεφαλῆς παρ᾽ αὐτῶν ἐδέχετο. ἦν δὲ
, , A 7 Ἁ Ἁ , ‘ Ἁ
καὶ δίκαιος τὴν φύσιν καὶ τὰς κρίσεις πρὸς τὴν
3 7 3 ~ > - A A « 7
ἀλήθειαν ἀφορῶν ἐποιεῖτο. στρατηγὸν δὲ ἁπάσης
~ “ A 3 f > | A ~ ς
εἶχε τῆς στρατιᾶς τὸν ᾿Ιώαβον’ ἐπὶ δὲ τῶν ὑπο-
’ὔ > 4 4 > | 4 a
μνημάτων ᾿Ιωσάφατον υἱὸν ᾿Αχίλου κατέστησεν"
ἀπέδειξε δ᾽ ἐκ τῆς Φινεέσου οἰκίας τὸν Σ άδωκον
ἀρχιερέα μετ᾽ ᾿Αβιαθάρου, φίλος γὰρ ἦν αὐτῷ.
,ὔ ν᾿ τὶ oo ae. , t \ a
γραμματέα δὲ Σεισὰν" ἐποίησε: Bavaia δὲ τῷ
92 4 A ~ , 3 ‘
Ιωάδου τὴν τῶν σωματοφυλάκων ἀρχὴν παρα-
1 ἀντιστρ. ROM! hic et infra.
2 σὰ RO: Isan Lat.
@ So 1 Chron. ; in 2 Sam. the victory over Edom (Idumaea)
is attributed to David himself, but here the Heb. has Aram
λον Syrians *),. ἃ ‘corruption, of δῆ: °Cf.-also the
superscription of Ps. lx., where the victory seems to be attri-
buted to Joab.
> An amplification of 2 Sam. viii. 14 (1 Chron. xviii. 13),
‘and he put governors (nesibim: A.V. “ garrisons ’’) in
Edom, throughout all Edom he put governors.”’ Rabbinic
commentators explain nesibim as otheers to collect taxes.
¢ Bibl. Ahilud, uxx ᾿Αχειά, ᾿Αχιλούδ «7d, Luc. ᾿Αχειναάβ.
418
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 109-110
only when he himself fought and led the army that
God granted him victory aiid suceess, but even when
he ont Abisai, the brother of Joab the commander- ὃ
in-chief, with a force into Idumaea, God gave David,
through him, victory over the Idumaeans, of whom
Abisai slew eighteen thousand in battle.¢ The king
then occupied the whole of Idumaea with garrisons
and collected tribute both from the country (as a
whole) and from the separate individuals therein.?
He was of a just nature and. when he gave Judgement,
considered only the truth. As general of his entire
army he had Joab; as keeper of the records he
appointed Josaphat the son of Achilos*; from the
house of Phinees ὁ he chose Sadok as high priest
together with Abiathar, who was his friend®; he
made Seisa/’ scribe ; and to Banaia,’ son of Jéados,”
he entrusted the command of the bodyguards, while
@ That is, a descendant of Aaron’s third son Eleazar, father
of Phinehas, whereas Abiathar was supposedly a descendant
of Aaron’s youngest son Ithamar, cf. 4. v. 361 note, viii.
12 note.
¢ Many Biblical critics recognize that 2 Sam. viii. 17, ‘‘ And
Zadok the son of .\hitub, and \himelech the son of Abiathar,
were the priests,”’ should be corrected to read, ‘* And Zadok
and \biathar the son of A\himelech the son of Ahitub were
the priests.” Ahimelech, one father of Abiathar, had been
killed earlier by Saul (ep? 3.1. 260—=1 Sam. ΧΗ ΤΠ Wf),
whereas Abiathar continued to be the chief priest (together
with Zadok) until he was removed by Solomon (cf. 4.
vin. 10. f.= 1) Kings ai 26 ΠΣ Josephus is, therefore,
correct in omitting his name here.
1 Called Susa in §.292 ; 2 Sam. Seraiah, 1xx “Aod, Σασά
xt’. 3 1 Chron. Shaysha, uxx ‘Incots, Moved.
¢ So most ss. of the nxx 3 bibl. Benaiah (Bendyahi),
λ΄ So Lue.; bibl. Jehoiada ( Vehoyddd ), uxx ᾿Ιωδᾶε.
f Bibl. ** Cherethites and Pelethites,” probably Philistine
mercenaries,
419
Subjection
of Edom
({duniaea).
2? Sam. viii.
14; 1 Chron,
XViii. 12,
David's
ofieers,
2 Sam. vill.
Io; 1 Chron
xviii. 18.
111
118
JOSEPHUS
, € ‘ 7 ~ ? ~ 4 4
δίδωσιν: of δὲ πρεσβύτεροι παῖδες αὐτοῦ περὶ TO
σῶμα καὶ τὴν τούτου φυλακὴν ἦσαν.
ἘΣ 7 Ψ A . ~ 4 > ’ \
(5) ᾿μνήσθη δὲ Kat τῶν πρὸς ᾿Ιωνάθην τὸν
“ ~ ἰὴ A ~
Σαούλον παῖδα συνθηκῶν καὶ ὅρκων καὶ τῆς
ἐκείνου πρὸς αὐτὸν φιλίας τε καὶ σπουδῆς" πρὸς
γὰρ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἅπασιν ἀγαθοῖς οἷς εἶχεν ἔτι καὶ
μνημονικώτατος τῶν εὖ ποιησάντων παρὰ τὸν
ἄλλον' “χρόνον ὑπῆρχε. προσέταξεν οὖν ἀναζητεῖν
εἴ τις ἐκ τοῦ γένους αὐτοῦ σώζεται, ᾧ τὰς ἀμοιβὰς
ds ὦφειλεν ᾿Ιωνάθῃ τῆς ἑταιρίας ἀποδώσει: ἀχ-
> ? 4 4
θέντος οὖν τινος ἠλευθερωμένου μὲν ὑπὸ Σαούλου
4 > ~ 4, ~
δυναμένου δὲ γινώσκειν τοὺς EK TOU γένους αὐτοῦ
περιόντας, ἀνέκρινεν εἴ τινα ἔχοι λέγειν τῶν
3 ~ A 4
Ιωνάθῃ προσηκόντων ζῶντα Kat κομίσασθαι τὰς
τῶν εὐεργεσιῶν χάριτας δυνάμενον, ὧν καὶ αὐτὸς
ἔτυχε παρὰ ᾿Ιωνάθου. φήσαντος δ᾽ υἱὸν αὐτοῦ περι-
U / »” rd 4
λείπεσθαι ΔΙεμφίβοσθον ὄνομα πεπηρωμένον τὰς
βάσεις" τῆς γὰρ τροφοῦ μετὰ τὸ προσαγγελθῆναι
τὸν πατέρα τοῦ παιδίου καὶ τὸν πάππον ἐν τῇ
μάχῃ πεσόντας ἁρπασαμένης καὶ φευγούσης, ἀπὸ
τῶν ὥμων αὐτὸ" κατενεχθῆναι καὶ βλαβῆναι τὰς
βάσεις: μαθὼν ὅπου τε καὶ παρὰ τίνι τρέφεται
4 A ‘ ’ 3 ’ ’
πέμψας πρὸς τὸν Δίάχειρον εἰς Λάβαθα πόλιν,
παρὰ τούτῳ γὰρ ὁ ᾿Ιωνάθου παῖς ἐτρέφετο, μετα-
1 ὅλον RO. 2 αὐτὸν MSP.
α “* Elder sons,’’ ete.: so Josephus understands 2 Chron.
xvill. 17, “and the sons of David were first next (lit. ‘Sto the
hand of”) the king,” taking “ἡ first’? as an attributive adj.
with *‘ sons” in the sense of “‘ elder’; cf. Lxx υἱοὶ Aaveid οἱ
πρῶτοι διάδοχοι τοῦ βασιλέως. 2 Sam. viii. 18 reads, “ and
the sons of David were priests ’’ (A.V. “ chief rulers’’); for
6 τος ἃ 9% h was h 6 ἐς f h 39 T ω
priests © the Lxx has “princes of the court, argum
‘* nobles.”
420
-
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 110-113
his elder sons were in attendance on him and guarded
his person.4
(5) He also remembered his sworn eovenant with David's
Jonathan, the son of Saul, and Jonathan’s friendship
and devotion to him, for, beside all the other good
qualities he possessed, was also that of being ever
mindful of those who had benefited him at any time.
Accordingly, he gave orders to inquire whether any
of his family survived, to whom he might repay the
debt he owed Jonathan for his comradeship. There-
upon there was brought to him one of Saul’s freed-
men? who would know whether any of his family
remained alive, and David asked him whether he
could name any kinsman of Jonathan who was alive
and might be the reeipient of kindness in return for
the benefits whieh he himself had received from
Jonathan. The man replied that a son was left to
him, named Memphibosthos,¢ who was crippled in his
feet, for, after the news came that the child’s father
and grandfather had fallen in battle, his nurse had
snatched him up and fled, and he had slipped from
her shoulder, thereby sustaining an injury to his feet.
When David learned where and by whom he was 2
being brought up, he sent to the city of Labatha ἃ to
Macheiros ¢—this was the person by whom Jonathan’s
> Bibl. “ servant.” His name, Siba (bibl. Ziba), is given
below, § 115.
¢ Bibl. Mephibosheth, xx δι εμφιβόσθε, Luc. Μεμφειβάαλ,
His real name was probably Meribbaal (¢f. 1 Chron, viii. 34,
ix. 40), but was altered by Hebrew scribes who disapproved
of the Canaanite Baal-name. For a similar alteration cf,
§ 9 note on Ish-bosheth (Jebosthos).
ἀ Bibl. Lo-debar, uxx Aada Bap, A\wdaS8dap 3 site unidentified
but probably near Mahanaim in Gilead.
“ Bibl. Machir, rxx Maxelp.
421
kindness to
Jonathan’s
son.
2 Sam. ix. 1.
2 Sam. iv. 4,
2? Sam. ix. 4.
111
115
116
117
JOSEPHUS
A
πέμπεται πρὸς αὑτόν. ἐλθὼν δ᾽ ὁ Δἰεμφίβοσθος
\
πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα πεσὼν ἐπὶ πρόσωπον προσ-
εκύνησεν αὐτόν. ὁ δὲ Δαυίδης θαρρεῖν τε πρου-
~ 93 ~
τρέπετο καὶ τὰ βελτίω mpocdoKay: δίδωσι δ᾽ αὐτῷ
A A ~ ~ c
Kal TOV πατρῷον οἶκον Kal πᾶσαν τὴν οὐσίαν, ἣν ὁ
~ 4 ~ 4
πάππος αὐτοῦ Σιαοῦλος ἐκτήσατο, σύσσιτόν τε καὶ
ὁμοτράπεζον ἐκέλευσεν εἶναι καὶ μηδεμίαν ἡμέραν
ἀπολείπεσθαι τῆς σὺν αὐτῷ διαίτης .᾽ τοῦ δὲ
παιδὸς προσκυνήσαντος ἐπί τε τοῖς λόγοις καὶ ταῖς
a “ >
δωρεαῖς, καλέσας τὸν Σιβὰν τὸν πατρῷον οἶκον
ἔλεγε δεδωρῆσθαι τῷ παιδὶ καὶ πᾶσαν τὴν Σαούλου
κτῆσιν, αὐτόν τε ἐκέλευσεν ᾿ἐργαζόμενον αὐτοῦ τὴν
γῆν καὶ προνοούμενον, “ἁπάντων τὴν πρόσοδον εἰς
Ἱεροσόλυμα κομίζειν, ἄγειν τε αὐτὸν καθ ἑκάστην
ἡμέραν ἐπὶ τὴν αὐτοῦ τράπεζαν αὐτόν τε τὸν Σιβὰν
‘ e
Kal τοὺς υἱοὺς αὐτοῦ, ἦσαν δ᾽ οὗτοι πεντεκαίδεκα,
καὶ τοὺς οἰκέτας αὐτοῦ τὸν ἀριθμὸν ὄντας εἴκοσι
τῷ παιδὶ “χαρίζεται Μεμφιβόσθῳ. ταῦτα διαταξα-
“
μένου τοῦ βασιλέως ὁ ὃ μὲν “Pas προσκυνήσας καὶ
πάντα ποιήσειν εἰπὼν ἀνεχώρησεν, ὁ δὲ ᾿Ιωνάθου
παῖς ev ᾿ἱἱεροσολύμοις κατῴκει συνεστιώμενος τῷ
βασιλεῖ καὶ πάσης ὡς υἱὸς αὐτοῦ θεραπείας τυγ-
, ~ ~ ,ὔ
χάνων: ἐγένετο δ᾽ αὐτῷ καὶ παῖς, ὃν Miyavov?
προσηγόρευσε.
. ΄ ~ f
(vi. 1) Kat of μὲν περιλειφθέντες ἐκ τοῦ Σαούλου
“ > \ ,
γένους καὶ ᾿Ιωνάθου τούτων ἔτυχον παρὰ Δαυίδου
~ ~ ~ A
τῶν τιμῶν. τελευτήσαντος δὲ κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον TOV
’ ~ ~ ~ “
χρόνον" τοῦ τῶν ᾿Αμμανιτῶν βασιλέως Ναάσου
’ ay mn in , \
(φίλος δ᾽ ἦν οὗτος αὐτῷ) καὶ διαδεξαμένου τὴν
’ὔ > “- ,
βασιλείαν ᾿Αννὼν τοῦ παιδός, πέμψας Δαυΐζδης
1 rparéfns MSP Lat.
2 Miyav Hudson, Naber cum Cod. Vat. Lat. 3 καιρὸν SPE,
4
to
as)
ΟΝ, Ὑ ἢ
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 114-117
son was being brought up—and summoned him to his
presence. Memphibosthos came before the king
and, falling on his face, did obeisance to him, but
David bade him take heart and look forward to a
better lot. He then gave him his father’s house and
all the substance which his grandfather Saul had
acquired, and gave orders that he should share his
own food at his table and not let a day pass with-
out eating with him. In acknowledgement of these
words and gifts, the lad did obeisance to him. Then
David called Siba ἃ and told him that he had made the
lad a present of his father’s house and all of Saul’s
possessions, and he ordered Siba to work his land and
take care of it, to send all the yield to Jerusalem and
to bring the lad to his table every day. David also
presented Memphibosthos with Siba himsclf, his sons,
of whom there were fifteen, and his servants, twenty
in number. When the king had given these instruc-
tions, Siba did obcisance to him, saying that he would
do all these things, and withdrew. So Jonathan’s
son dwelt in Jerusalem, sharing the king’s hospitality
and receiving every attention as though he were his
ownson. There was also born to him a son, whom he
called Michanos.®
(vi. 1) Such, then, were the honours which those The |
who were left of the family of Saul and Jonathan ph a
received from David. Now there died at this time Πρ τος
the Ammanite king Naasés,° who was a friend of 3 Sam. χα:
David, and his son Annon ὁ succeeded to his throne. Dee
@ Bibl. Ziba (δ 4), rxx Σειβά,
® Bibl. Micha, uxx Meeya.
¢ Bibl. Nahash, ef. 4. vi. 68 note.
4 So vxx; bibl. Hanun, Luc. ᾿Αννάν.
VOL. V 5 QE 4.23
ΦΟΒΙΡΗΤΙΘ
πρὸς αὐτὸν παρεμυθήσατο, πράως τε φέρειν € ἐπὶ τῷ
θανάτῳ τοῦ πατρὸς παραινῶν καὶ τὴν αὐτὴν φιλίαν
διαμενεῖν,, ἣ πρὸς ἐκεῖνον ἣν, τούτῳ προσδοκᾶν.
118 οἱ δὲ τῶν ᾿Αμμανιτῶν ἄρχοντες κακοήθως ἀλλ᾽
οὐ κατὰ τὸν Δαυίδου τρόπον ταῦτ᾽ ἐδέξαντο, καὶ
παρώτρυναν τὸν βασιλέα λέγοντες κατασκόπους
πεπομφέναι τῆς χώρας Aavidyy καὶ τῆς αὐτῶν
δυνάμεως ἐπὶ προφάσει φιλανθρωπίας, φυλάτ-
τεσθαί τε συνεβούλευον καὶ μὴ προσέχειν τοῖς
λόγοις αὐτοῦ, μὴ καὶ σφαλεὶς ἀπαρηγορήτῳ
119 συμφορᾷ περιπέσῃ. ταῦτ᾽ οὖν δόξας πιθανώτερα
έγειν τοὺς ἄρχοντας ἢ τἀληθὲς εἶχεν, ὁ τῶν
᾿Αμμανιτῶν βασιλεὺς ᾿Αννὼν τοὺς παρὰ τοῦ
Δαυίδου πεμφθέντας πρέσβεις χαλεπῶς περιύβρισε"
ξυρήσας γὰρ αὐτῶν τὰ ἡμίση τῶν γενείων καὶ πὰ
ἡμίση τῶν ἱματίων περιτεμών, ἔργοις ἀπέλυσε
120 κομίζοντας οὐ λόγοις τὰς ἀποκρίσεις. ἰδὼν δὲ
ταῦθ᾽ 6 τῶν ᾿Ισραηλιτῶν βασιλεὺς ἠγανάκτησε καὶ
δῆλος ἣν οὐ περιοψόμενος τὴν ὕβριν καὶ τὸν προ-
πηλακισμόν, ἀλλὰ πολεμήσων τοῖς ᾿Αμμανίταις καὶ
τιμωρίαν αὐτῶν τῆς παρανομίας τῆς πρὸς" τοὺς
121 πρεσβευτὰς εἰσπραξόμενος τὸν βασιλέα. συνέντες
δὲ οἵ τε ἀναγκαῖοι καὶ οἱ ἡγεμόνες ὅτι παρεσπονδή-
κασι καὶ δίκην ὑπὲρ τούτων ὀφείλουσι, προπαρα-
σκευάζονται εἰς τὸν πόλεμον: καὶ πέμψαντες πρὸς
Σύρον τὸν τῶν δὶεσοποταμιτῶν βασιλέα χίλια
τάλαντα σύμμαχον αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τούτῳ γενέσθαι τῷ
1 Niese: διαμένειν ROE: μένειν MSP. 3 εἰς MSP.
2 Josephus omits the Scriptural detail “ to their buttocks ”
or (Chron. ΣΉ ΒΕ Ess: clade.
’ According to Scripture David was told of the insult and
42. :
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 117-121
David thereupon sent and comforted him, exhorting
him to bear his father’s death with resignation, and
bidding him to look for the eontinuance of the same
friendship that had been with his father. The
Ammanite prinees, however, received this message
in an ugly spirit and not as David had intended it, and
incited the king against him by saying that David
had sent men to spy on their country and their forees,
on the pretext of friendly offices ; they advised him
to be on his guard and pay no attention to David's
words, lest he: be tricked and meet with irremediable
disaster. Τὸ these words of the princes Annon, the
king of the Ammanites, gave more eredence than
they actually deserved, and grievously misused the
envoys sent by David by shaving off a half of their
beards and eutting off a half of their garments,? and
then dismissed them to bring back his answer in the
form of aets instead of w ords. At sight of them ὃ the
king of the Israelites was indignant and made it plain
that he would not overlook this insult and outrage, but
would make war on the Ammanites and exaet satis-
faction from their king for their lawless treatment of
his envoys. Then the relatives and chicfs (of the
Ammanite king), realizing that they had violated the
treaty and were liable to punishment for this offence,
sent a thousand talents ὁ to Syros,? the king of the
Mesopotamians, and invited him to become their ally
ordered the envoys to remain in Jericho until their beards
should have grown.
¢ Of silver according to 1 Chron.; the sum is not men-
tioned in 2 Sam.
42 Sam. Aram Beth-Rehob=the Aramaeans (A.V.
*Syrians’’) of Beth-Rehob, txx τὴν Συρίαν (Lic. τὸν Σύρον, as
in Josephus) Βαιθραάβ «7.3 1 Chron. Aram Naharaim=the
Aramaeans of Mesopotamia, LXX Συρίας Μεσοποταμίας.
Josephus has mistaken an ethnic for a personal name.
4.25
War with
Ammon and
its Syrian
ates
2 Sain. Kooy
1 Chron.
xix, 5.
12.
JOSEPHUS
μισθῷ παρεκάλεσαν καὶ Σουβάν: ἦσαν δὲ τοῖς
βασιλεῦσι τούτοις πεζοῦ" δύο μυριάδες. προσεμι-
σθώσαντο δὲ καὶ τὸν" ἐκ τῆς δίιχᾶς καλουμένης
¥ / \ / Mu » A
χώρας βασιλέα καὶ τέταρτον “loroBov ὄνομα, Kat
τούτους ἔχοντας μυρίους καὶ δισχιλίους ὁπλίτας.
(2) Οὐ κατεπλάγη δὲ τὴν συμμαχίαν καὶ τὴν τῶν
3 ~ / ~ ~
Λμμανιτῶν δύναμιν ὁ Δαυίδης, τῷ δὲ θεῷ πεποι-
θ \ A a3 ὃ / > “- > θ᾽ a € , F οἷ
ὡς καὶ τῷ" δικαίως αὐτοῖς ἀνθ᾽ ὧν ὑβρίσθη πολε-
- ’ 3 / A > ’ \ ᾽
μεῖν μέλλειν, ᾿Ιώαβον τὸν ἀρχιστράτηγον δοὺς av-
τῷ τῆς στρατιᾶς τὸ ἀκμαιότατον, ἐξ αὐτῆς ἔπεμψεν
em αὐτούς. ὁ δὲ πρὸς τῇ μητροπόλει τῶν ᾿Αμμα-
νιτῶν ᾿Ραβαθᾷ 'κατεστρατοπεδεύσατο. τῶν δὲ πολε-
μίων ἐξελθόντων καὶ παραταξαμένων οὐχ ὁμοῦ,
~ “~ ,
διχῇ δέ, τὸ μὲν γὰρ ἐπικουρικὸν ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ
2 ς ‘ ’ ? A A ~ b ~ /
καθ᾽ αὑτὸ ἐτάχθη, τὸ δὲ τῶν ᾿Αμμανιτῶν orpa-
“~ ~ /
τευμα πρὸς ταῖς πύλαις ἀντικρὺ τῶν “Ἑβραίων,
ἰδὼν τοῦτο ᾿Ιώαβος ἀντιμηχανᾶται" καὶ τοὺς μὲν
ἀνδρειοτάτους ἐπιλεξάμενος ἀντιπαρατάσσεται τῷ
Σύρῳ καὶ τοῖς μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ βασιλεῦσι, τὸ δ᾽ ἄλλο
~ ~ ~ ,
παραδοὺς ᾿Αβισαίῳ τῷ ἀδελφῷ τοῖς ᾿Αμμανίταις
> f
ἐκέλευσεν ἀντιπαρατάξασθαι, εἰπών, av τοὺς Σύρους
, ’ὔ
ἴδῃ βιαζομένους αὐτὸν καὶ πλέον δυναμένους,
μεταγαγόντα τὴν φάλαγγα βοηθεῖν αὐτῷ" τὸ δ᾽
1 πεζῶν MSP.
24 τῶν ᾿Αμαληκιτῶν βασιλέα καὶ τὸν SP.
8 καὶ τῷ] Niese: καὶ RO: τῷ M: ἐν τῷ SP.
4 Hudson: ᾿λραβαθὰ P: ᾿Αραμαθᾷ reli. Lat.
@9Sam. Aram-Zoba=the Aramaeans of Zoba, Ltxx τὴν
Συρίαν NovBa; 1 Chron. ‘and from Zoba,” txx mapa Σωβάλ,
Ylere Josephus has apparently mistaken a place-name for a
personal name. On the location of Zoba οὐ ὃ 99 note.
426
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 121-124
for this payment, and they also invited Siiba.t These
kings had twenty thousand infantry. In addition
they engaged the king of the country called Micha,?
and a fourth named Istobos,° these latter having
twelve thousand ὦ armed men.
(2) Undismayed either by this confederacy or by
the Ammanite foree, David put his trust in God and
in the justice of his cause in going to war to avenge
the insult he had suffered, ‘Gnd. giving Joab, his
commander-in-chief, the flower ne his army, at once
sent him against them. Joab pitehed his camp close
to the Ammanite capital Rabatha.¢ Then the enemy
issued forth with their men drawn up not in one
body but in two, for the auxiliary force was stationed
by itself in the plain, and the Ammanite army at
the gates, opposite the Hebrews. When Joab saw
this, he contrived counter-measures ; he selected the
bravest of his men and drew them up over against
Syros and the kings with him; the rest he turned
over to his brother Abisai, with orders to draw them
up over against the Ammanites, and, if he saw the
Syrians pressing him hard and getting the better of
him, to bring over his division: and assist him; he
ὃ Bibl. Maacah, rxx ᾿Δμαλήκ (Chron. Mwxa), Luc. Maaxas
the region N.E. of the lake of Huleh.
¢ Bibl. Ish-tob, txx Εἰστώβ, ᾿Ιστώβ. Ish-tob may have
meant “πὸ men of Tob,” a region probably in the neigh-
bourhood of these Aramaean states.
ἀ 13,000 according to 2 Sam. (1000 with the king of
Maacah + 12,000 with Ish-tob).
¢ Variant Aramatha ; Bib) Rabbah, txx ᾿Ραββάθ. The
name of the city is not given in Se ripture, which says that
the Ammonites were draw n np for battle “ at the entrance of
the gate’? (Chron. “entrance of the city’’). The city is
located c. 25m. EK. of the Jordan on the upper waters of the
river Jabbok ; in Ilellenistic times it was called Philadelphia,
and as the modern ‘lmmdn is the capital of ‘Transjordania.
427
126
12
7
oa
JOSEPHUS
5. - , \ > Ff ) « " ~ Σ2
αὐτὸ Τοῦτο ποίήησειν Και AUTOS, AV UVUTTO τῶν Ap-
5 μανιτῶν αὐτὸν καταπονούμενον θεάσηται. προτρε-
,, > Ἁ 2 \ Ἁ ? -
papevos οὖν Tov ἀδελφὸν καὶ παρακαλέσας εὐψύχως
/ , >
Kal μετὰ προθυμίας ἀνδράσιν αἰσχύνην φοβουμένοις
\ “a
πρεπούσης ἀγωνίσασθαι, τὸν μὲν ἀπέλυσε τοῖς
? ~
Appavitas μαχησόμενον, αὐτὸς δὲ Tots Σύροις
συνέβαλε. καὶ πρὸς ολίγον ἀντισχόντων αὐτῶν
καρτερῶς, πολλοὺς μὲν αὐτῶν ἀπέκτεινεν ᾿Ιώαβος,
¢ 4 ~ ~
ἅπαντας δ᾽ ἠνάγκασεν εἰς φυγὴν τραπῆναι. τοῦτο
ψῶν ἢ € 9% ~ Ἁ ,ὔ \ > ~
ἰδόντες ot ᾿Αμμανῖται Kat δείσαντες τὸν ᾿Αβισαῖον
καὶ τὴν μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ στρατιὰν οὐκ ἔμειναν, ἀλλὰ
μιμησάμενοι. τοὺς συμμάχους εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἐφυγον.
κρατήσας οὖν τῶν πολεμίων ᾿Ιώαβος εἰς ‘lepo-
σόλυμα πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα λαμπρῶς ὑπέστρεψε.
~ ~ 4 > /
(3) Τοῦτο τὸ πταῖσμα τοὺς ᾿Αμμανίτας οὐκ
~ f
ἔπεισεν ἠρεμεῖν οὐδὲ μαθόντας τοὺς κρείττονας
εξ / ” > Ἁ / Ἁ "4 Ἁ 4
ἡσυχίαν ayew, ἀλλὰ πέμψαντες πρὸς Χαλαμὰν τὸν
~ “ ? ΄ τ f ~
τῶν πέραν Evdparov Σύρων βασιλέα μισθοῦνται
τοῦτον ἐπὶ συμμαχίᾳ, ἔχοντα μὲν ἀρχιστράτηγον"
bead ~ 4 “ Ἁ ‘ e /
Σέβεκον, πεζῶν δὲ μυριάδας ὀκτὼ καὶ ἱππέων
/ A > ς ~ € , ‘ 4
μυρίους. γνοὺς δ᾽ ὁ τῶν ‘EBpaiwy βασιλεὺς πάλιν
> > ‘ 2
ἐπ᾿ αὐτὸν τοὺς ᾿Αμμανίτας τοσαύτην δύναμιν συν-
4 ~ A
ηθροικότας, οὐκέτι διὰ στρατηγῶν αὐτοῖς πολε-
μεῖν ἔκρινεν, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτὸς σὺν ἁπάσῃ τῇ δυνάμει
Ἁ a
διαβὰς τὸν ᾿Ιόρδανον ποταμὸν Kal ὑπαντήσας αὐτοῖς
1 συμμαχίαν MSP.
® ex Lat. Niese: ἀντιστράτηγον codd.
4 Again ΝΣ has mistaken a place-name for a personal
name; in2 Sam. x. 16 it is Helam, pxx Χαλαμάκ (with doublet
Aiddu), Lue. eae ; in the following verse it appears as
4.28
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 124-128
himself would do the same if he saw Abisai being
worn down by the Ammanites. Then, after en-
couraging his “brother and exhorting him to fight
brav ely and with an ardour expected of men who
fear disgrace, he sent him off to face the Ammanites
in battle, Ww ie he himself engaged the Syrians.
Although the latter resisted stoutly for a short time,
Joab slew many of them and compelled all the rest to
turn and flee. At this sight the Ammanites, who
were afraid of Abisai and ie army, waited no longer,
but followed the example of their allies and fled to
their city. Having thus overcome the enemy, Joab
returned in triumph to the king at Jerusalem.
(3) This defeat did not persuade the Ammanites to
remain quiet or to keep the peace in the knowledge
that their enemy was superior. Instead they sent
to Chalamas,? the king of the Syrians across the
Fuphrates, and hired him as an ally with his com-
mander-in-chief Sebekos® and eighty thousand in-
fantry and ten thousand cavalry. When the king of
the Hebrews learned that the Ammanites had again
assembled a very large force against him, he decided
not to conduct the war through generals any longer,
but himself crossed the river Worden with his entire
force and, when he met them, engaged them in a
Helama, υχχ Αἰλάμ; the name is missing in 1 Chron. Some
scholars think that Helam is the modern Aleppo, but
Kraeling, fram and Israel, p. 43, holds that this is too far
north, and identifies it with Alema of 1 Macc. v. 26, ap-
parently near the head-waters of the river Jartmuk.
*-2°Sam: Shohach, -Lxx 2osax, Lue. (with doublet) Σωβὰ
καὶ Σαβεαίς 1 Chron. Shophach, LXX Σωῴφάρ, Σωῴφαχ κτλ.
In Seripture he is called the commander of the army (A.V.
“captain of the host ᾽) of Hfadarezer (Iladadezer), who
brought the auxiliary force from Helam.
¢ ‘These numbers are invented by Josephus.
4.29
129
130
13]
JOSEPHUS
συνάψας εἰς μάχην ἐνίκησε" Kal ἀναιρεῖ μὲν αὐτῶν
πεζῶν μὲν εἰς τέσσαρας μυριάδας ἱππέων δὲ εἰς
ἑπτακισχιλίους, ἔτρωσε δὲ καὶ τὸν στρατηγὸν τοῦ
Χαλαμᾷ Σέβεκον, ὃς ἐκ τῆς πληγῆς ἀπέθανεν. οἱ
δὲ Mecororapirat τοιούτου γενομένου τοῦ τέλους
τῆς μάχης αὑτοὺς Δαυίδη παρέδοσαν καὶ δῶρα
ἔπεμψαν αὐτῷ. καὶ ὁ μὲν ὥρᾳ χειμῶνος av-
7 > e / 3 / . \ ~ »
ἔστρεψεν εἰς “Ιεροσόλυμα, ἀρχομένου δὲ τοῦ ἔαρος
\
ἔπεμψε τὸν ἀρχιστράτηγον ᾿Ιώαβον πολεμήσοντα
“a / ~ ~ ¢,
τοῖς ᾿Αμμανίταις. ὁ δὲ THY TE γῆν αὐτῶν ἅπασαν
> A
ἐπερχόμενος διέφθειρε καὶ αὐτοὺς εἰς THY μητρό-
/ € Vo: 49
πολιν συγκλείσας ᾿Ραβαθὰν' ἐπολιόρκει.
oe 7 Α \ / ~ ‘
(vii. 1) Συνέπεσε δὲ καὶ Aavidrn πταῖσμα δεινὸν
of / ‘ \ “~ A ‘ ,
ὄντι φύσει δικαίῳ καὶ θεοσεβεῖ καὶ τοὺς πατρίους
νόμους ἰσχυρῶς φυλάσσοντι: θεασάμενος γὰρ δείλης
ὀψίας ἀπὸ τοῦ “στέγους" τῶν βασιλείων, ἐν ᾧ περι-
>
πατεῖν κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνο τῆς ὥρας ἦν ἔθος, γυναῖκα
3 “- ~ ~ id
λουομένην ἐν τῇ αὑτῆς οἰκίᾳ ψυχρῷ ὕδατι Kad-
4, . -
λίστην τὸ εἶδος καὶ πασῶν διαφέρουσαν, ὄνομα
αὐτῇ ἦν Βεεθσαβή ." ἡττᾶται τοῦ κάλλους THS
γυναικός: Kal τῆς ἐπιθυμίας κατασχεῖν" οὐ δυνά-
μενος μεταπεμψάμενος αὐτὴν" συνέρχεται. γενο-
μένης δ᾽ ἐγκύου τῆς γυναικὸς, καὶ πεμψάσης πρὸς
τὸν βασιλέα, ὅπως τῷ ἁμαρτήματι σκέψηταί τινα
τοῦ λαθεῖν ὁδόν, ἀποθανεῖν γὰρ αὐτὴν κατὰ τοὺς
πατρίους και κτιν, νόμους μεμοιχευμένην, μετα-
1 Hudson: ’ApaSaéa (-ἃ R) RMSP Lat.: Αραβα O: ᾽Δρα-
μαθὰν FE.
2 τέγους OP.
8 Βεερσάβη SP hic et infra; cf. ad § 348.
* κρατεῖν Naber.
δ᾽ μεταπεμ. αὐτὴν] αὐτῇ RO.
6 Niese: καθήκει δῖ: προσήκει rell.
4.30
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 128-131
battle in which he was vietorious and slew some
forty thousand of their infantry and seven thousand
of their eavalry,? while he also wounded Sebekos,
Chalamas’s commander, who afterwards died of the
wound. Upon the conclusion of the battle in this
manner, the Mesopotamians surrendered to David
and sent him gifts. Then, as it was the winter season,
he returned to Jerusalem; but, at the beginning of
spring, he sent his commander-in-chief Joab to make
war on the Ammanites. Joab, after overrunning all
their eountry and ravaging it, shut them up in their
capital Rabatha and laid siewe tout.
(vii. 1) Now David, although he was by nature a David sins
righteous and godfearing man, and one who strietly ΔΌΣ
ἐπ ΘΕ, thc lane or hi: fathers, nevertheless fell into ὐβῳ τοῦς
grave error; for late one evening he saw from the
roof of his palace, where he was accustomed to walk
at that hour, a woman bathing in her house with
cold " water. She was very beautiful to look upon
and surpassed all other women; her name was
Beethsabé.© He was captivated by the beauty of
the woman and, as he was unable to restrain his
desire, he sent for her and lay with her. And when
she became pregnant and sent to the king, asking
him to contrive some way of concealing her ΡΘΕ τα
according to the laws of the fathers, she was deservi ing
of death as an adulteress ?—he summoned the
¢ So 1 Chron.; 2 Sam. “Seven hundred chariots and forty
thousand horsemen.”
ὁ Detail added by Josephus.
¢ Variant Beersahé, cf. § 348; bibl. Bath-sheba, txx
Lynpcasee (cod. A Βηθσάμεε), Luc. Βηρσάδεαι (-ate).
4 Bath-sheba’s request and the comment on the penalty
are an amplification of Scripture, which says, ** the woman
conceived and she sent and told David, and said, I am with
child.”
431
132
133
134
135
JOSEPHUS
καλεῖται τὸν ᾿Ιωάβου μὲν ὁπλοῴφόρον ἐκ τῆς
πολιορκίας ἄνδρα δὲ τῆς γυναικὸς Οὐρίαν ὄνομα,
καὶ παραγενόμενον περί τε τῆς στρατιᾶς καὶ τῆς
πολιορκίας ἀνέκρινε. λέγοντος δὲ πάντα κατὰ
νοῦν αὐτοῖς κεχωρηκέναι τὰ πράγματα βαστάσας
ἐκ τοῦ δείπνου μέρη προσδίδωσιν αὐτῷ καὶ κελεύει
πρὸς τὴν γυναῖκα ἀπελθόντα ἀναπαύσασθαι σὺν
αὐτῆ. ὁ δὲ Οὐρίας τοῦτο μὲν οὐκ ἐποίησε, παρε-
κοιμήθη δὲ τῷ βασιλεῖ σὺν τοῖς ἄλλοις ὁπλοφόροις.
ὡς δὲ γνοὺς τοῦθ' ὁ βασιλεὺς ἀνέκρινεν. αὐτὸν ὅτι
μὴ πρὸς" τὴν οἰκίαν ἔλθοι μηδὲ πρὸς τὴν γυναῖκα
διὰ τοσούτου χρόνου, πάντων ἀνθρώπων ταύτην
ἐχόντων τὴν φύσιν ὅταν ἔλθωσιν ἐξ ἀποδημίας,
οὐκ εἶναι δίκαιον ἔφη τῶν συστρατιωτῶν αὐτοῦ
καὶ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ χαμαὶ κοιμωμένων ἐν τῇ
παρεμβολῇ καὶ τῇ τῶν πολεμίων χώρᾳ, μετὰ τῆς
γυναικὸς αὐτὸν ἀναπαύεσθαι καὶ “τρυφᾶν. ταῦτ᾽
εἰπόντα μεῖναι τὴν ἡμέραν ἐκείνην ἐκέλευσεν
αὐτόθι ὡς εἰς τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν ἀπολύσων αὐτὸν πρὸς
τὸν ἀρχιστράτηγον. κληθεὶς δ᾽ ἐπὶ δεῖπνον ὑπὸ
τοῦ βασιλέως Οὐρίας καὶ μέχρι μέθης προελθὼν
ἐν τῷ πότῳ, δεξιουμέμου τοῦ βασιλέως αὐτὸν
ἐπίτηδες ταῖς προπόσεσιν, οὐδὲν ἧττον πάλιν πρὸ
τῶν τοῦ βασιλέως θυρῶν ἐκοιμήθη μηδεμίαν λαβὼν
Τῆς γυναικὸς ἐπιθυμίαν. ἐπὶ τούτοις δὲ δυσανα-
σχετήσας ὁ βασιλεὺς ἔγραψε τῷ ᾿Ιωάβῳ κολάσαι
προστάττων τὸν Οὐρίαν’ ἁμαρτεῖν γὰρ αὐτὸν
ἐδήλου: καὶ τὸν τρόπον τῆς τιμωρίας ἵνα μὴ
γένηται φανερὸς αὐτὸς τοῦτο βουληθεὶς ὑπέθετο"
\ \ \ / 3 \ > / /
136 κατὰ yap τὸ δυσμαχώτατον αὐτὸν ἐκέλευσε μέρος
1 4+ αὑτὸν εἰς MSP Lat.
2 προσέταξεν MSPE.
432
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 131-136
woman’s husband, whose name was Uriah and who
was also Joab’s armour-bearer,? from the siege, and,
when he appeared, questioned him about the army
and the siege. When the man told him that every-
thing had gone as they wished, he took some por-
tions of his supper and gave them to him with the
command to go home to his wife and rest with her.
Uriah, however, did not do so but slept near the king
with the other armour-bearers. And, when the king
learned of this, he inquired of him why he had not
gone to his house after so long a period of absence,
saying that this was the natural thing for men to do
when they return from abroad. ‘To this he replied
that it was not right for him to enjoy luxurious rest
in the company of his wife, while his fellow-soldiers
and his commander were sleeping on the ground
in their camp in enemy territory. When he had so
spoken, the king ordered him to remain there that
day, saying that he would send him back to the
eommander-in-chief on the morrow. So Uriah was
invited to supper by the king and continued drinking
until he was intoxicated, as the king deliberately
pledged his health in cup after cup. Nevertheless
he again slept before the king’s door and felt no desire
for his wife. In great displeasure at this, the king
wrote to Joab, ordering him to punish Uriah, whom
he made out to be a guilty man”; and, in order that
he himself should not appear to have willed his
punishment, he suggested the manner of it, which
was to order Uriah to be stationed opposite the most
4 Unscriptural detail.
Ὁ Seripture says nothing of any accusation made by David
in the letter to Joab. Some of the rabbis, however, held that
Uriah deserved death for disobeying David’s order to go
home to his wife.
4.33
David plans
Uriah’s
death.
2Sam. xi. 14
191
~
138
139
140
JOSEPHUS
~ f f A θ᾽ ΔΑ ὃ “ 1 ,
τῶν πολεμίων τάξαι Kat Kal’ ὃ κινδυνεύσει' μαχό-
‘
pevos” ἀπολειφθεὶς μόνος" τοὺς yap συμπαραστάτας
> o~ ~
ἀναχωρῆσαι ἐκ τῆς μάχης γινομένης ἐκέλευσε.
ταῦτα γράψας καὶ σημηνάμενος τῇ αὑτοῦ σφραγῖδι
τὴν ἐπιστολὴν ἔδωκεν Οὐρίᾳ κομίσαι πρὸς ᾿Ιώαβον.
δεξάμενος δὲ ᾿Ιώαβος τὰ γράμματα καὶ τὴν τοῦ
βασιλέως προαίρεσιν ἀναγνούς, καθ᾽ ὃν ἤδει τόπον
τοὺς πολεμίους χαλεποὺς αὑτῷ" γενομένους κατὰ
τοῦτον ἔστησε τὸν Οὐρίαν δοὺς αὐτῷ τινας τῶν
~ ~ \ 93 ~
ἀρίστων τῆς στρατιᾶς" αὐτὸς δ᾽ ἁπάσῃ TH δυνάμει
3 ~
προσεπιβοηθήσειν ἔφησεν, εἰ δυνηθεῖεν. ἀνατρέ-
ψαντές τι τοῦ τείχους εἰσελθεῖν εἰς τὴν πόλιν"
ὄντα δ᾽ αὐτὸν γενναῖον στρατιώτην καὶ δόξαν
~ ~ Ἁ ~ A
ἔχοντα παρά τε τῷ βασιλεῖ καὶ πᾶσι τοῖς opo-
φύλοις ἐπ᾽ ἀνδρείᾳ, χαίρειν τοῖς μεγάλοις πόνοις
3 4 A ~ 3 7 ~ > > /
ἀλλὰ μὴ προσαγανακτεῖν ἠξίου. τοῦ δ᾽ Οὐρία
A 4 ~ ? ~
προθύμως ὑποστάντος TO ἔργον, τοῖς μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ
παρατασσομένοις ἰδίᾳ καταλιπεῖν ὅταν ἐξορμήσαν-
τας ἴδωσι τοὺς πολεμίους ἐδήλωσε. προσβαλόντων
> ἊΝ , A 15 ͵ ͵ ς 9
οὖν τῇ πόλει τῶν “EBpaiwy δείσαντες of ᾿Αμ-
μανῖται, μὴ κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον τὸν τόπον, καθ᾽ ὃν
,- τ , ΄ ΄ 3 ~
Οὐρίαν συνέβαινε τετάχθαι, φθάσαντες ἀναβῶσιν
>
οἱ πολέμιοι, προστησάμενοι τοὺς ἀνδρειοτάτους
αὐτῶν καὶ τὴν πύλην ἀνοίξαντες αἰφνιδίως καὶ
μετὰ ῥύμης καὶ δρόμου πολλοῦ τοῖς ἐχθροῖς
> Fond > # \ > 4 € s ~ ᾽ ’
ἐπεξῆλθον. ἰδόντες δὲ αὐτοὺς οἱ σὺν τῷ Οὐρίᾳ
> ~
πάντες ἀνεχώρησαν ὀπίσω, καθὼς ᾿Ιώαβος αὐτοῖς
~ f “A Ἁ \
προεῖπεν: αἰσχυιθεὶς δ᾽ Οὐρίας φυγεῖν Kat τὴν
~ f A A
τάξιν καταλιπεῖν ὑπέμεινε τοὺς πολεμίους" καὶ τὴν
~ > ~ \ 95Ὰ ἡ
ὁρμὴν αὐτῶν ἐκδεξάμενος ἀναιρεῖ μὲν οὐκ ὀλίγους,
481
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 136-140
formidable part of the enemy, where, if left to fight
alone, he would be in greatest danger; he also
ordered his comrades in arms to retire when the
battle began. When he had written this letter and
stamped it with his own seal, he gave it to Uriah to
carry to Joab. On receiving the letter and learning
from it the king’s intention, Joab stationed Uriah at
the place where he knew the enemy had been most
troublesome to himself, and gave him some of the
bravest menin the army. He also said that he would
come to his assistanee with his whole force if they
could throw down part of the wall and enter the city.
He therefore asked Uriah, as a good soldier and as
one who was esteemed by the king and by all his
countrymen for his bravery, to weleome his difficult
task rather than object to it. And when Uriah
eagerly undertook the work, Joab privately instrueted
the men who were stationed with him to desert him
when they saw the enemy charge. Now when the
Hebrews attacked the city, the Ammanites, in their
fear that the enemy might surprise them by climbing
up at the point where Uriah happened to be posted,
put their bravest men in front and, suddenly opening
the gates, rushed out upon the enemy with great
violenee and speed. At sight of them, the men with
Uriah all retreated, as Joab had instrueted them.
But Uriah, who was ashamed to flee and abandon his
post, remained to face the foe, and met their charge,
slaying not a few ; but finally, being surrounded on
1 Nicse: κινδυνεύει ROM: κινδυνεύσειε SP.
2 post μαχόμενος lacunam statuit Niese.
3 Naber: αὐτῷ codd.
435
14]
142
143 7
JOSEPHUS
~ ied
κυκλωθεὶς δὲ καὶ ληφθεὶς ἐν μέσῳ τελευτᾷ; ἅμα
δ᾽ αὐτῶ τινες καὶ ἄλλοι συγκατέπεσον τῶν ἑταίρων."
ry. 9
(2) ᾿Γούτων οὕτως γενομένων ἔπεμψεν ἀγγέλους
᾽ 7 \ Ἁ 7 ’ > λ “
[Ϊῴώαβος πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα λέγειν ἐντειλάμενος
a “ A
αὐτοῖς ὡς σπουδάσειε" μὲν ταχέως ἑλεῖν τὴν πόλιν,
Ἁ A ~ , A 4 ᾽
προσβαλὼν δὲ τῷ τείχει καὶ πολλοὺς ἀπολέσας
ἀναχωρῆσαι βιασθείη. προστιθέναι δὲ τούτοις ἂν
ὀργιζόμενον ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς βλέπωσι καὶ τὸν Οὐρία
θάνατον. τοῦ δὲ βασιλέως ἀκούσαντος παρὰ τῶν
ἀγγέλων ταῦτα καὶ δυσφοροῦντος φάσκοντος ἁμαρ-
τεῖν αὐτοὺς τῷ τείχει προσβαλόντας, δέον ὑπο-
νόμοις καὶ μηχανήμασιν ety πειρᾶσθαι τὴν πόλιν,
καὶ ταῦτ᾽ ἔχοντας παράδειγμα τὸν Dededvos υἱὸν
᾿Αβιμέλεχον, ὃς ἐπεὶ τὸν ἐν Θήβαις πύργον ἑλεῖν
Ἁ /
ἐβούλετο βίᾳ, βληθεὶς ὑπὸ πρεσβύτιδος πέτρῳ
κατέπεσε καὶ ἀνδρειότατος ὧν διὰ τὸ δυσχερὲς
Τῆς ἐπιβολῆς" αἰσχρῶς ἀπέθανεν" οὗ μνημονεύοντας
ἔδει μὴ προσιέναι 7 τῷ τείχει τῶν πολεμίων: ἄριστον
γὰρ ἁπάντων τῶν ἐν πολέμῳ πραχθέντων καὶ
~ c a “- “
καλῶς καὶ ὡς ἑτέρως ἐν τοῖς αὐτοῖς κινδύνοις
a ” € Α Ἁ “- A \ ,
μνήμην ἔχειν, ὡς τὰ μὲν μιμεῖσθαι τὰ δὲ φυλάτ-
2 τελευτᾷ post μέσῳ tr. Hudson: post ἄλλοι codd.
2 συγκατ. . . . ἑταίρων Tludson: σνγκαταπεσόντων (καὶ)
ἑτέρων σοι,
5. Nicse: σπουδάσει RO: σπουδάσαι MSP.
4 Hudson: ἐπιβουλῆς codd,
¢ The account of Uriah’s death is greatly amplified. Cf.
2 Sam. xi. 16, 17 ““ And it eame to pass, when Joab kept
watch upon (or “ invested ᾽ the city, that he assigned Uriah
unto the place where he knew that valiant men were. And
the men of the city went out and fought with Joab, and
there fell some of the people of the servants of David, and
Uriah the Hittite died also.”
δ According to the Heb. text of Seripture, David does not,
436
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 140-143
all sides, he was caught and killed. and along with him
there fell a few others from among his comrades.?
(2) After this had taken place Joab sent messengers
to the king, instructing them to tell him that he had
inade every effort to take the city quickly, but that,
after an assault on the wall, he had lost many men
and had been forced to etre. they were, he said,
to add to this, if they saw that fhe king was wrathful,
the news of Uriah’ s death. But when the king heard
the messengers’ report, he was greatly displeased
and said that the army had blundered in assaulting
the wall,? whereas they ought to have tried to take
the city with mines and engines, especially as they
had before them the example e of Abimelech, the son
of Gedeon,’ who, in his attempt to take the town of
Tiebae®™ by. farce: had been struck down by a rock
hurled by an old woman and, in spite of being so very
brave, had ignominiously perished because of his un-
fortunate method of attack.¢ And with this in mind
they ought not to have approached the enemv’s wall,
for it was best to have in mind all things that had
been tried in war, whether successfully or otherwise,
under the same conditions of danger, in order to
imitate the one and avoid the other. But when,
on hearing the inessenger’s report, show displeasure at Joab’s
conduct of the siege, but it is Joab himself who antieipates
David's displeasure and his reference to the incident of
Abimelech. The txx has an additional verse, in whieh
David repeats almost verbatim the criticism anticipated by
Joab. Josephus simplifies matters by attributing the speech
to David after the messenger’s report.
¢ bibl. Jerubbesheth (for original Jerubbaal), uxx'Tepo3odg,
Lue. ‘lepo3ca\3 this was another name for Gideon, cf. Jd. vi.
32, υἱόν. 214 note.
4 Bibl. Thebez, rxx Θαμασί (in Jd. Θηβή9).
saat Sy ee ΟΣ OG |e
437
Joab
informs
David of
Uriah’s
death.
2Sam. xi. 1S
144
146
147
148
JOSEPHUS
τεσθαι. ἐπεὶ δὲ οὕτως ἔχοντι" καὶ τὸν Οὐρία
θάνατον ἐδήλωσεν ὃ ἄγγελος, παύεται μὲν τῆς
ὀργῆς, ᾿Ιωάβῳ δ᾽ ἐκέλευσεν ἀπελθόντα λέγειν
ἀνθρώπινον εἶναι τὸ συμβεβηκὸς καὶ τὰ τοῦ
πολέμου φύσιν ἔχειν τοιαύτην, ὥστε ποτὲ μὲν τοῖς
ἐναντίοις εὖ πράττειν συμβαίνειν κατ᾽ αὐτόν, ποτὲ
> δὲ τοῖς ἑτέροις" τοῦ λοιποῦ μέντοι ye προνοεῖν τῆς
πολιορκίας, ὅπως μηδὲν ἔτι πταίσωσι κατ᾽ αὐτήν,
ἀλλὰ χώμασι καὶ μηχαναῖς ἐκπολιορκήσαντας καὶ
παραστησαμένους τὴν μὲν πόλιν κατασκάψαι,
ἅπαντας δ᾽ ἀπολέσαι τοὺς ἐν αὐτῇ. καὶ ὁ “μὲν
ἄγγελος τὰ ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως ἐντεταλμένα κομίζων
πρὸς ᾿Ιώαβον ἠπείγετο. ἡ δὲ τοῦ Οὐρία γυνὴ
βΒεεθσαβὴ τὸν θάνατον τἀνδρὸς πυθομένη ἐπὶ
συχνὰς αὐτὸν ἡμέρας ἐπένθησεν, παυσαμένην δὲ
THs λύπης καὶ τῶν ἐπ᾽ Οὐρίᾳ δακρύων ὁ ὃ βασιλεὺς
εὐθὺς ἄγεται γυναῖκα, καὶ παῖς ἄρρην ἐξ αὐτῆς
γίνεται αὐτῷ.
(3) Τοῦτον οὐχ ἡδέως ἐπεῖδεν ὁ θεὸς τὸν γάμον,
ἀλλὰ δι ὀργῆς ἔχων τὸν Δαυίδην, τῷ προφήτῃ
Ναάθᾳ φανεὶς κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους ἐμέμφετο τὸν
βασιλέα. ὁ δὲ Νάθας ἀστεῖος καὶ συνετὸς ὧν
ἀνήρ, λογισάμενος ὡς οἱ βασιλεῖς ὅταν εἰς ὀργὴν
ἐμπέσωσι ταύτῃ πλέον ἢ τῷ δικαίῳ νέμουσι, τὰς
μὲν παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ γεγενημένας ἀπειλὰς ἡσυχάζειν
ἔκρινεν, ἄλλους δὲ λόγους χρηστοὺς πρὸς αὐτὸν
διεξῆλθε, καὶ δὴ τοιοῦτόν τινα τρόπον περὶ οὗ καὶ
TU φρονεῖ ποιῆσαι σαφὲς αὐτῷ παρεκάλει: “δύο
yap,’ φησίν, “᾿ ἄνδρες τὴν αὐτὴν κατῴκουν πόλιν,
1M: ἔχοντα RO: ἔχοντα ἔγνω SP.
¢ David's instructions to Joab are an amplification of
Scripture. > Detail added by Josephus.
438
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 144-148
while he was in this humour, he was further informed
by the messenger of Uriah’s death, he ceased being
angry and ordered him to go baek and tell Joab
that what had happened was human destiny, and
sueh was the nature of war that now one of the
opposing sides happened to be sueeessful therein,
and now the other; for the future, however, they
should look to the siege and avoid meeting with
another reverse in the eourse of it. They should
rather besiege the city with mounds and engines and,
after foreing it to surrender, raze it to the ground
and destroy. all those within it.¢ So the messenger
hastened to carry baek ta Joab the commands of the
king, while Beethsabé, the wife of Uriah, learning
of her husband’s death, mourned for him many days.
But,as soon asshe had eeased grieving and weeping for
Wenn. the king took her to w ἴδοι and had by her ason.
(3) God, however, did not look upon this marriage Nathan's
with favour, but was angry with David, and, appear- anes
ing to the prophet Nathan in a dream,? He found man's lamb.
fault with the king. Thereupon Nathan, beniga oat
man of taet and understanding, and reflecting that
when kings fall into a passion they are more in-
flueneed by this than by a sense of justice, decided
to keep silence about the threats that had been made
by God, and instead addressed him in mild terms,
and somewhat in the following manner asked him to
give him his opinion of a like case: “ There were,”
he said, ‘‘ two men living in the same city, one of
¢ With the foregoing contrast the brevity of Scripture:
* And the Lord sent Nathan unto David, and he came unto
him, and said unto him, there were two men,”’ ete. The last
introductory phrase in Josephus’s text (“ἢ give him his
opinion’) may have been suggested by Luc.’s addition to
2 Sam. xii. 1, ἀπάγγειλον δὴ μοι τὴν κρίσιν ταύτην,
vol. < Q-¢ 439
149
151
JOSEPHUS
ὧν ὁ μὲν πλούσιος ἦν καὶ πολλὰς εἶχεν ἀγέλας
ὑποζυγίων τε καὶ θρεμμάτων καὶ βοῶν, τῷ πένητι
δ᾽ ἀμνὰς ὑπῆρχε μία. ταύτην μετὰ τῶν τέκνων
ata ἀνέτρεφε συνδιαιρούμενος" αὐτῇ τὰ σιτία
ἱ φιλοστοργίᾳ πρὸς αὐτὴν χρώμενος, ἡ τις
ἂν χρήσαιτο καὶ πρὸς θυγατέρα. ξένου δ᾽ ἐπ-
ελθόντος τῷ πλουσίῳ τῶν μὲν ἰδίων οὐδὲν ἠξίωσεν
ἐκεῖνος βοσκημάτων καταθύσας εὐωχῆσαι τὸν φίλον,
πέμψας δὲ τὴν ἀμνάδα τοῦ πένητος ἀπέσπασε,
καὶ ταύτην παρασκευάσας εἱστίασε τὸν ἕξένον.᾽᾽
σφόδρα δ᾽ ἐλύπησεν ὁ λόγος οὗτος τὸν βασιλέα
καὶ πονηρὸν πρὸς τὸν Νάθαν τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἐκεῖνον,
ὃς δὴ τοῦτο τὸ ἔργον ἐτόλμησεν, ἀπεφήνατο καὶ
τετραπλὴν ἀποτῖσαι τὴν ἀμνάδα δίκαιον εἶναι καὶ
πρὸς τούτῳ θανάτῳ κολασθῆναι. Νάθας δ᾽ ὑπο-
τυχὼν αὐτὸν ἔλεγεν ἐκεῖνον εἶναι τὸν ἄξιον ταῦτα
παθεῖν ὑφ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ κεκριμένον τολμήσαντα μέγα
καὶ δεινὸν ἔργον. ἀνεκάλυπτε δ᾽ αὐτῷ καὶ παρ-
εγύμνου τὴν ὀργὴν τοῦ θεοῦ ποιήσαντος μὲν αὐτὸν
βασιλέα πάσης" Τὴ “Ἑβραίων δυνάμεως καὶ τῶν
> ‘ / > ~ ~ ‘ ,
ev κύκλῳ πάντων ἐθνῶν πολλῶν καὶ μεγάλων
’ / ~
κύριον, ῥυσαμένου δ᾽ ἔτι πρὸ τούτων ἐκ τῶν
~ 3 ~ a
Σαούλου χειρῶν, δόντος δ᾽ αὐτῷ καὶ γυναῖκας ἃς
’ 4 / >
δικαίως καὶ νομίμως ἠγάγετο, καταφρονηθέντος ὃ
> ~ “a f ’
ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ καὶ ἀσεβηθέντος, ὃς ἀλλοτρίαν τε γήμας
ἔχοι γυναῖκα καὶ τὸν avdpa αὐτῆς ἀποκτείνειεν
ἐκδοὺς τοῖς πολεμίοις." δώσειν οὖν αὐτὸν ἀντὶ
/ f ~ ~ A / A > “-
τούτων δίκας τῷ θεῷ καὶ βιασθήσεσθαι μὲν αὐτοῦ
\ ~ sex, ? ¢ *y ~ é > 7
τὰς γυναῖκας ὑφ᾽ ἑνὸς τῶν παίδων, ἐπιβουλευθή-
1 αὐτὸς MSP. 2 σινδιαιτώμενος M: συνδατούμενος Naber.
3 πάσης om. MSP.
4 Hudson: ἔχει RMSP: ἔχειν O.
4.10
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 148-152
whom was wealthy and possessed many herds of
beasts of burden, sheep and eattle, while the other
had only one ewe lamb. This he brought up with
his own children, sharing his food with ic and giving
it the same affection that one would give one’s own
daughter. Now onee. when the wealthy man was
visited by a guest, he did not see fit to slanghter one
of his own animals for the feasting of his fend but
he sent men to take away the ewe lamb from the
poor man, and prepared it for the deleetation of his
guest.” This story greatly distressed the king and
ΠΕ deelared to Nathan that the man who jad had
the heart to do this thing was a villain, and that it
was just that he repay the lamb fourfold @ and in
addition be punished with death. Nathan thereupon Nathan
rejoined that David himself was the one who deserved [05%
this punishment, having been eondemned by him- reveals his
: : : punishment,
self of perpetrating a great and terrible erime. He 5sam. xii. 7.
also revealed to him in the plainest fashion the
wrath of God, for though He had made him king of
all the Hebrew host and lord of all the many great
nations around them, and had, even before that,
delivered him from Saul’s lends: and had given haa
wives to take in rightful and lawful marriage, yet He
had been disregarded and iinpiously fpeated by him
when he took ἀπο s wife in marriage and eaused
his death by giving him up to the enemy. For this,
he said, he should make amends to God, and his wives
should be violated by one of his sons,? and he too
eo: ΠΕΣ ἈΠῸ bess txx “sevenfold.” °C ΤΣ xxi, 4
(Heb. xxi. $7) on the fourfold penalty for the theft of a sheep.
* f.e. Absalom, ¢f. § 213 (ed Sani xvie- 91 1. ΔῈ this
point, Scripture mercly says, “‘ [ will take thine wives before
thine eyes, and give them unto thy neighbour.”
441
159
104
JOSEPHUS
A A > \ e 2 2 id \ A « /
σεσθαι δὲ καὶ αὐτὸν Um ἐκείνου, καὶ TO ἁμάρτημα
τοῦτο κρύφα δράσαντα φανερὰν τὴν ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ δίκην
e , ͵ A \ 4 ~ 7 ᾿
ὑφέξειν: τεθνήξεσθαι δὲ καὶ τὸν παῖδά σοι παρα-
χρῆμα τὸν ἐξ αὐτῆς γεγενημένον. ταραχθέντος ay
ἐπὶ τούτοις τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ συσχεθέντος' ἱκανῶς
καὶ μετὰ δακρύων καὶ λύπης ἀσεβῆσαι λέγοντος,
ἦν γὰρ ὁμολογουμένως θεοσεβὴς καὶ μηδὲν ἅμαρ-
τὼν ὅλως περὶ τὸν βίον 7 τὰ περὶ τὴν Οὐρία
γυναῖκα, ὦκτειρεν ὁ θεὸς καὶ διαλλάττεται, φυλά-
few αὐτῷ καὶ τὴν ζωὴν καὶ τὴν βασιλείαν ἐπ-
αγγειλάμενος: μετανοοῦντι γὰρ περὶ τῶν γεγενὴη-
μένων οὐκέτι χαλεπῶς ἔχειν ἔφασκε. καὶ Νάθας
μὲν ταῦτα τῷ βασιλεῖ προφητεύσας οἴκαδε ἐπαν-
HAGE.
ry aA 2 > ~ 2 ’ὔ \ ?
(1) Τῷ δ᾽ ἐκ τῆς Οὐρία γυναικὸς γενομένῳ
A j ’, / > f A \ ~ :
παιδὶ Aavidn νόσον ἐνσκήπτει χαλεπὴν TO θεῖον,
ἐφ᾽ ἧ δυσφορῶν ὁ 6 βασιλεὺς τροφὴν μὲν ἐφ᾽ ἡμέρας
ἑπτὰ καίτοι γε ἀναγκαζόντων τῶν οἰκείων οὐ
προσηνέγκατο, μέλαιναν δὲ περιθέμενος ἐσθῆτα
~ > 4
πεσὼν ἐπὶ σάκκου κατὰ γῆς ἔκειτο τὸν θεὸν
ἱκετεύων ὑπὲρ τῆς τοῦ παιδὸς σωτηρίας" σφόδρα
ὅ γὰρ ἔστεργεν αὐτοῦ τὴν μητέρα. τῇ δ᾽ ἑβδόμῃ
~ ~ 7 “ \ > > 4
τῶν ἡμερῶν τελευτήσαντος τοῦ παιδὸς οὐκ ἐτόλμεον
“- ~ ~ ’ὔ φ / 7
τῷ βασιλεῖ τοῦτο μηνύειν οἱ θεράποντες λογιζό-
A " ~ > , A ~
μεῖοι μὴ γνοὺς ἔτι μᾶλλον ἀπόσχηται Kat τροφῆς
Ἁ ~ ) > ὔ e " > A -
καὶ τῆς ἄλλης ἐπιμελείας ὡς ἂν ἐπὶ ποθεινοῦ"
’ ᾿ A ~
τέκνου τετελευτηκότος, OTE καὶ νοσοῦντος οὕτως
1 συγχυ έντος MSPE: confuso Lat.
2 Niese: ποθηνοῦ RO: πένθει SP Lat.: πόθῳ (post τέκνου) ΔΊ,
¢ In Scripture, Nathan's propheey of the child’s death is
made after David's confession of sin.
> The black garment is not mentioned in Scripture, which
442
6
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 152-155
should be plotted against by this same son; and for
this sin, which he had committed secretly, he should
suffer the penalty in the sight of all. Furthermore
the son whom she would Rear him would die soon
after birth. At these words the king was dismayed
and greatly troubled, and with tears of grief admitted
his impiety—for he was, as all agreed, a god-fearing
man and never sinned in his life except in the matter
of Uriah’s wife—, whereupon God took pity on him
and was reeoneiled to him. And He promised to
preserve both his life and his kingdom, for, He said,
now that he repented of his deeds, He was no longer
displeased with him. Then Nathan, after prophesying
these things to the king, returned to his home.
(+) Now upon the child whom Uriah’s wife bore to Davia’s
David the Deity caused a grave illness to fall, and SU°t*t
death of
the king, in his unhappiness over this, did not partake Bathsheba's
of food hor seven days, although his servants tried to nee
forec him to do so. Instead he put on a black gar- * 15.
ment and, throwing himsclf upon saekeloth, lay on
the eround, beseeehing God to spare the life of the
child, > whose mother he so deeply loved. But on the
seventh day the ehild died, and the servants dared
not inform the king, for they feared that when he
learned of it he might even more completely refuse
food and other necessary care, in his desolation at
the death of his son, seeing that even during the
child’s illness he had, in his gricf, so greatly afllieted
says, “* David therefore besought God for the child, and
David fasted and went in and lay all night upon the earth,”
but Lue. and some txx codd. add (after “ἢ went in’’) “ and
he slept in sackeloth.” On the black garments worn by
accused persons on appearing before the judge CLA ORIW
172 (llerod before the Synhedrion), BJ. i. 506 (Vheroras
before Herod).
443
156
158
159
JOSEPHUS
ὑπὸ τῆς λύπης ἑαυτὸν ἐκάκου. ταραττομένων δ᾽
αἰσθόμενος τῶν οἰκετῶν ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ ταῦτα
πασχόντων, a μάλιστα συγκρύψαι τι θέλουσι συμ-
βαίνει, συνεὶς ὅτι τέθνηκεν ὁ παῖς προσφωνήσας
ἕνα τῶν οἰκετῶν καὶ μαθὼν τἀληθὲς ἀνίσταται,
καὶ λουσάμενος καὶ λαβὼν ἐσθῆτα λευκὴν εἰς τὴν
σκηνὴν τοῦ θεοῦ παραγίνεται, καὶ κελεύσας δεῖπνον
αὑτῷ παραθεῖναι πολλὴν ἐπὶ τῷ παραλόγῳ τοῖς
τε συγγενέσι καὶ τοῖς οἰκέταις ἔκπληξιν παρεῖχεν,
ὅτι μηδὲν τούτων ἐπὶ νοσοῦντι τῷ παιδὶ ποιή-
σας πάνθ᾽ ὁμοῦ τετελευτηκότος “ἔπραττε. τήν τε
αἰτίαν, δεηθέντες ἐπιτρέψαι πρῶτον αὐτοῖς πυθέ-
σθαι, παρεκάλουν εἰπεῖν τῶν γεγενημένων. ὁ δὲ
ἀμαθεῖς εἰπὼν αὐτοὺς ἐδίδασκεν ὡς ἔτι μὲν ζῶντος
τοῦ παιδὸς ἔχων ἐλπίδα σωτηρίας αὐτοῦ δεόντως
πάντ᾽ ἐποίει, τὸν θεὸν ἡγούμενος τούτοις εὐμενῆ
καταστήσειν, ἀποθανόντος δ᾽ οὐκέτι χρείαν εἶναι
λύπης ματαίας. ταῦτ᾽ εἰπόντος ἐπήνεσαν τὴν
σοφίαν καὶ τὴν διάνοιαν τοῦ βασιλέως. συνελθὼν
δὲ τῇ γυναικὶ Βεεθσαβῇ ἔγκυον αὐτὴν ἐποίησε,
καὶ γενόμενον' ἄρρεν παιδίον Σολομῶνα" προσ-
ηγόρευσεν, οὕτως Νάθα τοῦ προφήτου κελεύσαντος.
(5) ᾿Ιώαβος δὲ τῇ πολιορκίᾳ τοὺς ᾿Αμμανίτας
ἰσχυρῶς ἐκάκου τῶν τε ὑδάτων αὐτοὺς ἀποτεμνό-
μενος καὶ τῆς τῶν ἄλλων εὐπορίας, ὡς πάνυ ταλαι-
πωρεῖν ἐνδείᾳ ποτοῦ καὶ τροφῆς. ἐξ ὀλίγου γὰρ
1 γεννησαμένην R: γεννησαμένη O: procreavit Lat.
2 + τοῦτον RO.
¢ Scripture says merely that ‘‘ he changed his apparel.”
Weill and Rappaport find here an allusion to customs fol-
lowed in Josephus’s own time. But in the literature cited by
44k
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 156-159
himself. The king, however, perceived that they
were disturbed and were acting in such a manner as
is usual with those who wish to conceal something,
and so he realized that the child had died. Then he
called to him one of his servants and, when he learned
the truth, he arose, bathed, put on a white ἃ garment
and went to the tent of God; and when he ordered
a meal to be prepared for him, he caused great
astonishment at his strange conduct among his rela-
tives and servants, because he had done none of
these things during the child’s illness, and was
suddenly doing them now that he was dead. So,
having first requested permission to inquire, they
asked him to tell them the reason for these acts.
‘Thereupon he called them dullards, and explained
that while the child was still alive, he had hoped for
its recovery and had therefore done everything
proper, with the thought of rendering God gracious
to him by such means; but now that it was dead,
he no longer had any need of vain grief. At these
words they praised the king’s wisdom and under- Birth of
standing.? Then David lay with his wife Beethsabé, Syomen:.
and she conceived and bore a son, whom he named 24.
Solomon, at the bidding of the prophet Nathan.°
(5) Now Joab in besieging the Ammanites was Joab invites
inflicting great damage on them by cutting off their Y3y4." 0,
watcr and other supplies, so that they were in a very Seas Gale
pitiable condition for lack of food and drink, for they 25-1 chron
xx. 1.
the latter we have references only to the wearing of white
garments on solemn holy days such as New Year, the Fast
of Ab and the Day of Atonement.
ὃ The approval of the people is a detail added by Josephus.
¢ Scripture adds that the child was also called Jedidiah
(‘‘ beloved of Yah’), ‘* for the Lord’s sake,”’ who “ had sent
by the hand of Nathan.”
445
100
10
μ"-
162
JOSEPHUS
»
φρέατος ἤρτηντο" καὶ τούτου τεταμιευμένου," ὡς
μὴ τελέως αὐτοὺς τ τὴν πηγὴν δαψιλέ-
στερον χρωμένους. γράφει δὴ τῷ βασιλεῖ ταῦτα
ῶν καὶ παρακαλῶν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τὴν αἵρεσιν τῆς
πόλεως ἐλθεῖν, ἵνα τὴν νίκην αὐτὸς ἐπιγραφῇ "
ταῦτα ᾿Ιωάβου γράψαντος “ἀποδεξάμενος αὐτὸν
τῆς εὐνοίας καὶ τῆς πίστεως ὁ βασιλεὺς παραλαβὼν
τὴν σὺν αὑτῷ δύναμιν ἡ ἧκεν ἐπὶ τὴν Τῆς ‘PaBabas
πόρθησιν, καὶ κατὰ κράτος ἑλὼν διαρπάσαι τοῖς
στρατιώταις ἐφῆκεν. αὐτὸς δὲ τὸν τοῦ βασιλέως
τῶν ᾿Αμμανιτῶν λαμβάνει στέφανον ἕλκοντα
χρυσοῦ τάλαντον καὶ πολυτελῆ λίθον ἔχοντα ἐν
/ , > 7 > ᾿] \ > A ~ ~
μέσῳ σαρδόνυχα: ἐφόρει δ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τῆς κεφαλῆς
διαπαντὸς Aavidys. πολλὰ δὲ καὶ ἄλλα σκῦλα
\ eo ~
λαμπρὰ Kat πολύτιμα εὗρεν ἐν TH πόλει: τοὺς δ᾽
” 3 7 / ἣ 3 \ A \ A
ἄνδρας αἰκισάμενος διέφθειρε. ταὐτὰ δὲ Kal τὰς
” ~ 9 ~ , , ς Α 2 A
ἄλλας τῶν ᾿Αμμανιτῶν πόλεις διέθηκεν ἑλὼν αὐτὰς
κατὰ κράτος.
eee Ἷ 9 ~
(viii. 1) ᾿Αναστρέψαντος δ᾽ ets “Ιεροσόλυμα τοῦ
΄“ ~ 4
βασιλέως πταῖσμα αὐτοῦ τὴν οἰκίαν ἐξ αἰτίας
Mage καταλαμβάνει: θυγάτηρ ἦν' αὐτῷ παρ-
> ἠρύτοντο ἃ Naber.
2 τούτου τεταμ. cod, Vat. ap. Hudson: τοῦτο τεταμιευμένον
SP: ταμείας ROCA).
3 Niese: ἐπιγράφη Rs: ἐπιγράφει O: ἐπιγραφείη MSP.
4 γὰρ ἣν RO.
¢ The details of the siege are an amplification of 2 Sam.
xii. 27, ‘ And Joab sent messengers to David, and said, I
have fought against Rabbah, and 1 have taken the city of
Waters,
δ Sothe Heb. malkdm “ their king’? ; but the xx reading
Medxou τοῦ βασιλέως indicates that the Ammonite god
Milcom (ef. 1 Kings xi. 5) was originally meant.
¢ Seriptnre speaks only of ἃ ** precious stone,’? Lxx λίθου
4.10
2}
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIF. 159-162
were dependent on a small well and this had to be
carefully controlled in order that the spring might
not fail them altogether because of too frequent use.@
Accordingly, he wrote to the king, informing him of
this and inviting him to come to othe capture of the
city in order that he might have the victory ascribed
to himself. Upon receiving Joab’s letter, the king
commended his loyalty and faithfulness ; then he
took along the force that was with him and came for
the sacking of Rabatha, which he took by force and
allowed his soldiers to plunder. He himself took
the crown of the Ammanite king,? which weighed a
talent of gold and had in its centre a precious stone,
a sardonyx x*; and thereafter David always wore it
on his own head.? He also found much other splendid
and valuable spoil in the city. As for the inhabitants,
he tortured them and put them to death.¢ And the
other Ammanite cities, which he took by force, he
treated in the same way.
(viii. 1) But when the king returned to Jcrusalem, The story οἱ
a vreat misfortune ov erook his household, arising \™2 and
2 Tamar
from the following cause. He had a daughter who (thamara)
7 2 Sain, xill
τιμίου. It may be noted that in Jf. iii. 165 Josephus uses
gapdovvé to translate Eleb. eben séhdm δ onyx” (?), Uxx
σμάραγδος ‘emerald ” (2) of Ex. xxviii. 9, while in 4. iii. 168
he uses the same word to translate Heb. ‘6dem “ sardinus ”’
(A.V. κ᾽ earnelian ’’), txx σάρδιον of Ex. xxviii. 17. Evidently
Josephus, like the ~txx translators, was not sure of the
meaning of some Heb, names of precious stones ; the same
uncertainty marks our renderings to-day.
4 It is not clear from Scripture whether David thereafter
wore the erown or only the jewel in it.
“ The Heb. text of 2 Sam. xii. 31 is obseure and probably
eorrupt, leaving it uncertain whether the Ammonites were
tortured or merely put to foreed labour. It is probable that
Josephus omits the Scriptural details becanse of the ditliculty
of the text.
4-47
163
164
165
166
JOSEPHUS
θένος μὲν ἔτι TO δὲ κάλλος εὐπρεπῆς, ὡς ἁπάσας
ὑπερβάλλειν τὰς εὐμορφοτάτας γυναῖκας, Θαμάρα
ὄνομα, τῆς δ᾽ αὐτῆς ᾿Αψαλώμῳ μητρὸς κεκοινω-
νηκυῖα. ταύτης ὁ πρεσβύτατος, τῶν Δαυίδου
παίδων ᾿Αμνὼν ἐρασθείς, ὡς οὔτε διὰ τὴν παρ-
θενίαν αὐτῆς οὔτε διὰ τὴν φυλακὴν τυχεῖν τῆς
ἐπιθυμίας ἐδύνατο, χαλεπῶς διέκειτο, καὶ τό τε
σῶμα τῆς ὀδύνης αὐτὸν κατεσθιούσης κατισχναί-
VETO καὶ τὴν χρόαν μετέβαλλε. δῆλος δὲ γίνεται
ταῦτα πάσχων ᾿Ιωνάθῃ τινὶ συγγενεῖ καὶ φίλῳ.
συνετὸς δ᾽ ἦν οὗτος ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα καὶ τὴν
διάνοιαν ὀξὺς. ὁρῶν οὖν Kal ἑκάστην πρωΐαν
τὸν ᾿Αμνῶνα μὴ κατὰ φύσιν ἔχοντα τῷ σώματι
προσελθὼν ἠρώτα φράσαι τὴν αἰτίαν αὐτῷ, εἰκά-
ζειν μέντοι γε αὐτὸς ἔλεγεν ἐξ ἐρωτικῆς οὕτως
ἔχειν αὐτὸν ἐπιθυμίας. τοῦ δὲ ᾿Αμνῶνος ὁμολογή-
σαντος τὸ πάθος, ὃ ὅτι τῆς ἀδελφῆς ἐ ἐρᾷ τυγχανούσης
ὁμοπατρίας, ὁδὸν αὐτῷ καὶ μηχανὴν εἰς τὸ περι-
γενέσθαι τῶν εὐκταίων ὑπέθετο" νόσον γὰρ ὑπο-
κρίνασθαι παρήνεσεν, ἐλθόντα δὲ πρὸς αὐτὸν τὸν
πατέρα πέμψαι τὴν ἀδελφὴν αὐτῷ διακονησομένην
ἐκέλευσε παρακαλέσαι" ῥᾷάω" γὰρ ἔσεσθαι καὶ
ταχέως ἀπαλλαγήσεσθαι τῆς νόσου τούτου γενο-
μένου. πεσὼν οὖν ὁ ᾿Αμνὼν ἐπὶ τὴν κλίνην νοσεῖν
προσεποιεῖτο κατὰ τὰς ᾿Ιωνάθου ὑποθήκας. παρα-
γενομένου δὲ τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ σκεπτομένου
πῶς ἔχοι, τὴν ἀδελφὴν ἐδεῖτο πέμψαι πρὸς αὐτόν"
ὁ δ᾽ εὐθὺς ἐκέλευσεν ἀχθῆναι. ἡκούσῃ δὲ προσ-
1 E Glycas: πρεσβύτερος codd.
2 Ernesti: ῥάων, paov codd.
α Bibl. Tamar, Lxx Onudp, Cod. A and Luc. Θαμάρ.
δ An added detail, suggested, I suspect, by the Targum’s
448
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 162-166
was still a virgin and of such striking beauty that
she surpassed all the fairest women; her name was
Thamara ἃ and she had the same mother as Absalom.
Now the eldest of David’s sons, Amnon, fell in love
with her but, since he could not obtain his desire
because of her virginity and because she was closely
guarded,® he became very ill and, as the pain con-
sumed his body, he wasted away and lost his colour.
His unhappy state then became apparent to a certain
Jonathes,° a relative and friend and a man who was
exceedingly clever and sharp-witted. So when he saw
Amnon every morning in a bodily state that was not
natural, he went up to him and asked him to tell
him the reason, but, he said, he himself guessed that
he was in this state as a result of love-sickness.4
And Amnon confessed his passion, saying that he
was in love with his sister on the father’s side, where-
upon the other suggested to him an ingenious way
of obtaining his wishes. He advised him to feign
illness and, when his father came to him, to request
him to send his sister to wait on him. [f he did this,
he said, he would get better and would soon be rid
of his illness. Accordingly, Amnon took to his bed
and, following Jonathes’ suggestion, pretended to be
ill. Then, when his father came and inquired how he
felt, he begged him to send his sister to him ; there-
upon the king immediately ordered her to be brought
rendering of 2 Sam. xiii. 2, where the Heb. has ‘ it was
difficult in the eyes of Amnon (A.V. “ and it seemed hard to
Amnon’”’) to do anything to her”’; for “ it was difficult ”’
Targum has hawd mekassd “ it was concealed,” but Josephus
apparently took the pte. mekassd as feminine and as referring
to Tamar.
¢ Bibl. Jonadab, txx ᾿Ιωναδάβ, Luc. ᾿Ιωναθάν, Scripture
adds that he was a son of Shimeah, David’s brother, cf. § 178.
4 Detail added by Josephus.
4.4.9
JOSEPHUS
x ~ ~ \ ~
ἔταξεν ἄρτους αὐτῷ ea ose ee er ᾿αὐτουργῷ
167 γενομένῃ" τὴν 10} γὰρ ἥδιον ἐκ τῶν ἐκείνης
χειρῶν. ἡ δ᾽ ἐμβλέποντος τἀδελφοῦ φυράσασα τὸ
ἄλευρον καὶ πλάσασα κολλυρίδας καὶ τηγανίσασα
προσήνεγκεν αὐτῷ: O δὲ τότε μὲν οὐκ ἐγεύσατο,
προσέταξε δὲ τοῖς οἰκέταις παραιτήσασθαι πάντας
πρὸ τοῦ δωματίου" βούλεσθαι γὰρ ἀναπαύσασθαι,
168 θορύβου καὶ ταραχῆς ἀπηλλαγμένος. ὡς δὲ τὸ
109
κελευσθὲν ἐγένετο, τὴν ἀδελφὴν. ἠξίωσεν εἰς τὸν
ἐνδοτέρω οἶκον τὸ δεῖπνον αὐτῷ παρενεγκεῖν"
ποιησάσης δὲ τοῦτο τῆς κόρης λαβόμενος αὐτῆς
συνελθεῖν αὐτῷ πείθειν ἐπειρᾶτο. ἀνακραγοῦσα
ἡ παῖς “ ἀλλὰ μὴ σύ γε τοῦτο βιάσῃ με μηδὲ
ἀσεβήσῃς,᾽ ᾿ εἶπεν, ᾿ ἀδελφέ, τοὺς νόμους παραβὰς
καὶ δεινῇ περιβαλὼν σαυτὸν αἰσχύνῃ: παῦσαι
οὕτως ἀδίκου καὶ μιαρᾶς ἐπιθυμίας, ἐξ ἧς ὀνείδη
καὶ κακοδοξίαν ὁ οἶκος ἡμῶν KEpoavel.” συν-
εβούλευέ τε περὶ τούτου διαλεχθῆναι τῷ πατρί:
συγχωρήσειν γὰρ ἐκεῖνον. ταῦτα δ᾽ ἔλεγε βουλο-
μένη τὴν ὁρμὴν αὐτοῦ τῆς ὀρέξεως πρὸς τὸ παρὸν
διαφυγεῖν. ὁ δ᾽ οὐ πείθεται, τῷ δὲ ἔρωτι καιό-
μενος καὶ τοῖς τοῦ πάθους κέντροις μυωπιζόμενος
170 βιάζεται τὴν ἀδελφήν. μῖσος δ᾽ εὐθέως μετὰ τὴν
,ὔ bs ? Ἁ > ~ 4
διακόρησιν' ELOEPNETAL TOV Apvara και προσ-
1 κορείαν (-ἰαν) ROE: διακορίαν S: διακορήσας Zonaras.
α Heb. κι lehbibdth “two heart-shaped (or ‘ round ’’)
eakes,”’ ‘Targunr tart(n halitathd δ" two dunrplings ” (dough
stirred and boiled in water, sometimes fried after boiling),
UXX dro Koddrtpas (8. -idas) “ two rolls.’ The txx word is
used by Josephus in § 167.
δ According to Scripture (Heb., Targum and txx) they
were boiled
¢ Marriage with a half-sister on the father’s side was thus
450
«
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 166-170
and, when she arrived. instrueted her to make some
fried? eakes for Amnon with her own hands. for,
David said, he would eat more readily from her
hands. And so, while her brother looked on, she
kneaded the flour and formed it into rolls which she
fried ® and brought to him. He, however, did not
immediately pate them, but ordered his servants to
send away all who aod at the door of his ehamber,
as he wished to rest and be free from noise and dis-
turbanee. When they had done as he ordered, he
asked his sister to serve the meal to him in his inner
ehamber, and the maid did so, whereupon he took
hold of her and attempted to persuade her to lie with
him. But the girl eried out and said, “‘ Oh no, do
not foree me to this nor be so impious, my brother,
as to transgress the Jaw and bring upon yourself
dreadful Steric. Give up this unrighteous and un-
holy desire, from which our house will reap only dis-
graee and ill fame.” She farther eounselled him to
speak of the matter with his father, for he would
eonsent to their marriage.© Thus she spoke in order
to eseape for the moment from the violenee of his
lust. Fle, however, did not listen to her, but, burning
with desire and voade d by the spur of passion,
violated his sister. But no sooner had Amnon
ravished @ her than he was filled with loathing of her,
evidently permitted in David's time, although prohibited in
the Jaw aseribed to Moses, Lev. xviii. 6 ff (which scholars
generally regard as actually niuch Jater than Moses). The
rabbis, attempting to reconcile this early practice with the
Mosaic law, explained that Tamar's mother had given birth
to her before being converted to Judaism, and that therefore
Tamar was not strictly a blood-relative of Amnon according
to Jewish law.
4 T. Reinach, hesitating to acecpt the reading διακόρησιν,
suggests μετὰ κόρον ** after surfeit.”
451
Tamar waits
on Amnon
and is
violated,
2 Sam. xiii. 8,
JOSEPHUS
λοιδορησάμενος ἐκέλευσεν ἀναστᾶσαν ἀπιέναι. τῆς
δὲ χείρω τὴν ὕβριν καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ἀποκαλούσης, εἰ
ιασάμενος αὐτὸς μηδ᾽ ἄχρι νυκτὸς ἐπιτρέπει
μεῖναι παραχρῆμα δ᾽ ἀπαλλάττεσθαι κελεύει ἐν
ἡμέρᾳ καὶ φωτί, ἵνα καὶ μάρτυσι τῆς αἰσχύνης
περιπέσοι, προσέταξεν αὐτὴν ἐκβαλεῖν τῷ οἰκέτῃ.
171 ἡ δὲ περιαλγὴς ἐπὶ τῇ ὕβρει καὶ τῇ βίᾳ γενομένη
περιρρήξασα τὸν χιτωνίσκον, ἐφόρουν γὰρ αἱ τῶν
ἀρχαίων παρθένοι χειριδωτοὺς ἄχρι τῶν σφυρῶν
πρὸς τὸ μὴ βλέπεσθαι χιτῶνας, καὶ σποδὸν κατα-
χεαμένη τῆς κεφαλῆς ἀπῇει διὰ τῆς πόλεως μέσης
172 βοῶσα καὶ ὀδυρομένη τὴν βίαν. περιτυχὼν 5
αὐτῇ ὁ ἀδελφὸς ᾿Αψάλωμος ἀνέκρινε τίνος αὐτῇ
εινοῦ συμβάντος οὕτως ἔχει" κατειπούσης δ᾽
αὐτῆς πρὸς αὐτὸν τὴν ὕβριν, ae καὶ μετρίως
φέρειν παρηγόρει καὶ μὴ νομίζειν ὑβρίσθαι φθα-
ρεῖσαν ὑπ᾽ ἀδελφοῦ. πεισθεῖσα οὖν παύεται τῆς
βοῆς καὶ τοῦ πρὸς πολλοὺς τὴν βίαν ἐκφέρειν, καὶ
πολὺν χρόνον χηρεύουσα παρὰ ᾿Αψαλώμῳ τῷ
ἀδελφῷ διεκαρτέρησε.
173. (2) Tvods δὲ τοῦθ᾽ 6 πατὴρ Δανυίδης τοῖς μὲν
πεπραγμένοις ἤχθετο, φιλῶν δὲ τὸν ᾿Αμνῶνα
σφόδρα, πρεσβύτατος γὰρ ἦν αὐτῷ υἱός, μὴ λυπεῖν
αὐτὸν ἠναγκάζετο. ὁ δὲ ᾿Αψάλωμος ἐμίσει" χαλε-
πῶς αὐτὸν καὶ λανθάνων καιρὸν εἰς ἄμυναν αὐτοῦ
174 τῆς ἁμαρτίας ἐπιτήδειον παρεφύλαττεν. ἔτος δ᾽
ἤδη τοῖς περὶ τὴν ἀδελφὴν αὐτοῦ πταίσμασι
1 Zonaras: ἀπεῖναι codd. E.
8 + ye MSP: + yap Naber: + τε Ernesti.
ᾳ Josephus, in translating Heb. hetoneth passim ** tunic
with sleeves ’’( ?) (A.V. “ garment of many colours ’’), com-
452
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 170-174
and, heaping abuse upon her head, he ordered her to
rise and be gone. And when she denounced it as a
still worse outrage that, after himself violating her,
he did not allow her to remain until night but ordered
her to depart immediately in broad daylight that she
might encounter witnesses of her shame, he told his
servant to throw her out. Then, in her distress at
the outrage and the violence done her, she rent her
tunic—in ancient times virgins wore long-sleeved
tunics reaching to the ankle,* in order not to be
exposed—and poured ashes on her head and went
away through the midst ἢ of the city, crying aloud
and bewailing the violence she had suffered. Her
brother Absalom meeting her inquired what mis-
fortune had befallen her that she acted in this way.
And when she told him of the outrage, he exhorted
her to be quiet and to take it calmly and not consider
herself outraged in having been ravished by her
brother. So she obeyed him and ceased crying and
publishing the violation abroad, and remained deso-
late © in the house of her brother Absalom.
(2) Now when her father David learned of this, he Absalom
was grieved by what had happened, but, as he loved (235.1
Amnon greatly,—for he was his eldest son—he was wrong done
compellednot tomake him suffer.¢. Absalom,however, jute?
hated him fiercely, and in seerct waited for a favour- 25a.
able opportunity to take vengeance for his crime. ~~
When the second year had already passed since his
bines the Lxx καρπωτός “long-sleeved” and Luc. ἀστραγαλω-
τός *‘ reaching to the ankle.”
δ Detail added by Josephus.
¢ So the ixx, lit. “‘ widowed’; Heb. s6mémah ‘* desolate ᾽ἢ
CARY);
4 Josephus’s explanation of David’s concern for Amnon is
taken from the xx addition to 2 Sam. xiii. 21.
453
176
]
.«
«1
8
JOSEPHUS
διεληλύθει δεύτερον, καὶ μέλλων ἐπὶ THY τῶν ἰδίων
A 3 / / ᾽ ’ ’ ᾽
κουρὰν ἐξιέναι θρεμμάτων εἰς δελσεφών, πόλις ὃ
ἐστὶν αὕτη τῆς ᾿Εφραΐμου κληρουχίας, παρακαλεῖ
‘
TOV oe τ καὶ τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς ἐλθεῖν πρὸς
αὐτὸν ἐφ᾽ τίασιν. παραιτησαμένου δ ὡς μὴ
βαρὺς αὐτῷ γένοιτο, τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς ἀποστεῖλαι
’ 5 ’ὔ \ aA > 4 3 ,
παρεκάλεσε. πέμψαντος δὲ τοῖς ἰδίοις ἐκέλευσεν,
omyvik av’ ἴδωσι τὸν ᾿Αμνῶνα μέθη παρειμένον
\ , ~
Kal κάρῳ, vevoavtos αὐτοῦ φονεύσωσι μηδένα
φοβηθέντες.
oar eet ἢ ἢ
(8) ‘Qs δ᾽ ἐποίησαν τὸ προσταχθὲν ἔκπληξις
\ Ἁ \ > ‘ ’ \ 4
καὶ ταραχὴ τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς λαμβάνει, καὶ δείσαντες
\ e ~ a >
περὶ ἑαυτῶν ἐμπηδήσαντες τοῖς ἵπποις ἐφέροντο
πρὸς τὸν πατέρα. φθάσας δέ τις αὐτοὺς ἅπαντας
ὑπὸ ᾿Αψαλώμου πεφονεῦσθαι τῷ πατρὶ προσήγ-
γειλεν. ὁ δ᾽ ὡς ἐπὶ παισὶν ὁμοῦ τοσούτοις ἀπο-
/
λωλόσι καὶ τοῦθ᾽ ὑπ᾽ ἀδελφοῦ, τῆς λύπης κἀπὶ
τῷ κτεῖναι" δοκοῦντι γινομένης πικρότερον, συναρ-
\ Α ~
παγεὶς ὑπὸ τοῦ πάθους οὔτε THY αἰτίαν ἀνέκρινεν
δ οι ΤΣ “A e \
οὔτ᾽ ἀλλο τι μαθεῖν, οἷον εἰκὸς τηλικούτου προσὴγ-
γελμένου κακοῦ καὶ Ou ὑπερβολὴν ἀπιστίαν ἔχοντος,
περιέμεινεν, ἀλλὰ καταρρηξάμενος τὴν ἐσθῆτα καὶ
ῥίψας ἑ ἑαυτὸν ἐπὶ τὴν γῆν ἔκειτο πενθῶν τοὺς υἱοὺς
ἅπαντας καὶ τοὺς ἀποθαιεῖν δεδηλωμένους καὶ τὸν
> / e \ ~ ~ > ~ ᾽ ~ a
ἀνηρηκότα. ὁ δὲ Lapa τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ αὐτοῦ παῖς
1 Niese: ὁπηνίκα codd. E: ὅπως ἡνίκα Holwerda: ὅπως
ἡνίκ᾽ ἂν Hudson.
5. + δυναμένης, -οἱς codd.
® Bibl. ** Baal-hazor, which is beside (lit. “ with ᾽ Eph-
raim,’ Lxx ἐν Βαιλασὼρ τῇ ἐχόμενα ᾿ΙΣφράϊμ, Lue. ασελλασὼρ
παρὰ Ἰυφράϊμ. ‘The Vodpaiu of Lue. is apparently Ophrah, a
city in the territory of Benjamin, not of Ephraim, ef. Joshua
xvili. 23; if this is so, it confirms the theory that Baal-hazor
4.84.
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 174-178
sister’s misfortune, and as he was about to depart
for Belsephin *—this is a city in the territory of
Ephraim @—to shear his sheep, he invited his father,
along with his brothers, to eome to his home for a
feast. But David declined on the ground that he
would be a burden to him, whereupon he urged him
to send his brothers. Then Absalom sent a message
to his men, giving orders that when they saw Amnon
overeome by drink and in a daze, they should, at a
signal from himself, murder him without fear of
anyone.
(3) And when they carried out these commands, Amnon's
dismay and confusion seized his other brothers, and pros
ἥ escape death
in fear for their lives they leaped on their horses ὃ at Absalom’
and rode away to their father. But someone reached etn
there before them and reported to the king that they *!". 59.
had all been murdered by Absalom. At the loss of
so many sons at once and especially at the hands of a
brother—his grief being more bitter when he thought
who the supposed murderer was ‘—he was overcome
by his trouble and did not inquire the reason nor take
time to learn anything else,—as might have bcen
expected in view of the greatness of the reported
tragedy and its unbelievable atrociousness @—but rent
his garments and threw himself on the ground to lie
there mourning for all his sons, both those whose
deaths had been announced and him who had slain
them. Then Jonathes, a son of his brother Sama,é
is the modern Tell’ Asur, about 5 miles N.E. of Beitin (bibl.
Bethel).
δ Bibl. ‘ mules.”
¢ The text appears to be corrupt, but no plausible ernenda-
tion suggests itself.
4 These reflections are, of course, unscriptural.
e"Susthe 1.xx2 bibl Βα. C78 101 note,
YOR. Y 20a 455
179
180
18]
182
183
JOSEPHUS
3 / 3 ~ / ~ 7 ,ὔ \ Ἁ
Ιωνάθης avetvat τι τῆς λύπης παρεκάλει καὶ περὶ
μὲν τῶν ἄλλων μὴ πιστεύειν ὡς τεθνᾶσιν, οὐδὲ γὰρ
αἰτίαν εὑρίσκειν ὑπολαμβάνειν, περὶ δ᾽ ᾿Αμνῶνος
1¢ 4 » ὃ ~ 3 4 Ἁ 4 Ἁ EA
ἐξετάζειν ἔφη δεῖν: εἰκὸς yap διὰ τὴν Oapdpas
ef 3 ~ 4 3 , \ > ,
ὕβριν ἀποτολμῆσαι τὸν ᾿Αψάλωμον τὴν ἀναίρεσιν
\ > , e
τὴν ἐκείνου. μεταξὺ δὲ κτύπος ἵππων καὶ θόρυβος
~ > ε
προσιόντων τινῶν αὐτοὺς ἐπέστρεψεν. ἦσαν δ᾽ οἱ
~ “᾿ e \ ~
τοῦ βασιλέως παῖδες οἱ διαδράντες ἀπὸ τῆς
ἑστιάσεως. ὑπαντᾷ δ᾽ αὐτοῖς ὁ πατὴρ θρηνοῦσι
λυπούμενος καὶ παρ᾽ ἐλπίδας ὁρῶν ovs ἀκηκόει
μικρὸν ἔμπροσθεν ἀπολωλότας. ἦν δὲ παρὰ πάν-
των δάκρυα καὶ στόνος, τῶν μὲν ὡς ἐπ᾽ ἀδελφῷ
4 ~ \ , e 2 aN \
τετελευτηκότι, τοῦ δὲ βασιλέως ὡς ἐπὶ παιδὶ κατ-
εσφαγμένῳ. φεύγει δ᾽ ᾿Αψάλωμος εἰς Γεσσούραν'
πρὸς τὸν πάππον τὸν πρὸς μητρὸς δυναστεύοντα
τῆς ἐκεῖ χώρας, καὶ τρισὶν ὅλοις ἔτεσι παρ᾽ αὐτῷ
καταμένει.
7. A \ \
(1) Tot δὲ Aavidov προαίρεσιν ἔχοντος ἐπὶ τὸν
ey 3 / f 3 ,2.ϑ " ’
υἱὸν ᾿Αψάλωμον πέμπειν, οὐκ ἐπὶ τιμωρίᾳ κατ-
ελευσόμενον, ἀλλ᾽ ὅπως εἴη σὺν αὐτῷ, καὶ γὰρ τὰ
~ > ~ ~ ges
τῆς ὀργῆς ὑπὸ τοῦ χρόνου λελωφήκει, πρὸς τοῦτο
~ \ > /
μᾶλλον αὐτὸν [ώαβος 0 ἀρχιστράτηγος παρώρ-
pence: γύναιον yap τι THY ἡλικίαν ἤδη προβεβηκὸς
ἐποίησεν αὐτῷ προσελθεῖν ἐν σχήματι πενθίμῳ,
ὡς" παίδων ἐπὶ τῆς ἀγροικίας αὐτῇ διενεχθέντων
\ \ ~
καὶ πρὸς φιλονεικίαν τραπέντων, οὐδειὸς τοῦ κατα-
παῦσαι δυναμένου παραφανέντος ἔλεγεν ὑπὸ θατέρου
\ ~ ~
τὸν ἕτερον πληγέντα ἀποθανεῖν: ἠξίου τε τῶν συγ-
~ \ ,
γενῶν ἐπὶ τὸν ἀνῃρηκότα ὡρμηκότων καὶ ζητούν-
1 Ἰ'εσούρα NI: ᾿᾿εθσοῦραν SP: Gessyr Lat.
2 ὡς om. M: ἡ ex Lat. Dindorf: post ὡς lacunam statuit
Niese.
450
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 178-183
urged him to moderate his grief somewhat and not
belie that his other sons were dead, as he found
no reason for supposing such a thing ; but, as for
Amnon, he ought to make inquiries, for it was likely
that, because ofthe outrage to Thamara. Absalom had
been reckless enough to slay him. Meanwhile the
clatter of horses and the noise of approaching men
caused them to look around®; and there were the
king’s sons who had eseaped from the feast. When
their father greeted them, they were in tears, and he
himself was grief-stricken because it was more than he
had hoped for when he beheld those of whose death
he had heard but a little while before. So there were
tears and laments on both sides, on theirs for their
dead brother, and on the king’s for his slaughtered
son. But Absalom fled to πὰ δ᾽ to his τα εὐ ε
grandfather,¢ who ruled over that country, and re-
mained with him three whole years
(+) Now David had the ΣΌΣ ἢ of sending for Joab’s
his son Absalom, not that he might be punished Ol eee
to reconcile
his return, but in order that he might be with him, David to
for in the course of time his anger had abated; to eo
ἜΛΕΞΕ his-commanierin-chiehacab strongly xiii, 39,
urged him on by causing a certain woman, well 2 Sam.
adit anced in years, to come to him in mourner’s garb ats
with a story that her sons, having a dispute in the
field, had come to an open quarre] and, as no one
appeared who could have stopped it. one of them was
struck by the other and killed; she had asked her
relatives who had set out to hunt the slayer and slay
4 Unseriptural details.
> Bibl. Geshur, Lxx Γεδσούρ (v.l. Ἰ'εσσείρ) . an Aramaic
kingdom lying east of the Sea of Galilee.
¢ His name, Talmai (cf. § 21 note), is given, at this point,
in Scripture,
457
JOSEPHUS
των αὐτὸν ἀνελεῖν, χαρίσασθαι τὴν σωτηρίαν αὐτῇ
τοῦ παιδὸς καὶ μὴ τὰς ἐπιλοίπους" τῆς γηροκομίας
αὐτὴν ἐλπίδας προσαφαιρεθῆναι" τοῦτο δ᾽ αὐτῇ
κωλύσαντα τοὺς βουλομένους ἀποκτεῖναι τὸν υἱὸν
αὐτῆς παρέξειν" οὐ γὰρ ἐφέξειν ἐκείνους ἄλλῳ τινὶ
184 τῆς σπουδῆς ἢ τῷ παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ φόβῳ. τοῦ δὲ
συγκατανεύσαντος" οἷς τὸ γύναιον ἱκέτευσεν, ὑπο-
λαβὸν πάλιν πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα “ χάρις μέν, i‘ εἶπεν,
“ἤδη σου τῇ χρηστότητι κατοικτείραντός μου τὸ
γῆρας καὶ τὴν παρὰ μικρὸν ἀπαιδίαν, ἀλλ᾽ ἕνα
βέβαια τὰ παρὰ τῆς σῆς μοι 7° φιλανθρωπίας, τῷ
σαυτοῦ παιδὶ πρῶτον κατα άγηθι καὶ τὴν πρὸς
18ὅ αὐτὸν ὀργὴν ἀφες: πῶς γὰρ ἂν πεισθείην ἐμοί σε
ταύτην ἀληθῶς! δεδωκέναι τὴν χάριν αὐτοῦ σοῦ
μέχρι νῦν ἐφ᾽ ὁμοίοις ἀπεχθανομένου τῷ παιδί;
τελέως δ᾽ ἀνόητον" εἶναι προσθεῖναι τῷ παρὰ
180 γνώμην ἀποθανόντι υἱῷ" ἄλλον ἑκουσίως. συνίησι
δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς ὑπόβλητον οὖσαν τὴν σκῆψιν ἐξ
᾿Ιωάβου καὶ τῆς τούτου σπουδῆς: καὶ ἐπειδὴ παρὰ
τῆς πρεσβύτιδος πυθόμενος οὕτως ἔχον τἀληθὲς
ἔμαθε, προσκαλεσάμενος τὸν ᾿Ιώαβον ἐπιτυχεῖν τε
τοῦ προκειμένου κατὰ νοῦν ἔφασκε καὶ τὸν ᾿Αψά-
λωμον ἄγειν ἐκέλευσεν" οὐ γὰρ ἔτι χαλεπῶς ἔχειν
πρὸς αὐτόν, ἀλλ᾽ ἤδη τὴν ὀργὴν καὶ τὸν θυμὸν
187 ἀφεικέναι. ὁ δὲ προσ ὑνΠ σ0Ὶ τὸν ασιλέα καὶ
τοὺς λόγους ἀσπασάμενος ἐξώρμησεν εἰς τὴν
εσσούραν παραυτίκα καὶ τὸν ᾿Αψάλωμον παρα-
λαβὼν ἧκεν ets ‘lepoodAupa.
1 ἔτι λοιπὰς (-ὸν E) ROE.
2 συγκαταινέσαντος MSE: adnuente Lat.
$M: εἴη rell. E. 4 ἀληθῶς om. RO.
5 δ᾽ ἀνόητον] δ᾽ ἂν ἀνόητον SP: δ᾽ ἂν M: ἀνόητον δ᾽ E.
6. ἀποθαν, υἱῷ] ἀποθανόντος τοῦ υἱοῦ MSP: ἀποθανόντι καὶ E.
458
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 183-187
him in turn, to spare her son’s life for her sake and
not further deprive her of her last remaining hope of
support in her old age. This, she said, the king would
seeure to her by preventing those who wished to kill
her son from so doing, for nothing would restrain
them from their purpose except their fear of him.
And when he aeeeded to the woman’s petition, she
again addressed him with these words, “ I do indeed
thank you for your kindness in taking pity on my
old age and on my near-childlessness, but, in order
that I may have full assurance of your humane treat-
ment of me, be first reeoneiled to your own son and
let your anger toward him cease. For how should
I be persuaded that you have truly granted me this
kindness if you yourself still feel hate toward your
son for a like reason? It would be utterly unreason-
able if, after one son has perished against your will,
you were willingly to cause the death of another.” 5
Then the king pereeived that this pretended ease
was an invention of Joab and due to his zeal for
Absalom’s cause. And when, by questioning the
old woman, he learned that it was so in truth, he
summoned Joab to tell him that he had gained his
end, and he bade him bring Absalom, for he was no
longer hostile to him but had already got over his
anger and displeasure. Thereupon Joab did obeis-
ance to the king, reeeiving his words with joy, and
at onee set out for Gessiira, from which place he
brought Absalom baek with him to Jerusalem.
® The woman’s second specch is considerably amplified by
Josephus.
459
188
189
190
191
JOSEPHUS
~ > \
(5) Προέπεμψε δ᾽ ἔμπροσθεν 6 βασιλεὺς πρὸς
\ δὰ ,
τὸν υἱὸνδ ὡς ἤκουσε παραγενόμενον καὶ πρὸς
e ~ 4
ἑαυτὸν ἐκέλευσε χωρεῖν: οὔπω γὰρ οὕτως ἔχειν
ω 3 > \ > ~ , A ς \ ~ ~
wot εὐθὺς ἰδεῖν κατελθόντα. Kal ὁ μὲν τοῦτο τοῦ
A A ᾽ γ᾽ / A 3 ᾽ ~ A
πατρὸς κελεύσαντος ἐξέκλινε τὴν ὄψιν αὐτοῦ Kat
διετέλει τῆς παρὰ τῶν οἰκείων θεραπείας τυγχάνων.
2 3 , > > A , e , ~
οὐκ ἐπεβέβλαπτο δ᾽ ets τὸ κάλλος ὑπό TE τῆς
λύπης καὶ τοῦ μὴ τυγχάνειν τῆς προσηκούσης
> 7 ta 7 3 > ” Ἁ 3 “A A
ἐπιμελείας υἱῷ βασιλέως, ἀλλ᾽ ἔτι yap ἐξεῖχε Kat
διέπρεπε πάντων, τῷ τε εἴδει καὶ τῷ μεγέθει τοῦ
\ ~ ~
σώματος Kal τοὺς ἐν πολλῇ τρυφῇ διαιτωμένους
ς , ~ ? ~*~ ‘ ᾽; ΄ ~
ὑπερέβαλλε. τοσοῦτον μέντοι ye ἦν τὸ βάθος τῆς
κόμης, ὡς μόλις αὐτὴν ἡμέραις ἀποκείρειν ὀκτώ,
? e 3 > A
σταθμὸν ἕλκουσαν σίκλους διακοσίους" οὗτοι δ᾽ εἰσὶ
πέντε μναῖ. διέτριψε μέντοι γε ἐν ‘TepocoAvpots
ἔτη δύο, τριῶν μὲν ἀρρένων πατὴρ γενόμενος
~ “a
μιᾶς δὲ θυγατρὸς τὴν μορφὴν ἀρίστης, ἣν ὁ
vw nN ~ ey ¢ > ,ὔ Ὁ λ a A
LodAop@vos υἱὸς ‘PoPdapos ὕστερον λαμβάνει, Kat
7, “ 3 2 A > , ” /
γίνεται παιδίον ἐξ αὐτῆς “ABias ὄνομα. πέμψας
1 Niese: πᾶν ROM: πάντας SP: om. E.
@ Bibl. “‘ it was at every year’s end that he polled it,’ Heb.
miqqgés yimim leyamim, lit. “from the end (or * period ’’) of
days to days,” Lxx am’ ἀρχῆς ἡμερῶν eis ἡμέρας. The
Targum and Jewish tradition recognize that the expression
migyés yamim leyamim generally means ** from year to year,”
but some rabbis took it here, as did Josephus, to mean “* from
week to week,” explaining that Absalom was permitted,
though a Nazirite, to clip it slightly every week because his
hair was particularly heavy (Ginzberg v. 1035).
> Bibl. *S two hundred (Luc. “ one hundred *’) shekels after
the king’s weight.’ Keinach's note that the shekel was one
fiftieth of a mina and that Josephus should therefore have
400
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 188-191
(5) When the king heard of his son’s arrival, he
sent to him beforehand, ordering him to retire to his
own house, for he was not yet in a mood to see
him immediately upon his return. So Absalom, in
aecordance with this eommand of his father, avoided
his presenee and continued at the same time to be
waited on by his servants. Now he had not suffered
any loss of beauty through sorrow or the lack of eare
proper to a king’s son, but was still remarkable and
distinguished among all for his looks and_ bodily
stature, and surpassed even those who lived in great
luxury. Furthermore, so great was the thiekness of
his hair that he could scarcely eut it within a week,?
its weight being two hundred shekels, whieh equal
five minae.2 He dwelt, however, in Jerusalem two
years and beeame the father of three sons and of
one very beautiful daughter, whom Solomon's son
Roboamos © married Jater and by whom he had a
son named Abias.¢ Then Absalom himself sent to
written “ four minae ”’ instead of ‘‘ five minae ”’ overlooks the
fact that in Josephus's time there was a mina of forty shekels
as well as one of tifty (cf. ὃ. Krauss, Τα μη μα σοῖο Archiologie,
ii, 100). But it must be admitted that Josephus is as incon-
sistent in metrology as in chronology, cf. A. xiv. 106 note.
¢ Bibl. Rehoboam, Lxx ‘Posodu. The Heb. at this point
mentions Absalom’s daughter Tamar (whom Josephus ealls
Thamara in § 244), but not her subsequent marriage to
<ehoboain ; this detail is found in the rxx addition to this
verse, 2 Sam. xiv. 97, Rehoboam’s wife is called Maacah
(1 Kings xv. 2; 2 Chron. xi. 20) or Micaiah, the daughter of
Uriel (2 Chron. xiii. 2); Lue. removes the diffieulty by
reading Maacah for Tamar in 2 Sam., but that Josephus
here evades it, as Weill supposes, is doubtful in view of αὶ 244.
Morcover, instead of evading the difliculty, Josephus resolves
it, in af. vill, 249, by making Rehoboam’s wife Maacah, a
daughter of Absalom’s daughter Tamar.
4 Bibl. Abijah, rxx (2 Sain.) ᾽Δ βιαθάρ (v.l. “ABia).
461
Absalom’s
return ; his
great
beauty.
2 Sam.
xiv. 24.
193
194
195
JOSEPHUS
δ᾽ αὐτὸς ᾿Αψάλωμος πρὸς ᾿Ιώαβον ἐδεῖτ᾽ αὐτοῦ
τελέως ᾿καταπραῦναι τὸν πατέρα καὶ δεηθῆναι
ὅπως αὐτῷ συγχωρήσῃ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐλθόντι θεά-
σασθαί τε καὶ προσειπεῖν. καταμελήσαντος δὲ
᾿Ιωάβου, τῶν ἰδίων τινὰς ἀποστείλας τὴν ὁμο-
ροῦσαν αὐτῷ χώραν ἐπυρπόλησεν. ὁ δὲ τὸ πραχθὲν
μαθὼν ἧκε πρὸς τὸν ᾿Λψάλωμον ἐγκαλῶν τε αὐτῷ
καὶ τὴν αἰτίαν πυνθαν μενος. ὁ be | στρατήγημα
Tour,’ εἶπεν, “ εὗρον ἀγαγεῖν σε πρὸς ἡμᾶς δυνάμε-
vov ἀμελοῦντα τῶν ἐντολῶν, ἃς ἵνα μοι τὸν πατέρα
διαλλάξῃς ἐ ἐποιούμην. καὶ δὴ δέομαί σου παρόντος
ἡμερῶσαί μοι τὸν γεγεννηκότα" ὡς ἔγωγε, δεινοτέ-
ραν τῆς φυγῆς κρίνω τὴν κάθοδον ἐ ἔτι τοῦ πατρὸς
ἐν ὀργῇ μένοντος. πεισθεὶς δ᾽ ὁ ᾿Ιώαβος καὶ
τὴν ἀνάγκην αὐτοῦ κατοικτείρας ἐμεσίτευσε πρὸς
τὸν βασιλέα καὶ διαλεχθεὶς περὶ τοῦ παιδὸς οὕτως
αὐτὸν ἡδέως διατίθησιν, ὡς εὐθέως καλέσαι πρὸς
αὑτόν. τοῦ δὲ ῥίψαντος αὑτὸν ἐπὶ τοὔδαφος καὶ
συγγν ὦμην αἰτουμένου τῶν ἡμαρτημένων ἀνίστησί
τε καὶ τῶν γεγονότων ἀμνηστίαν ἐπαγγέλλεται.
(ix. 1) Ὃ δὲ ᾿Αψάλωμος τοιούτων αὐτῷ τῶν
παρὰ τοῦ πατρὸς ἀποβάντων πολλοὺς μὲν ἵππους
ἐν ὀλίγῳ πάνυ χρόνῳ πολλὰ δ᾽ ἅρματα ἐκέκτητο,
καὶ ὁπλοφόροι περὶ αὐτὸν ἦσαν πεντήκοντα" καθ᾽
ἑκάστην δ᾽ ἡμέραν ὄρθριος πρὸς τὰ βασίλεια
παρεγίνετο καὶ τοῖς ἐπὶ τὰς κρίσεις ἥκουσι καὶ
ἐλαττουμένοις πρὸς ἡδονὴν ὁμιλῶν, ὡς παρὰ τὸ μὴ
συμβούλους ἀγαθοὺς εἶναι τῷ πατρὶ τάχ᾽ αὐτῶν"
καὶ ἀδίκως ἐπταικότων τῶν περὶ τὴν κρίσιν,
1 + καὶ βασιλέως SP: βασιλέως (om. πατρὸς) M. 53 αὐτῷ ROM.
4 The first part of Absalom’s request is a detail added by
Josephus.
462
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 191-195
Joab, asking him to appease his father ? and request Absalom
that he allow him to come to see him and speak with
him. but as Joab paid no attention to this,’ he sent
some of his men to set fire to a field adjacent to him.°¢
When Joab heard what had been done, he came to
Absalom to complain of it to him and to learn the
reason for it, whereupon the other said, ‘‘ I hit upon
this scheme as something which might bring you to
me, since you have disregar ded the injunctions which
I laid upon you to reconcile my father tome. Now
indeed, that you are before me, I request you to
soften my parent toward me, for I hold my return
to be a greater misfortune than exile while my father
still persists in his anger.’’ Joab was persuaded to
do so and, having pity on his need, intereeded for
him with the king, to whom he spoke about his son
and disposed him so favourably toward him that he
straightway summoned him into his presence. Then
Absalom threw himself upon the ground and asked
pardon for his sins, whereupon David raised him up 4
and promised forgetfulness of what had happened.
(ix. 1) After this experience with his father,
Absalom ina very short time acquired a great number
of horses and ehariots, and had fifty armed men ὁ
about him. And every day, early in the morning
he went to the palace and spoke ingratiatingly to
those who had come for judgement and had lost their
suit, suggesting that they had lost the ease because
his father had not had good counsellors or because
ὑ Absalom sends twice to Joab in Seripture.
“7,6. Joab. Scripture says that the field belonged to Joab
and was adjace nt to Absalom.
4 Bibl. “" and the king kissed Absalom.”
“ Bibl. “ fifty men to run before him.”
463
persuades
Joab to
perce’
r him
with David,
2 Sam.
xiv. 29,
Absalom
recruits
an armed
force for a
rebellion.
» 2 Sam.
xv. 1.
190
107
108
199
JOSEPHUS
εὔνοιαν αὑτῷ παρὰ πάντων κατεσκεύαζε λέγων ὡς
αὐτὸς ἂν εἰ ταύτην εἶχε τὴν ἐξουσίαν πολλὴν
αὐτοῖς ἐβράβευσεν εὐνομίαν. τούτοις δημαγωγῶν
τὸ πλῆθος ὡς βεβαίαν ἔχειν' ἤδη τὴν παρὰ τῶν
ὄχλων εὔνοιαν ἐνόμιζε, μετὰ δὲ τὴν τοῦ πατρὸς
αὐτῷ" καταλλαγὴν τεσσάρων ἐτῶν ἤδη διεληλυθότων,
ἐδεῖτο προσελθὼν εἰς Χεβρῶνα συγχωρῆσαι πορευ-
θέντι θυσίαν ἀποδοῦναι τῷ θεῷ: φεύγοντα γὰρ
αὐτὸν εὐξασθαι. τοῦ δὲ Δαυίδου τὴν ἀξίωσιν ἐφ-
évros® πορεύεται, καὶ πολὺς ἐπισυνέρρευσεν ὄχλος
ἐπὶ πολλοὺς αὐτοῦ διαπέμψαντος.
(2) Παρῆν δὲ καὶ ὁ Δαυίδου σύμβουλος ὁ TeA-
μωναῖος ᾿Αχιτόφελος καὶ διακόσιοί τινες “εξ αὐτῶν
ἹΙεροσολύμων οὐκ εἰδότες μὲν τὴν ἐπιχείρησιν, ὡς
δ᾽ ἐπὶ θυσίαν μετεσταλμένοι" καὶ βασιλεὺς ὑπὸ
πάντων ἀποδείκνυται, τοῦτο γενέσθαι στρατηγήσας.
ὡς δ᾽ ἀπηγγέλη ταῦτα Δαυίδῃ καὶ παρ᾽ ἐλπίδας
αὐτῷ τὰ παρὰ τοῦ παιδὸς ἠκούσθη, δείσας ἅμα
καὶ τῆς ἀσεβείας καὶ τῆς “τόλμης αὐτὸν θαυμάσας,
ὅτι μηδὲ τῆς ἐπὶ τοῖς ἡμαρτημένοις συγγνώμης
ἐμνημόνευσεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκείνων πολὺ χείροσι καὶ
παρανομωτέροις ἐπεβάλετο βασιλείᾳ πρῶτον μὲν
ὑπὸ θεοῦ οὐ δεδομένῃ, δεύτερον δὲ ἐπ᾿ ἀφαιρέσει
τοῦ γεγεννηκότος, ἔγνω φεύγειν εἰς τὰ πέραν τοῦ
᾿Ιορδάνου. καὶ συγκαλέσας τῶν φίλων τοὺς ἐπι-
τηδειοτάτους καὶ περὶ τῆς τοῦ παιδὸς ἀπονοίας
1 ἔχειν om. RO. 2 Niese: αὐτοῦ codd.
3 Niese: ἀφέντος codd. E fort. recte.
α So Luc.; Heb. and rxx “ forty ’’ (“ and it came to pass
at the end of forty years,’ etc.). ‘The rabbis, who realized
the difficulty of reading “ forty years,” which apparently
means from the time of David and Absalom’s reconciliation,
reckoned it from the time when Saul was chosen king.
464
JEWISH ΓΙ ΓΠΙΒ. ΠῚ 1955:109
of an injustice ; and he won the goodwill of all by
saying that if he himself had had this power he would
have dispensed full and equal justice to them. By
these means he curried favour with the multitude,
and, when he thought that the loyalty of the populace
was secured to him,—four @ years having now passed
since his father’s reconciliation with him—he went
to him and asked for permission to go to Hebron and
offer sacrifice to God seeing that he had so vowed
wheninexile. And, when David granted his request,
he departed, and a great multitude streamed to him,
for he had sent out messages to many.
(2) There were with him also David’s counsellor
Achitophel the Gelmonite ὃ and two hundred men
from Jerusalem itself, who knew nothing of the busi-
ness in hand, but thought themselves summoned to
a sacrifice ; and he was chosen by them all as king, *
as he had contrived should be done. When these
things were reported to David and he heard of these
unexpected acts of his son, he was both alarmed and
surprised at his impiety and audacity, for Absalom
was not even mindful of having been pardoned for
his sins, but was guilty of much greatcr acts of
lawlessness in having designs upon the kingship,
which, in the first place, had not been given him
by God and, in the second place, involved the re-
moval of his parent.° He therefore decided to fice
to the country across the Jordan. And he ealled
together his closest friends and. having taken counsel
with them concerning his son’s madness, committed
» So Luc.; bibl. Gilonite (Héb. Gildnf, 1.6. from Giluvh),
yxx cod. 1} Ὁ κωνε cod. A Γιλωναΐῳ, al. Po\auwvatov. ‘The
site of Giloh is uncertain; it is identified by some with
Khirbet Jald, 6 wiies Nv of Hebron.
¢ David's reflections are an amplification of Scripture.
405
David learns
of Absalom’s
plot and
flees from
Jerusalem.
2 cys
Fos)
JOSEPHUS
κοινολογησάμενος αὐτοῖς Kal περὶ πάντων ἐπι-
τρέψας κριτῇ τῷ θεῷ, καταλιπὼν τὰ βασίλεια
φυλάσσειν δέκα παλλακίσιν ἀπῆρεν ἐκ τῶν ‘lepo-
“ “- » , , 1 2 ~
σολύμων, τοῦ TE ἄλλου πλήθους προθύμως αὐτῷ
συνεξορμήσαντος καὶ τῶν ἑξακοσίων ὁπλιτῶν, οἵ
καὶ τῆς πρώτης αὐτῷ" φυγῆς ἐκοινώνουν, ὅτ᾽ ἔζη
200 Σαοῦλος. τὸν δὲ ᾿Αβιάθαρον καὶ τς ον πος
ἀρχιερεῖς συναπαίρειν αὐτῷ" διεγνωκότας καὶ
Ληουίτας ἅπαντας μετὰ τῆς κιβωτοῦ μένειν
ἔπεισεν, ὡς" τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ μὴ μετακομιζομένης
20] αὐτῆς ῥυσομένου. ἐνετείλατο δ᾽ ἕκαστα τῶν γινο-
μένων λάθρα διαγγέλλειν αὐτῷ: πιστοὺς δ᾽ ἔσχε
πρὸς πάντα διακόνους παῖδας ᾿Αχίμαν μὲν Σα-
dwkov Τωνάθην δὲ ᾿Αβιαθάρου. "Ἐθις δ᾽ ὁ Γιτταῖος"
᾽ὔ > ~ , 4 ,ὕ 7
συνεξώρμησεν αὐτῷ βιασάμενος τὴν Δαυίδου βού-
ησιν (μένειν γὰρ αὐτὸν ἀνέπειθε) καὶ διὰ τοῦτο
203 μᾶλλον εὔνους αὐτῷ κατεφάνη. ἀναβαίνοντος δ᾽
αὐτοῦ διὰ τοῦ ᾿Ελαιῶνος ὄρους γυμιοῖς τοῖς ποσὶ
καὶ πάντων σὺν αὐτῷ δακρυόντων, ἀγγέλλεται καὶ
ὁ ᾿Αχιτόφελος συνὼν τῷ ᾿Αψαλώμῳ καὶ τὰ τούτου
9
φρονῶν. ἐπέτεινε δ᾽ αὐτῷ τὸ λυπηρὸν τοῦτ᾽
2 tf A A Α 3 - ὔ
ἀκουσθέν, καὶ τὸν θεὸν ἐπεκαλεῖτο δεόμενος ἀπ-
~ ‘ > , 4 4 4
αλλοτριῶσαι τὴν ᾿Αψαλώμου διάνοιαν πρὸς τὸν
᾿Αχιτόφελον. ἐδεδίει γὰρ μὴ τἀναντία συμβου-
λεύων πείσειεν αὐτόν, ἀνὴρ ὧν φρενήρης καὶ συν-
203 δεῖν τὸ λυσιτελὲς ὀξύτατος. γενόμενος δ᾽ ἐπὶ τῆς
κορυφῆς τοῦ ὄρους ἀπεσκόπει τὴν πόλιν καὶ μετὰ
1 προθύμως om. RO. 2 αὐτῷ om. RO.
3 ed. pro: ὅπως codd.
4 O: Vuréatos rell.: Tettheus Lat.
GUA. Achimanos ; bibl. Ahimaaz (Heb. Ahima’as), txx-
"Avetuatas, Lue, ’ Αχειμάας.
ὃ Called Ethaios in § 233; bibl. Ittai, rxx Σεθθεί, Luc,
406
JEMVISH: ANTIOGIEIES > VAIL. 21992203
the entire matter into the hands of God as judge.
Then, having left the palace in the keeping of his
ten coneubines, he departed from Jerusalem with
a large number who were eager to accompany him,
and also the six hundred armed men who had taken
part in his former flight in the lifetime of Saul. But
Abiathar and Sadok, the high priests, who had in-
tended to depart with him, and all the Levites he
persuaded to remain behind with the ark, for God,
he said, would deliver him even if it were not
brought along. He also instructed them to report
to him secretly everything that happened. In all
these matters he had as fae faithful aids Achimas,?
the son of Sadok, and Jonathan, the son of Abiathar.
Ethis ὃ the Gittite also set out with him, having over-
come the objeetions of David who had tried to per-
suade him to stay, and in this way he showed his
loyalty even more elearly. Now as David was
ascending the Mount of Olives with bare feet and
with all his company in tears, news was brought to
him that Achitophel was with Absalom and now
belonged to his party. And when David heard this,
his erief was intensified and he ealled upon God,
besccching Him to alienate Absaloin’s feeling from
Achitophel, for he feared that his hostile counsels
might prove persuasive to him, as those of a man of
ready wit and quick to see an advantage. And
when he reaehed the crest ὁ of the mountain, he gazed
"Hoel. In Scripture Ittai is mentioned before the high priests’
sons.
¢ The preceding sentence is an amplification of David's
prayerin. 2’ Sam. xy. 31) O Lord, spray thce, make foolish
the counsel of Ahitophel.”’
4 So the Heb., whieh has rds ‘ head ”’
this as a proper name ‘Pods,
; ~xx transliterates
407
The high
priests
remain in
Jerusalem,
2 Sam.
xv. 24.
205
206
JOSEPHUS
πολλῶν δακρύων ὡς ἂν βασιλείας ἐκπεσὼν ηὔχετο
τῷ Gea: συνήντησε δ᾽ αὐτῷ φίλος ἀνὴρ καὶ βέβαιος
Χουσὶς ὄνομα. τοῦτον ὁρῶν τὴν ἐσθῆτα κατ-
ἐερρηγμένον καὶ τὴν κεφαλὴν σποδοῦ πλήρη καὶ
ρηνοῦντα τὴν μεταβολὴν παρηγόρει καὶ παύσασθαι
τῆς λύπης παρεκάλει καὶ τέλος ἱκέτευσεν ἀπελ-
θόντα πρὸς ᾿ΑΛψάλωμον ὡς τὰ ἐκείνου φρονοῦντα
τά τε ἀπόρρητα τῆς διανοίας αὐτοῦ κατανοεῖν καὶ
ταῖς ᾿Αχιτοφέλου συμβουλίαις ἀντιπράττειν" οὐ
γὰρ τοσοῦτον ὠφελήσειν αὐτῷ συνερχόμενον, ὅσον
παρ᾽ ἐκείνῳ γενόμενον. καὶ ὁ μὲν πεισθεὶς τῷ
Aavidy καταλιπὼν αὐτὸν ἧκεν εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα:
ἀφικνεῖται δ᾽ εἰς αὐτὰ μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ καὶ ᾿Αψά-
λωμος.
(3 3) "OXiyov δὲ τῷ Aavidy προελθόντι" Σιβᾶς ὃ
τοῦ Δἰεμφιβόσθου δοῦλος συνήντησεν, ὃν προνοη-
σόμενον ἀπεστάλκει τῶν κτήσεων ἃς δεδώρητο τῷ
᾿Ιωνάθου τοῦ Σαούλου παιδὸς vid, μετὰ ζεύγους
- 5 Uy y
ὄνων καταπεφορτισμένων τοῖς ἐπιτηδείοις, ἐξ ὧν
ἐκέλευσε λαμβάνειν ὧν αὐτός τε καὶ οἱ σὺν αὐτῷ
δέοιντο. πυνθανομένου δὲ ποῦ καταλέλοιπε τὸν
MepdiBoobov, ἐν “Ἱεροσολύμοις ἔλεγε προσδοκῶντα
χειροτονηθήσεσθαι βασιλέα διὰ τὴν ὑπάρχουσαν
ταραχὴν εἰς μνήμην ὧν εὐεργέτησεν αὐτοὺς
Σαοῦλος. ἀγανακτήσας δ᾽ ἐπὶ τούτῳ πάνθ᾽ ὅσα
τῷ Μεμφιβόσθῳ παρεχώρησε Σιβᾷ χαρίζεται:
πολὺ γὰρ δικαιότερον αὐτὸν ἐκείνου ταῦτ' ἔχειν
ἐπεγνωκέναι: καὶ ὁ μὲν Σιβᾶς περιχαρὴς ἦν.
1 ed. pr. Lat.: προσελθόντι codd.
4 Bibl. Hushai the Arcite, xx Χουσεὶ ὁ “Apxi; Some LXx
mss., followed by the ancient versions, mistakenly took ‘Apxi
408
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 203-206
upon the city and with many tears. as if already fallen
from royal power, prayed to God. Then there met Hushai
him a man who was a firm friend of his, named ΟΕ ΗΒ
Chiisis,? and when David saw him with his garments oat
torn and his head covered with ashes,? weeping over agent.
the change of fortune, he comforted him and ex- 3 Sam
horted him to cease grieving, and finally implored
him to go back to Absalom under pretence of being
on his side, in order to discover his secret plans and
oppose the counsels of Achitophel. He would not,
said David, be of as great help to him by coming
along as he might be by staying with Absalom. And
SO, at David’s s persuasion, he ‘left him and came to
Jerusalem, where, not long after, Absalom also
arrived.
(3) Now David had gone on a little further when Ziba (sibay
he was met by Siba, the servant of Nemphibosthos, τ εν
whom David had sent to take charge of the property provisions.
which he had presented to the son of Jonathan, the a
son of Saul’; Siba had with him a couple of asses
laden with provisions, from which he bade David take
whatever he himself and his men might need. And,
when he was asked where he had left Memphibosthos,
he said, ἢ Jerusalem,” where he was waiting to be
chosen king j in the midst of the prevailing confusion,
in recognition of the benefits which Saul had con-
ferred on the people. In his indignation at this,
David made a present to Siba of all that he had
granted to Memphibosthos, for, he said, he recognized
that he had a far Juster claim to possess them than
had the other. And so Siba was greatly pleased.
as an adjective compound with the following noun ἑταῖρος;
reading ἀρχιέταιρος “ chief friend’; cf. § 216 note.
6 Bibl.“ earth.” aia aad ΒΕ Te
400
JOSEPHUS
(t) Aavidyn δὲ γενομένῳ κατὰ Nwpavov' τόπον
οὕτως καλούμενον ἐπέρχεται τοῦ NaovAou ov
ees, 2.8 1 oo εν \ a a,
γενὴς Σαμούις “μὲν ὄνομα υἱὸς δὲ I'npa, καὶ λίθοις
τε ἔβαλλεν αὐτὸν καὶ ἐκακηγόρει. περιστάντων δὲ
τῶν φίλων καὶ σκεπόντων ἔτι μᾶλλον ὁ Σαμούις
λασ cov διετέλει, μιαιφόνον καὶ πολλῶν ἀργὴ -
Ula μ ἘΠΊ]
908 γὸν κακῶν ἀποκαλῶν. ἐκέλευε δὲ καὶ τῆς γῆς ὡς
209
210
ἐναγῆ Kal ἐπάρατον ἐξιέναι, καὶ τῷ θεῷ χάριν
δ 4 ~ ᾽ὔ 2 \ » : , ‘ ᾿
ὡμολόγει τῆς βασιλείας αὐτὸν ἀφελομένῳ καὶ διὰ
παιδὸς ἰδίου τὴν ὑπὲρ ὧν ἥμαρτεν εἰς τὸν αὑτοῦ"
δεσπότην δίκην αὐτὸν εἰσπραξαμένῳ. πάντων δ᾽
>. 2 3 ~
ἐπ᾿ αὐτὸν ἠρεθισμένων ὑπ᾽ ὀργῆς καὶ μάλιστα
ΤΑΙ ‘ ὃ 7 οἷ ,ὔ \ /
βισαίου διαχρήσασθαι βου ομένου τὸν Σιαμούιν
Δαυίδης αὐτὸν τῆς ὀργῆς ἐπέσχε, “ μὴ τοῖς
παροῦσι κακοῖς ἑτέραν προσεξεργασώμεθα,᾽" φησί,
᾿ καινοτέραν ἀφορμήν᾽ οὐ γὰρ δὴ τοῦ “προσλυο-
σῶντός μοι τούτου κυνὸς αἰδώς τις ἢ φροντὶς
ὑπέρχεται, τῷ θεῷ δὲ εἴκω, δι᾿ ὃν οὗτος ἐφ᾽ ἡμᾶς
> , ᾿ ᾿ \ > 50. ek ,
ἀἁπενοήθη. θαυμαστὸν δ᾽ οὐδὲν ὑπὸ τούτου με
~ ¢ \ ~
ταῦτα πάσχειν, ὅπου ye Kal παιδὸς ἀσεβοῦς
πεπείραμαι. ἀλλ᾽ ἔσται τις ἴσως οἶκτος ἡμῖν ἐκ
θεοῦ καὶ κρατήσομεν τῶν ἐχθρῶν τούτου θελή-
σαντος.᾿ ἤνυεν οὖν τὴν ὁδὸν οὐ φροντίζων τοῦ
Σαμούι παρὰ τὸ ἕτερον μέρος τοῦ ὄρους διατρέχον-
τος καὶ πολλὰ κακηγοροῦντος: παραγενόμενος δ᾽
1 Χώραμον Δ: Baovpt P: Χώραν ὃν RO: Choran Lat. (ef.
Infra. δὰ ὃ 9.9.9).
¢ τ με -εεἰ (M)SPE: Sumas Lat. (sed infra, ὃ 908, Σουμᾶν
NST.
8. Niese: αὐτοῦ codd.: ἑαυτοῦ Hudson cum cod. Vat.
4 ἐπέρχεται RO. 5 Ἰοῶς om. RO.
@ Bibl. Bahurim, txx Βουρείμ, Luc. Χορράμ. The variant
in Josephus is probably due to scribal correction from the
470
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 207-210
(4) When David came to Chiranos,? as the place Shimet
was called, there came out a relative of Saul, named Cae
Samiis,® the son of Gera, who threw stones at him Bayi:
and abused him. And although the king’s friends xvi. δ.
stood around him and protected him, Samiis only
continued the more to curse him and denounee him
as one stained with blood and as the author of many
crimes. He also bade him leave the eountry as one
under a ban and accursed; and he gave thanks to
God for having deprived David of his kingdom and
for having exacted punishment of him, through his
own son, for the crimes which he had committed
against his master.° Though they were all provoked
is anger at him, especially Abisai, who wished to
ake an end of him, David restrained his anger,
saying, ‘ Let us not add to our present ills by causing
new ones to arise, for certainly no feeling of ehanic
or concern touches me on aecount of this eur’s 4
raving against me; but I submit to God, by whom
this fellow has been moved to frenzy against us.
Nor is there anything strange in my being so treated
by him, when I have experienced the impiety of a
son. Nevertheless, God’s compassion will rest on us,
and we shall overcome our enemies by His will.”
And so he continued on his way, taking no notice
of Samiiis, who ran along with him on the other side
of the mountain, abusing him freely. And, when
Luxx. In § 225 the name is written Bocchores. The village
lay on the road from Jerusalem to Jericho, but the exact site
has not been identified.
» Bibl. Shimei, xx Σεμεεί, The name appears as Simiis
in § 388.
aes as
4 According to Scripture, it is Abishai who calls Shimei
δὰ dead dog.”
VOL. V QH 471
21}
218
JOSEPHUS
ἐπὶ τὸν ᾿Ιόρδανον ἀνελάμβανε τοὺς ἰδίους ἐνταῦθα
κεκοπωμένους.
᾿Αψαλώμου δὲ καὶ ᾿Αχιτοφέλου τοῦ συμβού-
λου παραγενομένων εἰς ἱΙεροσόλυμα σὺν ἅπαντι τῷ
λαῷ, καὶ ὁ Δαυίδου φίλος ἧκε πρὸς αὐτοὺς καὶ
προσκυνήσας αὐτὸν συνηύχετο τὴν βασιλείαν εἰς
αἰῶνα καὶ τὸν πάντα παραμεῖναι χρόνον. φήσαντος
δ᾽ ἐκείνου πρὸς αὐτόν, τί δήποτε. φίλος ἐν τοῖς
μάλιστα τοῦ πατρὸς αὐτοῦ γεγενημένος καὶ πρὸς
ἅπαντα πιστὸς εἶναι δόξας οὐ σὺν αὐτῷ νῦν ἐστιν,
ἀλλὰ καταλιπὼν ἐκεῖνον μεταβαίη πρὸς αὐτόν,
δεξιῶς ἀποκρίνεται καὶ σωφρόνως" εἶπε γὰρ ἕπε-
σθαι δεῖν᾽ τῷ θεῷ καὶ τῷ παντὶ πλήθει. “τούτων
οὖν μετὰ σοῦ, ὦ δέσποτα, γεγενημένων εἰκότως
ἕπομαι κἀγώ" τὴν γὰρ βασιλείαν ἔλαβες παρὰ τοῦ
θεοῦ. τὴν αὐτὴν μέντοι γε πίστιν καὶ εὔνοιαν
ἐνδείξομαι πιστευόμενος εἶναι φίλος, ἣν οἷσθά με
τῷ πατρί σου παρεσχημένον. ἀγανακτεῖν δ᾽ οὐδὲν
προσῆκε τοῖς παροῦσιν" οὐ “γὰρ εἰς ἄλλην. οἰκίαν ἡ
βασιλεία μεταβέβηκε, μεμένηκε δ᾽ ἐπὶ τῆς αὐτῆς,
υἱοῦ παραλαβόντος." ταῦτα λέγων ἔπειθεν. ὕπ-
οπτον γὰρ αὐτὸν εἶχε. καὶ καλέσας τὸν ᾿Αχιτόφελον
συνεβουλεύετο αὐτῷ τί δεῖ ποιεῖν: ὁ δὲ παρήνεσε
ταῖς τοῦ πατρὸς αὐτὸν παλλακαῖς συνελθεῖν: ἐκ
τούτου γὰρ εἴσεσθαι τὸν λαὸν ἔλεγε πιστεύσαντα,
ὡς ἀδιάλλακτά σοι τὰ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐστι, καὶ
μετὰ πολλῆς συστρατεύσεσθαιξ προθυμίας ἐπὶ τὸν
πατέρα: μέχρι δεῦρο γὰρ φανερὰν ἔχθραν ἀνα-
’, / ~ ς “ € f
λαμβάνειν δεδιέναι προσδοκῶντας ὑμᾶς ὁμονοήσειν.
1 + αὐτὸν codd. 2 ed. pr.: τασθαι codd.
472
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 210-213
he reached the Jordan, he allowed hissweary men
to rest there
(5) As soon as Absalom and Achitophel, his adviser,
arrived at Jerusalem with all the people, David's
friend? came to them and did obeisance to him,
praying for him that his kingship should continue
always and for all time. And when Absalom asked
him just why he, who was one of his father’s best
friends and supposed to be altogether faithful to him,
was not now with him, but had deserted him and had
gone over to himself, he made a skilful and prudent
reply, saying that one ought to follow God and the
entire people. “ Now, my lord, since they are with
you, it is fitting that I too ‘should follow, for you have
received the kingdom from God. Στ ες εἰ are: Ι
shall show the same faithfulness and loyalty to you,
if I am accounted a friend, as you know Ϊ gave to
your father. There is no σοοῦ reason,” he ἀπ
‘to be dissatisfied with the present state of things,
for the kingship has not passed to another house. but
remains in the same one, since the king’s son has
succeeded to it.’ These words of his won over
Absalom, who had before suspected him, and he
ealled Achitophel to deliberate with him about what
should be done. The latter advised him to lie with
his father’s coneubines, for, he said, by this act the
people would know with certainty that Absalom
could not be reconciled to him, and they would join
with great eagerness in the fight against his father ;
up to that time they had been afraid to proceed to
open hostility because of their expectation that the
two would reach an understanding.’ Taking this
@ ae. Hushai.
> The last sentence is an amplification of Scripture.
473
Absalom
consults
Hushai and
Ahitophe al.
2 Sam.
ne Fe 1.
JOSEPHUS
214 πεισθεὶς be TH συμβουλίᾳ κελεύει σκηνὴν aur
πῆξαι τοὺς οἰκέτας ἐπὶ τοῦ βασιλείου καὶ τοῦ
πλήθους ὁρῶντος παρελθὼν συνέρχεται ταῖς τοῦ
πατρὸς παλλακαῖς. ταῦτα δ᾽ ἐγένετο κατὰ τὴν
, “ Δ ~ U ΄ A 3
Νάθα προφητείαν, ἣν τῷ Aavidn σημαίνων τὴν ἐκ
τοῦ παιδὸς ἐσομένην ἐπίθεσιν προεφήτευσε.
215 (6) Ποιήσας δ᾽ ᾿Αψάλωμος τὰ παραινεθέντα αὐ-
~ e 4 ~ > ’ ᾽ὔ 3 4 3 ἢ
τῷ ὑπὸ τοῦ ᾿Αχιτοφέλου δεύτερον αὐτὸν ἠξίου
συμβουλεύειν περὶ τοῦ πολέμου τοῦ πρὸς τὸν
πατέρα. μυρίους δ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐπιλέκτους αἰτήσαντος
ἐκείνου καὶ τόν τε πατέρα κτενεῖν" αὐτοῦ καὶ τοὺς
\ 2 oA ee ne ae ε , \ ,
σὺν αὐτῷ ζωοὺς" ἀνάξειν ὑποσχομένου καὶ βεβαίαν
’ὔ A ’ » , ,
τότε τὴν βασιλείαν ἔσεσθαι φήσαντος, Δαυίδου
216 μηκέτι ζῶντος, ἀρεσθεὶς τῇ γνώμῃ μετακαλεῖται
ν aN \ \ ͵ 3 ἢ 5 Ψ \
καὶ Tov Xovow tov Aavidov ἀρχίφιλον"- οὕτως yap
2 A 3 “A 3 Ul A A > ,ὔ ’
αὐτὸν ἐκεῖνος ἐκάλει" καὶ τὴν ᾿Αχιτοφέλου γνώμην
αὐτῷ δηλώσας, τί καὶ αὐτῷ δοκεῖ περὶ αὐτῆς
ἐπυνθάνετο. συνιδὼν ὅτι γενομένων ὧν ᾿Αχιτό-
φελος συνεβούλευσε κινδυνεύσει Δαυίδης συλληφθεὶς
ἀποθανεῖν, ἐναντίαν ἐπειρᾶτο γνώμην εἰσφέρειν"
217 “ οὐ γὰρ ἀγνοεῖς "εἶπεν, “ὦ βασιλεῦ, τὴν τοῦ
πατρὸς καὶ τὴν τῶν συνόντων αὐτῷ ἀνδρείαν,
ὅτι καὶ πολλοὺς πολέμους πεπολέμηκε καὶ πάντοτε
κρατῶν τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἀπήλλακται. νῦν δὲ εἰκὸς
αὐτὸν ἐπὶ στρατοπέδου μένειν" στρατηγῆσαι γὰρ
ἱκανώτατος καὶ προϊδεῖν ἀπάτην ἐπερχομένων
1 Niese: αὐτῷ codd. E.
3 καὶ ante τοῦ πλήθους ex Lat. Niese: post ὁρῶντος hab. codd.
3 Niese: κτείνειν codd. ἃ σώους RMSP Lat.
5 φίλον SP: amicum antiquum Lat.
@ Cf. § 152. Scripture does not allude at this point to the
prophecy of Nathan.
> So Lue.; Heb. and txx ‘‘ twelve thousand.”
47 4
JESVISH ANTIQUITIES; V1. 214-217
advice, Absalom ordered his servants to pitch a tent
for him on the roof of the palace, and, in the sight
of the people, went in and lay with his father’s con-
cubines. And this came about in accordance with
the prophecy which Nathan had made when he re-
vealed to David that his son would one day rise up
against him.
(6) After Absalom had acted on the advice given
him by Achitophel, he requested him to give him
further counsel, this time concerning the war against
his father. Thereupon he asked him for ten thousand?
picked men, and promised to kill his father and bring ἔν
back his men alive °; then, he said, with David no
longer alive, his throne would be secure. Absalom
was pleased with this proposal, but also summoned
Chisis, David’s chief friend ?—so David called him
—and, after informing him of Achitophel’s proposal,
inquired what he too thought of it. But Chisis, per-
ceiving that, if Achitophel’s advice were acted on,
David would be in danger of being captured and put
to death,’ attempted to introduce a counter-proposal.
‘You are not ignorant, O King,” he said, “ of the
bravery of your father and the men with him, or that
he has fought many wars and in every case has come
off victorious against the enemy. Just now it is
likely that he is remaining within the camp, for he
is a very able general and can foresee the ruse of an
¢ Variant “‘ safe’; cf. 2 Sam. xvii. 3 “ all the people shall
be in peace.”
4 The variant φίλον “‘ friend’ in mss. SP is probably due
to the copyists taking ἀρχι in ἀρχίφιλον “ chief friend ”’ as a
proper name, as does the Lxx, translating Heb. “ Hushai the
Arcite,”’ cf. § 203 note. A parallel to Josephus’s term is
afforded by the txx of 1 Chron. xxvii. 33, where Hushai is
called πρῶτος φίλος τοῦ βασιλέως “* first friend of the king.”
¢ This reflection of Ifushai is an amplification of Scripture.
47
Hushai
persuades
Absalom
to reject
Ahitophel'g
advice.
218
220
JOSEPHUS
/ >? A A . e / > ‘ A
πολεμίων: ἀλλὰ κατὰ τὴν ἑσπέραν ἀπολιπὼν τοὺς
ἰδίους ἡ: εἴς τινα τῶν αὐλώνων ἑαυτὸν ἀποκρύψει 7)
πρὸς “πέτρᾳ τινὶ λοχήσει:' συμβαλόντων δὲ τῶν
ἡμετέρων οἱ μὲν ἐκείνου πρὸς μικρὸν. ὑποχωρή-
σουσιν αὖθις δὲ θαρσήσαντες" ws τοῦ βασιλέως
αὐτοῖς ἐγγὺς ὄντος ἀντιστήσονται, καὶ μεταξὺ
τούτων μαχομένων ὁ πατὴρ ἐπιφανεὶς ἐξαίφνης
τοῖς μὲν εὐψυχίαν πρὸς τοὺς κινδύνους παρα-
σκευάσει τοὺς δὲ σοὺς καταπλήξεται. παράθου δὴ
Ἁ \ \ ~ ~
Tou'UV καὶ τὴν ἐμὴν συμβουλίαν τῷ λογισμῷ καὶ
ταῦτ᾽ “ἐπιγνοὺς ἄριστα τὴν μὲν ᾿Αχιτοφέλου γνώμην
παραίτησαι, πέμψας δ᾽ εἰς πᾶσαν τὴν χώραν τῶν
“Ἑβραίων παράγγειλον αὐτοῖς τὴν ἐπὶ τὸν πατέρα
σου στρατείαν καὶ παραλαβὼν αὐτὸς τὴν δύναμιν
τοῦ πολέμου γίνου στρατηγὸς καὶ μὴ πιστεύσῃς
τοῦτον ἑτέρῳ. νικήσειν γὰρ προσδόκα ῥᾳδίως
αὐτόν, ἂν ἐν φανερῷ καταλάβῃς ὄντα μετ᾽ ὀλίγων,
ὅν. τ ‘ » ; ; ‘\ ‘\
αὐτὸς πολλὰς ἔχων μυριάδας βουλομένων τὴν ip
4 Ἁ >? ᾽ A ’ “ >
σὲ σπουδὴν ἐπιδείξασθαι καὶ προθυμίαν. ἂν ὃ
πατὴρ αὑτὸν εἰς πολιορκίαν περικλείσῃ, aan
μασι καὶ ὀρύγμασιν ὑπονόμοις καθαιρήσομεν ἐκεί-
νὴν τὴν πόλιν.᾿᾽ ταῦτ᾽ εἰπὼν εὐδοκίμησε μᾶλλον
᾿Αχιτοφέλου᾽ τῆς γὰρ ἐκείνου γνώμης ἡ τούτου
προεκρίθη παρ᾽ ᾿ΑΛψαλώμου. θεὸς μέντοι γε ἦν
ὁ τούτου τῇ διανοίᾳ τὴν τοῦ Novat συμβουλίαν
συστήσας ἀμείνω εἶναι δοκεῖν.
ΡΞ Ἀν τ, Γὰ A Ἁ A ? ᾽ v ὃ
(7) Σπεύσας δὲ πρὸς τοὺς ἀρχιερέας Σάδωκον
> , \ ¢ > ,ὔ f
ΛΑβιάθαρον Kat τὴν τε ᾿Αχιτοφέλου γνώμην
Δ αὖθις δὲ θαρσ. conj. Niese: αὐτοὶ δὲ θαρσ. O: θαρσήσαντες
SNIP Lat. {τι}.
α Unscriptural detail, and apparently a misunderstanding
470
JEW ISHeANTI@ULTIES <1. 213-222
attacking enemy; but toward evening? he will
leave his men and will hide himself in some hollow,
or will wait in ambush behind some rock. And when
our force attacks, his men will give way for a little,
but then they will take heart at the thought that the
king is beside them, and will make a stand against
us; in the meantime, while the fight is going on,
vour father will suddenly appear and will inspire
them to face danger valiantly, but into your men he
will strike terror. Therefore w eigh w ell my counsel
also in your mind and, recognizing that ‘it is the
best, reject the proposal of Achitophel. And send
throughout the entire land of the Hebrews, summon-
ing then to the campaign against your father ; then
lead out your force and take personal command of
the war, and do not entrust it to another. For you
i1ay look to defeat him easily if you take him in the
open with few men about him, while you yourself
have many tens of thousands ready to show their
zeal and ardour on your behalf. But if your father
shuts himself up to stand a siege, we shall destroy
that city by means of engines and mines.2’’ This
speech of Chisis met with more favour than
Achitophel’s, for his proposal was preferred by
Absalom to the other’s. It was God, however, who
contrived that Chiasis’s counsel should seem better
to his way of thinking.
(7) Then Chiisis hastened to the high priests Sadok Absalom’s
and <Abiathar, and, having told them all about τ τι ἢν
of 2 Sam. xvii. 13. “ and we will camp ( A.V. “Slight ’’) upon
him as the dew falleth on the ground,”
® The “engines and mines "” are an anachronisin, not
uncommon in Josephns’s amplified descriptions of biblical
battles. The whole of Hushai’s speech, moreover, is an
amplitication of 2 Sam. xvii. 8-13.
477
2
2
2
3
4
6
JOSEPHUS
ἐξειπὼν αὐτοῖς καὶ τὴν ἑαυτοῦ καὶ ὅτι δέδοκται TA
ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ παραινεθέντα πράττειν, ἐκέλευσε μηνύειν
πέμψαντας Δαυίδῃ καὶ φανερὰ ποιεῖν τὰ συμβεβου-
λευμένα καὶ προσπαρακελεύσασθαι ταχέως διαβῆναι
τὸν ᾿Ιόρδανον, μὴ μεταγνοὺς ὁ παῖς αὐτοῦ διώκειν
ὁρμήσῃ καὶ πρὶν ἐν ἀσφαλείᾳ γένηται φθάσας
καταλάβῃ. οἱ δὲ ἀρχιερεῖς ἐξεπίτηδες τοὺς υἱοὺς
ἔξω τῆς πόλεως κεκρυμμένους εἶχον, ὅπως δια-
κομίσωσι πρὸς τὸν Δαυίδην τὰ πραττόμενα'
πέμψαντες οὖν πιστὴν θεραπαινίδα πρὸς αὐτοὺς
φέρουσαν τὰ βεβουλευμένα ὑπὸ τοῦ ᾿Αψαλώμου
προσέταξαν μετὰ σπουδῆς ταῦτα Δαυίδῃ σημαίνειν.
οἱ δ᾽ οὐδὲν εἰς ἀναβολὰς καὶ μέλλησιν ὑπερέθεντο,
λαβόντες δὲ τὰς τῶν πατέρων ἐντολὰς εὐσεβεῖς
ἅμα καὶ πιστοὶ γίνονται διάκονοι" καὶ τῆς ὑπηρεσίας
τὸ τάχος καὶ τὴν ὀξύτητα κρίναντες ἄριστα εἶναι
ἠπείγοντο συμβαλεῖν Aavidn. γενομένους δ᾽ αὐτοὺς
ἀπὸ σταδίων τῆς πόλεως δύο θεῶνταί τινες ἱππεῖς
καὶ διαβάλλουσι πρὸς tov ᾿Αψάλωμον'" ὁ δ᾽ εὐθὺς
ἔπεμψε τοὺς συλληψομένους. νοήσαντες δὲ τοῦτο
οἱ τῶν ἀρχιερέων παῖδες ἐκτραπέντες THS ὁδοῦ
παραχρῆμα εἰς κώμην τινὰ τῶν “εροσολύμων οὐκ
ἄπωθεν αὑτοὺς ἔδωκαν, Boxxopns’ ἦν ὄνομα τῇ
κώμῃ," καὶ γυναικὸς ἐδεήθησάν τινος κρύψαι καὶ
παρασχεῖν αὐτοῖς τὴν ἀσφάλειαν. ἡ δὲ καθιμήσασα
τοὺς νεανίσκους εἰς φρέαρ καὶ πλάκας ἄνωθεν
10; Βοκχούρης rell.: Bachor Lat. 2 πόλει O.
® At En-rogel, according to Scripture ; it was a spring in
the valley of Kidron S.E. of the city.
> οὐδὲν els ἀναβολάς is a Thucydidean phrase recurring in
A. xvii.-xix. ¢ The distance is not given in Scripture.
9 Bibl" aad. * ¢ Bibl. Bahurim, cf. § 207 note.
f Their appeal for refuge is an unscriptural detail.
478
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 222-226
Achitophel’s proposal and his own, and also that it to David.
had been decided to act upon his advice, he bade sae
them send information of this to David and make
plain to him what counsel had been given, and exhort
him further to cross the Jordan as quickly as possible
lest his son change his mind, set out in pursuit of him,
and take him by surprise before he could reach a
place of safety. Now the high priests had purposely
kept their sons in hiding outside the city * in order
that they might bring David word of what occurred.
So they sent a faithful maidservant to bring them
news of Absalom’s plans, and instructed them to
make haste and report these to David. And they,
without any delay ὃ or hesitation, set off with their
fathers’ instructions, like obedient and loyal helpers.
And, deciding that speed and dispatch were the best
form of service, they made all haste to meet David.
Now, when they were two stades° from the city,
they were seen by some horsemen,’ who informed
against them to Absalom ; and he immediately sent
men to arrest them. But the high priests’ sons, be- the high
coming aware of this, at once turned aside from the ine ΤᾺ
road and betook themselves to a certain village not suit by
far from Jerusalém—the name of the village was Abs!om8
Bocchores ἐ--- πα begged one of the women to hide 2 caus
them and afford them safety.f So she let the youths ΠῚ
down into a well and spread layers of wool 9 over it,
9 Bibl. ‘‘and the woman took and spread the covering
over the well’s mouth and strewed groats thereon”’; “στοαῖς ”
is the A.V.’s rendering of Heb. réphoth, a word of uncertain
meaning, Targum φάη, *‘ dates’ (?) (perhaps a variant of
deqgigan “ grits’’), Lxx (transliterating) ἀραφώθ, Luce.
παλάθας “ fruit-cakes.”> The Jewish commentators explain
riphoth as “ crushed wheat.” It is just possible that the txx
ἀραφώθ was vaguely conneeted by Josephus with épedoe
εἰ
“ kids,” which he supposed equivalent to ἐρίων “ΜΌΟ].᾽
479
NO
to
ω
229
JOSEPHUS
9. > ~ t e Ὁ ’ > ‘
ἐρίων ἐπιβαλοῦσα, ws ἧκον ot διώκοντες αὐτοὺς
“ ’ ~
καὶ περὶ αὐτῶν ἀνέκριναν εἰ θεάσαιτο, ἰδεῖν μὲν'
> ~ /
οὐκ ἠρνήσατο: πιόντας yap παρ᾽ αὐτῇ πάλιν
ἀπελθεῖν: εἰ μέντοι γε συντόνως διώξουσι κατα-
’ὔ 7 ¢€ > > A Α 7, >
λήψεσθαι προύλεγεν. ὡς δ᾽ ἐπὶ πολὺ διώξαντες οὐ
7 > # > > ’ 7 >
κατέλαβον, ἀνέστρεψαν els τοὐπίσω. θεασαμένη ὃ
? ‘ ᾽ 7 ¢ A \ / A ~
αὐτοὺς ἀναζεύξαντας ἡ γυνὴ καὶ μηδένα φόβον Tots
~ b > 4
νεανίσκοις am αὐτῶν ἔτι συλλήψεως εἶναι, ἀνιμὴ-
σασα THY προκειμένην ὁδὸν ἀνύειν παρεκελεύσατο'
καὶ πολλῇ σπουδῇ καὶ τάχει χρησάμενοι περὶ τὴν
‘ >
ὁδοιπορίαν ἧκον. πρὸς Δαυίδην καὶ πάντ᾽ ἀκριβῶς
ἐδήλωσαν αὐτῷ" τὰ παρ᾽ ᾿Αψαλώμου βεβουλευ-
, ε \ A \ gre \ ἢ;
μένα. ὁ δὲ διαβῆναι τὸν ᾿Ιόρδανον τοὺς με
ἑαυτοῦ προσέταξεν ἤδη νυκτὸς οὔσης καὶ μηδὲν
ὀκνεῖν δι᾿ αὐτήν.
> ’ A ~ ᾽ὔ > -
(8) ᾿Αχιτόφελος δὲ τῆς γνώμης αὐτοῦ παρευ-
δοκιμηθείσης. ἐπιβὰς τοῦ κτήνους ἐξώρμησεν εἰς
ελμῶνα" τὴν πατρίδα: καὶ συγκαλέσας τοὺς
οἰκείους ἅπαντας ἃ συνεβούλευσεν ᾿Αψαλώμῳ ταῦτ᾽
νὴ ~ ~ 3 « 3 \ ἡ >
αὐτοῖς διεξῆλθε, Kat ws ov πεισθεὶς φανερὸς ἐστιν
οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν ἀπολούμενος: Δανίδην δὲ κρα-
, 4 9 , 9 ; >A \ ,
τήσειν' ἔλεγεν καὶ ἐπανήξειν ἐπὶ τὴν βασιλείαν.
ἄμεινον οὖν ἔφησεν εἶναι τοῦ ζῆν αὑτὸν ἐξαγαγεῖν
7 Ἁ ~ A
ἐλευθέρως καὶ μεγαλοφρόνως ἢ παρασχεῖν αὑτὸν
1 μὲν om. OME. 2 αὐτῷ om. O.
3 Hudson: Πελμὼν O: Τελμωγάλην ΔΙ: Γελμὼν γαλὶν SP:
Galin Lat.
44+ μέλλειν MSP: κρατήσαντ᾽ (om, καὶ post ἔλεγεν cum QO)
Niese.
awe te The woman’s answer in the Heb. of
2 Sam. xvii. 20 is not wholly intelligible: A.V. “‘ they be
gone over the brook of water.’ The “word mikal here trans-
480
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 226-229
and, when those in pursuit of them came and inquired
about them, asking whether she had caught sight of
them. she did not deny having seen them ; : they had,
she said, drunk at her house and then had gone away.
If, however, they pursued them hotly, they would,
she predicted, overtake them.* But, though they
did pursue for a considerable distance, they did not
overtake them, and so they turned back. And, when
the woman saw them ride away, and that there was
no longer any fear of the youths being captured by
them, she drew them up out of the w rell and urged
them to continue on their appointed way.? 80, after
travelling with great haste and speed, they came to
David and informed him in detail ὁ of all Absalom’s
plans; and he thereupon commanded his men to
eross the Jordan, although it was already night, and
permitted no delay on that account.
(8) Now Achitophel, when his proposal failed of Anitophel's
acceptance, mounted his beast and set off for Gelmon,?@ κα 308
his native city. And, having called together all hic ? Sam.
people, he recounted to them the advice he had given τ
Absalom, saying that, as Absalom had not followed
it, he was clearly destined to perish before very long,
far David would conquer him and be restored to ΤῊΣ
throne. ‘Therefore, he said, it was better for him to
remove himself fen the ἜΘΕΙ in ἃ free and noble
lated “brook ’’ is obscure and probably corrupt, as the
ditferent versions indicate: Targum ‘‘ they have already
crossed the Jordan,” txx παρῆλθαν μικρὸν τοῦ ὕδατος “ they
passed a little distance from the water” (7), Luc. διεληλύ-
θασιν σπεύδοντες they have gone by in haste.”
> Unscriptural detail. Bibl. ‘“ they came up out of the
well and went.”
¢ Or “ accurately.”
4 The Biblical name, which is not mentioned at this point
in Scripture, is Giloh, cf. § [97 note.
48]
230
231
to
JOSEPHUS
εἰς κόλασιν Δαυίδῃ, καθ᾽ οὗ πάντα συνέπραττεν
᾿Αψαλώμῳ. ταῦτα διαλεχθεὶς καὶ παρελθὼν εἰς τὸ
μυχαίτατον τῆς οἰκίας ἀνήρτησεν ἑαυτόν. καὶ τὸν
μὲν ᾿Αχιτόφελον τοιούτου θανάτου δικαστὴν αὑτῷ
γενόμενον καθελόντες ἐκ τῆς ἀγχόνης ἐκήδευσαν οἵ
“ e \ , \ A 31Τ /
προσήκοντες. ὁ δὲ Δαυίδης διαβὰς τὸν ᾿Ιόρδανον,
καθὼς προειρήκαμεν, εἰς Παρεμβολὰς καλλίστην
καὶ ὀχυρωτάτην πόλιν παραγίνεται" δέχονται δ᾽
αὐτὸν ἀσμενέστατα πάντες οἵ πρῶτοι τῆς χώρας
κατά τε αἰδῶ τῆς τότε φυγῆς καὶ κατὰ τιμὴν τῆς
προτέρας εὐπραγίας. ἦσαν δὲ οὗτοι Βερζελαῖος
ὃ Dadadirns καὶ Σειφὰρ 0 Tis “Appaviridos: du-
νάστης καὶ Μάχειρος ὁ τῆς [αλαδίτιδος χώρας
3
πρῶτος. οὗτοι πᾶσαν αὐτῷ καὶ τοῖς ἐκείνου τῶν
ἐπιτηδείων ἐκτένειαν' παρέσχον, ὡς μήτε κλίνας
ἐπιλιπεῖν ἐστρωμένας μήτε ἄρτους καὶ οἶνον, ἀλλὰ
καὶ θυμάτων ἀφθονίαν χορηγῆσαι καὶ τῶν εἰς
ἀνάπαυσιν ἤδη" κεκοπωμένοις καὶ τροφὴν χρησίμων
εὐπορίαν διαρκῆ παρασχεῖν.
(x. 1) Καὶ οὗ μὲν ἐν τούτοις ἦσαν" ᾿Αψάλωμος δ᾽
ἀθροίσας μεγάλην στρατιὰν τῶν “EBpaiwy® ἐπὶ τὸν
πατέρα καὶ διαβὰς τὸν ᾿Ιόρδανον ποταμὸν οὐ
πόρρω κατέζευξε τῶν Παρεμβολῶν. ἐν τῇ Tada-
διτῶν χώρᾳ, καταστήσας στρατηγὸν πάσης τῆς
δυνάμεως ᾿Αμασᾶν' εἰς τὴν ᾿Ιωάβου τάξιν τοῦ
1 εὐθηνίαν SP: copiam Lat.
2 dua MSP. 8. ἦγεν SPE.
4 ᾿Αβασᾶν Ο: ᾿Αβεσσὰν ME: ᾿Αμεσσὰν SP: Amessam Lat.
¢ Ahitophel’s speech is an amplification of the brief
Scriptural phrase *‘ and he put his household in order.”’
δ Unscriptural detail.
¢ Bibl. Mahanaim, cf. καὶ 9 note.
482
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 229-232
spirit than surrender himself to David to be punished
for having in all ways helped Absalom against him.
After this speech he went into the innermost part ὃ
of the house and hanged himself. Such was the
death to which Achitophel, as his own judge, sen-
tenced himself, and his relatives cut him down from
the rope and gave him burial. But David, having,
as we said before, crossed the Jordan, came to The
David is
welcomed at
Mahanaim
Camps,° a very fine and well-fortified city. There (The
he was most cordially received by the leading men
of the region, both out of regard for his feelings as
an exile and in honour of his former greatness.
These were Berzelaios ὦ the Galadite,¢ Seiphar,’ the
ruler of Ammanitis, and Macheiros,’ the chief man”
of the country of Galaditis. They supplied him
and his men liberally with everything needed, so
that beds with covering were not lacking, nor bread
and wine ; moreover, they provided an abundance
of slaughtered animals and furnished a plentiful
supply of all things necessary forthe refreshment
and nourishment of exhausted men.
(x. 1) Such, then, was their position. As for
Absalom, having collected a great army of Hebrews
he led them against his father, and crossing the river
Jordan, haltcd not far from The Camps in the
country of Galaditis. He had appointed as com-
mander of his entire force, in Joab’s place, Amasa,
4 Called Beerzelos in §§ 272 ff. ; bibl. Barzillai, Lxx Bep-
ζελλεί.
¢ Bibl. Gileadite, txx Παλααδείτης.
P ᾿ Bibl. Shobi ben Nahash, uxx Οὐεσβεὶ (Luc. Σειφεὶ) υἱὸς
aas.
¢ Bibl. Machir ben Ainmiel, txx Mayelp υἱὸς ᾿Αμειήλ.
δ This unscriptural detail about Machir is perhaps derived
from 2 Sam. ix. 4, cf. § 113, where Machir is represented as
the protector of Jonathan’s son.
4.83
Camps).
2 Sam. xvii.
24, 27.
The armies
of Absalom
and David
prepare for
battle.
2 Sam.
χνὶ, 24,
293
JOSEPHUS
συγγενοῦς αὐτοῦ" πατρὸς μὲν γὰρ ἢν ᾿Ιεθράου
μητρὸς δὲ ᾿Αβιγαίας, αὕτη δὲ καὶ Σαρουία ἡ
᾿Ιωάβου μήτηρ, ἀδελφαὶ ἦσαν Δαυίδου. ws δ᾽
ἐξαριθμήσας τοὺς σὺν αὑτῷ Δαυίδης περὶ τετρα-
κισχιλίους εὗρεν ὀντας, οὐκ ἔγνω μένειν πότ᾽
ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ᾿Αψάλωμος ἔλθῃ, προσθεὶς δὲ τοῖς οὖσι
χιλιάρχους καὶ ἑκατοντάρχους καὶ διελὼν εἰς τρία
μέρη τὴν στρατιάὰν' τὸ μὲν τῷ στρατηγῷ 1 παρέδωκεν
᾿Ιωάβῳ, τὸ δὲ τῷ ἀδελφῷ αὐτοῦ ᾿Αβισαίῳ, τὴν
δὲ τρίτην μοῖραν ἐνεχείρισεν "Oates" συνήθει μὲν
ὄντι καὶ φίλῳ ἐκ δὲ τῆς Γιττῶν πόλεως ὑ ὑπάρχοντι.
Α
234 βουλόμενον δὲ συνεκστρατεύειν αὐτὸν οὐκ εἴασαν
235
ot φίλοι γνώμῃ κατασχόντες σοφωτάτῃ: νικηθέντες
μὲν γὰρ σὺν αὐτῷ πᾶσαν ἀποβαλεῖν ἐλπίδα χρηστὴν
ἔφασκον, ἂν δὲ ἡττηθέντες € ἑνὶ μέρει τῆς δυνάμεως
τῷ λοιπῷ πρὸς αὐτὸν φύγωσιν ἀμείνονα παρα-
σκευάσειν᾽ αὐτὸν ἰσχύν: ὑπονοήσειν δὲ καὶ τοὺς
πολεμίους εἰκός ἐστιν ἄλλο μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ στράτευμα
εἶναι. πεισθεὶς" δὲ τῇ συμβουλίᾳ ταύτῃ μένειν μὲν
αὐτὸς ἐν ταῖς Παρεμβολαῖς ἔκρινεν, ἐκπέμπων ὲ
τοὺς φίλους καὶ τοὺς στρατηγοὺς ἐπὶ τὸν πόλεμον
παρεκάλει προθυμίαν ἐναποδείξασθαι καὶ πίστιν
καὶ μνήμην, εἴ τινος τῶν μετρίως ἐχόντων παρ᾽
αὐτοῦ ἔτυχον: φείσασθαι δὲ καὶ τοῦ παιδὸς ᾿᾽Λψα-
λώμου κρατήσαντας ἠντιβόλει, μὴ κακὸν αὑτὸν
1 τὴν στρατιὰν om. RO.
? Dindorf: ᾿ἔσθάῳ RO: ᾿᾿σθαίῳ rell.; Estheo Lat.
3 Jludson: παρασκευάζειν codd. EF.
4 E: ἡσθεὶς codd. Lat
@ Bibl. [thra (Heb. Vithrd), uxx Ἰοθόρ.
"ΝΟ number is given in Scripture. Josephus apparently
481
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 232-235
a relative of the latter, for his father was Jethraos @
and his mother was Abigaia, and she and Sardia, the
mother of Joab, were both sisters of David. Now
when David numbered his men and found that they
were some four thousand,®? he deeided not to wait for
Absalom to attack him, but appointed eaptains of
thousands and eaptains of hundreds to the men he
had with him, and divided the army into three parts ;
one division he entrusted to Joab, another to the
latter’s brother Abisai, while the third part he turned
over to Ethaios,¢ who was his comrade and friend
although he eame from the city of Gitta. He him-
self wished to go out with them to battle, but his
friends would not allow it and kept him baek by a
very wise decision ; for they said that if they were
defeated with him present, they would lose every fair
hope, but if, on the other hand, one part of their force
were beaten and they fell back upon David with the
remainder, he would bring them renewed strength,
and the enemy would probably suspect that there
was still another army with him.? So David took
this advice ὁ and decided to remain at The Camps
himself while he sent out his friends and generals to
war, exhorting them to show themselves eager and
faithful and mindful of whatever fair treatment they
might have reecived from him.’ He also implored
them to spare his son Absalom, if they were vietorious,
assumes that each of the three generals had more than a
thousand men. ¢ Called Ethis in § 201; bibl. Ittai.
¢ This argument is an amplification or an interpretation
of the obseure text in 2 Sam. xviii. 3, which seems to mean
simply that even if David’s men were routed, the enemy
would eonsider it less important than David's eapture.
¢ Variant “ was pleased with this adviee.”’
7 This exhortation is an addition to Scripture.
485
2 Sam
xviii. J,
236
237
238
239
JOSEPHUS
ἐργάσηταί τι τελευτήσαντος αὐτοῦ. Kal ὃ μὲν νίκην
αὐτοῖς ἐπευξάμενος ἐκπέμπει τὴν στρατιάν.
(2) ᾿Ιωάβου δὲ παρατάξαντος τὴν δύναμιν ἀντι-
κρὺ τῶν πολεμίων ἐν πεδίῳ μεγάλῳ ἐξόπισθεν
περιβεβλημένῳ δρυμὸν ἀντεξάγει τὴν στρατιὰν καὶ
᾿Αψάλ ὠμος. καὶ συμβολῆς γενομένης ἔργα μεγάλα
χειρῶν τε καὶ τόλμης παρ᾽ ἀμφοτέρων ἐπεδείκνυτο,
τῶν μὲν ὑπὲρ τοῦ τὴν βασιλείαν ἀπολαβεῖν Δαυίδην
παρακινδυνευόντων καὶ πάσῃ προθυμίᾳ χρωμένων,
τῶν δ᾽, ἵνα μὴ ταύτην ᾿Αψάλωμος ἀφαιρεθῇ καὶ
δῷ τῷ πατρὶ δίκας κολασθεὶς ἀνθ᾽ ὧν ἐτόλμησεν,
οὐδὲν ὀκνούντων οὔτε ποιεῖν οὔτε πάσχειν, ἔτι δὲ
τῶν μὲν πλειόνων ἵ ἵνα μὴ κρατηθῶσιν ὑ ὑπὸ τῶν σὺν
᾿Ιωάβῳ καὶ τοῖς σὺν αὐτῷ στρατηγοῖς ὄντων
ὀλίγων, αἰσχύνην γὰρ αὐτοῖς τοῦτ᾽ εἶναι μεγίστην,
τῶν δὲ Δαυίδου στρατιωτῶν ἵνα τοσούτων μυριάδων
κρατήσωσι φιλοτιμουμένων, ἔρις ἐγένετο καρτερά,
καὶ νικῶσιν ot Δαυίδου ῥώμῃ τε προύχοντες καὶ
τῇ τῶν πολεμικῶν ἐπιστήμῃ. φεύγοντας δὲ διὰ
δρυμῶν καὶ φαράγγων ἑπόμενοι τοὺς μὲν ἐλάμ-
ανον πολλοὺς δὲ ἀνήρουν, ὡς φεύγοντας πεσεῖν
πλείονας ἢ μαχομένους" ἔπεσον γὰρ ὡς δισμύριοι
ἐπ᾿ ἐκείνης τῆς ἡμέρας. οἱ δὲ τοῦ Δαυίδου πάντες
ὥρμησαν ἐπὶ τὸν ᾿Αψάλωμον' φανερὸς γὰρ αὐτοῖς
ὑπό τε τοῦ κάλλους καὶ τοῦ μεγέθους ἐγένετο.
δείσας δὲ μὴ καταλάβωσιν αὐτὸν οἱ πολέμιοι,
4 David’s threat to harm himself and the prayer for victory
are also unscriptural details.
> This account of the battle, which as usual is greatly
amplified, has Thucydidean echoes in πάσῃ προθυμίᾳ χρωμένων
** making every effort’? and προύχοντες... ἐπιστήμῃ “ because
of their greater . . . knowledge of war.”
486
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 235-239
threatening to do himself some injury if Absalom
met his death. And so, with a prayer for their
vietory, he sent his army out.¢
(2) Then Joab drew up his foree opposite the enemy
in a great plain bordered by a wood in the rear, and
Absalom led out his troops against him. In the
ensuing engagement great deeds of strength and
daring were performed on both sides, the one seorning
danger and making every effort that David might
recover his kingdom, while the other did not shrink
from doing or suffering anything to prevent Absalom
from being deprived of it ‘and being punished by his
father for his rash attempt ; moreover, the larger
force did its best not to be eonquered by Joab’s men
and generals, who were few in number, for that would
have brought upon them the greatest disgrace, while,
on the other hand, David's soldiers were ambitious
to eonquer so many tens of thousands, and for these
reasons the battle was a fierce one. Finally David's
men were victorious beeause of their greater vigour
and knowledge of war. And they pursued the fleeing
enemy through woods and ravines, capturing some,
but slaying so many that more fel Ἰ in flight than on
the field of battle; for there fell on tliat day some
twenty thousand.? Then all of David’s men went
after Absalom, who was plainly visible to them be-
cause of his be: auty and great stature,® and he, in
fear of being captured by his enemies, mounted his
¢ A detail apparently derived from the Luc, reading in
2 Sam. xviii. 9 ἦν μέγας ᾿Αβϑεσσαλὼμ ἐνώπιον τῶν παίδων Aaveld
‘and Absalom was great in the sight of David’s servants,”’
where most Lxx mss. have συνήντησεν ᾿Αβεσσαλὼμ κτλ. which
agrees with the Heb. ‘Sand Absalom met the servants of
David.”’
VOL. V 91 487
Absalom’s
force is
routed.
2 Sam.
XViii. 6,
Abssiom
in thight, is
entangled
by his hair
2 Sam.
KVL:
240
24
I
to
243
JOSEPHUS
ἐπιβὰς τῆς ἡμιόνου τῆς βασιλικῆς ἔφευγε" φερό-
μενος δὲ μετὰ ῥύμης καὶ ὑπὸ τοῦ σάλου καὶ τῆς
κινήσεως κοῦφος ὦν, ἐμπλακείσης αὐτῷ τῆς κόμης
τραχεῖ δένδρῳ μεγάλοις ἐπὶ πολὺ κλάδοις ἐκτετα-
μένῳ παραδόξως a ἀνακρεμνᾶται. καὶ τὸ μὲν κτῆνο!
ὑπ᾽ ὀξύτητος ὡς ἐπικείμενον τὸν δεσπότην ἔτ
φέρον “ἐχώρει προσωτέρω, ὁ δ᾽ ἐκ τῶν κλάδωι
αἰωρούμενος ἐκρατεῖτο. ᾿ς τοῦτό τις ἰδὼν τῶν
Δαυζου στρατιωτῶν ἐδήλωσεν ᾿Ιωάβῳ, καὶ πεντή"
κοντα σίκλους ἂν αὐτῷ δεδωκέναι τοῦ στρατηγοῦ
φήσαντος, εἰ βαλὼν ἀπέκτεινε τὸν ᾿Αψάλωμον,
“οὐδ᾽ εἰ χιλίους, εἶπεν, “᾿ ἔμελλές μοι παρέξειν,
τοῦτ᾽ ἂν διέθηκά μου τὸν τοῦ δεσπότου παῖδα, καὶ
ταῦτ᾽ ἐκείνου πάντων ἡμῶν ἀκουόντων φείσασθαι
τοῦ νεανίσκου δεηθέντος. ὁ δὲ κελεύσας αὐτῷ
δεῖξαι ποῦ κρεμάμενον ἴδοι τὸν ᾿ΑΛψάλωμον τοξεύσας
κατὰ τῆς καρδίας ἀπέκτεινεν" οἱ δὲ τὰ τοῦ
᾿Ιωάβου κομίζοντες ὅπλα περιστάντες ἐν κύκλῳ τὸ
δένδρον κατασπῶσι τὸν νεκρόν: καὶ τὸν μὲν εἰς
χάσμα βαθὺ καὶ ἀχανὲς ῥίψαντες ἐπιβάλλουσιν
αὐτῷ λίθους, ὥστε ἀναπληρωθῆναι καὶ τὸ σχῆμα
τάφου καὶ μέγεθος λαβεῖν, σημήνας δὲ ἀνακλητικὸν
ὁ ᾿Ιώαβος ἐπέσχε" τοῦ διώκειν τοὺς οἰκείους στρα-
τιώτας τὴν τῶν πολεμίων δύναμιν, φειδόμενος
τῶν ὁμοφύλων.
(3) ἔστησε δ᾽ ᾿Αψάλωμος ἐν τῇ κοιλάδι
1 +4 τοῖς πολεμίοις codd.: 566], Niese.
2 cod. Vat. apud Hudson: + τε RO: + oe MSP.
3 Cocceji: ἀπέσχετο codd.: revoeavit Lat.
¢ Variant “‘ was seized by the enemy.’
>’ So some Lxx mss. and Luc.; Heb. ‘and most LxX MSS.
488
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 239-243
royal mule and fled. As he rode along at full speed,
he was lifted up by the unsteady motion, and his
hair became entangled in a rugged tree with great
branches extending far out, and in 1 this str ange fashion
he remained suspended. But his swiftly moving
beast went on further as though still carrying his
master on his back, while Absalom swung from the
branehes, which held him up.? This was seen by
one of David’s soldiers, who informed Joab of it, and,
when the commander said he would have given him
fifty ὃ shekels if he had struck Absalom and killed
him, he replied, “* Not if you had been ready to give
me a thousand, would I have treated my master’s
son in that way, especially as we all heard him
plead that the youth’s life be spared.”’ Joab there-
upon ordered him to show him where he had seen
Absalom hanging, and shot an arrow ὃ into his heart
and killed him. Then Joab’s armour-bearers sur-
rounded the tree and pulled down the corpse,’ and,
casting it into a deep yawning pit, they threw stones
into this until it filled up and took on the form and
size of a tomb.¢ Meanwhile Joab sounded the
retreat and kept his own soldicrs from pursuing the
enemy foree, and so spared his countrymen.
(3) Now Absalom had set up in the Valley of Kings
ee ‘‘ten (shekels) of silver,’ while all texts add “ἢ and a
girdle.”
¢ Bibl. ‘took three darts and thrust them ’’; the Heb.
gebatim “‘ darts’ is translated by βέλη in the Ltxx, and by
ἀκίδας in Lue., either of which may mean ‘‘ arrows ’’ as well.
4 According to Scripture Joab’s ten armour-bearers com-
pleted his work by striking Absalom until he was dead.
¢ An interpretation of bibl. ‘Sand placed CAV. lateinrp.’*)
avery great heap of stones npon him,” probably suggested
by the fact that the ΠΕΡ. ψαβαϊδα ‘placed ᾽ also has the
technical meaning of ‘‘ erect”? a monuinent, grave-stele, ete.
489
Joab kills
Absalom.
2 Sam.
XViii. 14,
JOSEPHUS
βασιλικῇ στήλην λίθου μαρμαρινου δύο σταδίους
ἀπέχουσαν Ἱεροσολύμων, ἣν προσηγόρευσεν ἰδίαν
χεῖρα, λέγων ὡς καὶ τῶν τέκνων αὐτοῦ δια-
φθαρέντων ἐ ἐν τῇ στήλῃ μενεῖ τὸ ὄνομα: τέκνα γὰρ
ἦν αὐτῷ τρία μὲν ἄρρενα, θυγάτηρ δὲ μία Θαμάρα'
244 ge ak ὡς προειρήκαμεν. συνοικησάσης δ᾽ α αὐτῆς
τῷ Σολομῶνος υἱῷ" “PoBodpw γίνεται παῖς ὁ
διαδεξάμενος τὴν βασιλείαν ᾿Αβίας. καὶ περὶ μὲν
τούτων ἐν ὑστέροις οἰκειότερον τῇ ἱστορίᾳ δηλώ-
σομεν. μετὰ δὲ τὴν ᾿Αψαλώμου τελευτὴν ὁ μὲν
λαὸς εἰς τὰ οἰκεῖα διεσπάρη.
245 (4) ᾿Αχίμας δὲ ὁ Σαδώκου τοῦ ἀρχιερέως υἱὸς
Ιωάβῳ προσελθὼν ἐδεῖτο αὐτοῦ τὴν νίκην ἐπι-
τρέψαι πορευθέντι Δαυίδῃ μηνῦσαι, καὶ ὅτι τῆς παρὰ
τοῦ θεοῦ βοηθείας ἔτυχε καὶ προνοίας εὐαγγελίσα-
246 σθαι. καὶ τὸν μέν, οὐ προσήκειν εἰπὼν αὐτῷ καλῶν
ἄγγελον ἀεὶ γεγενημένον νῦν ἀπιέναι δηλώσοντα
θάνατον τῷ βασιλεῖ τοῦ παιδὸς αὐτοῦ, μένειν ἠξίου,
καλέσας δὲ τὸν Χουσὶν ἐκείνῳ προσέταξε τὸ ἔργον,
iv’ ὅπερ αὐτὸς εἶδε τοῦτο μηνύσειε τῷ βασιλεῖ.
247 τοῦ δ᾽ ᾿Αχίμα πάλιν δεηθέντος αὐτῷ τὴν ἀγγελίαν
ἐφεῖναι, περὶ μόνης γὰρ αὐτὴν ποιήσεσθαι" τῆς
10: Θθωμάρα γ6]].: Thamar Lat.
Σολομῶνος vig R Lat.: Δανίδου Σολομῶνος vio O: Δαυίδον
viwvw MSP.
3 Cocceji: ἀπεῖναι codd.
4 Hudson: ποιήσασθαι codd.
* Unsceriptural detail.
> The distance is not given in Seripture.
€-So-the rxx- Web. vod, lit. ~ hand?” (A. W2 place,”
agreeing with the Targum), here has the meaning of ‘‘ monu-
ment ’’ or “ stele.”
4 § 190 (cf. note ad loc.). Josephus, in attributing to
490
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 243-247
a marble? column, two stades distant from Jerusalem,? Absalom’s
t
which he named Absalom’s Hand,° saying that if his jig cnidren
children should perish, his name would remain in 2 Sam.
connexion with the column. He had, in fact, three ~ nes
sons and one daughter, named Thamara, as we have 5 Sam.
said before? And from her marriage to Solomon’s “™ 7”
son Roboamos, there was born a son, Abias, who
succeeded to his throne. But of this we shall speak
later, in a more suitable part of our history.6 And
so, after the death of Absalom, the people dispersed
to their homes.
(4) Then Achimas, the son of the high priest Sadok, Ahimaaz
went to Joab and soled him for permission to go and Renee. id
announce the victory to David and bring him the ΤΥ
good news that he had obtained help and guidance icons:
from God. Joab replied that it was not fitting Ga eer oy:
he who had always been a messenger of good tidings
should now go and inform the king of Hise son’s death,
and so asked him to stay, while he called Chasis 7
and charged him with the task of reporting to the
king w hat he had himself seen. But when Achimas
again requested him to entrust the message to him,
saying that he would mention only the vietory and
Absalom the fear that his children might die before him,
disposes of the difficulty caused by the contradiction between
2 Sam. xiv. 27, referred to in § 190, and the present verse,
9 Sam. xviii. 18, which reads, ‘* for he said, I have no son to
keep my name in remembrance.”’ <A rabbinie tradition has
it that Absalom’s sons died before him as a punishment for
having set fire to Joab’s field ; another tradition states that
Absalom left sons ‘‘ but they were so insignificant that
Scripture speaks of them as though he died childless ”’
(Ginzberg, op. cit. vi. 268).
A. vill. 919 f.
f Josephus, like the rxx, confuses kisi ‘‘ Cushite’’ (or
* Ethiopian,” i.e. a negro slave) with ZZésai, the name of
David's counsellor.
491
JOSEPHUS
’ e , \ 3 “- » , ~
νίκης ἡσυχάσειν δὲ περὶ τῆς ᾿Αψαλώμου τελευτῆς,
> / ᾽ ~ A \ ‘ ν ΝᾺ ” .
ἐπέτρεψεν αὐτῷ τὴν πρὸς Tov Δανίδην ἀφιξιν. καὶ
τὴν ἐπιτομωτέραν ἐκβαλὼν' τῶν ὁδῶν, καὶ γὰρ
,ὔ >] A >] , 4 ᾽ \ ,
248 μόνος αὐτὴν ἐγίνωσκε, Tov Novow φθάνει. Kaé-
εζομένῳ δὲ Aavidn μεταξὺ τῶν πυλῶν καὶ περι-
μένοντι πότ᾽ αὐτῷ τις ἐλθὼν ἀπὸ τῆς μάχης ἀπαγ-
yetAn? τὰ κατ᾽ αὐτήν, τῶν σκοπῶν τις ἰδὼν τὸν
᾿Αχίμαν τρέχοντα καὶ μήπω τίς ἐστι γνωρίσαι
δυνάμενος εἶπε" βλέπειν τινὰ παραγινόμενον πρὸς
249 αὐτόν. τοῦ δ᾽ ἄγγελον εἶναι φήσαντος ἀγαθῶν,"
μετ᾽ ὀλίγον ἕπεσθαί τι"α καὶ ἕτερον ἐδήλωσεν αὐτῷ.
κἀκεῖνον δὲ ἄγγελον εἰπόντος, LOWY τὸν ᾿Αχίμαν
ὁ σκοπὸς ἤδη ἐγγὺς γεγενημένον τὸν Σαδώκου
παῖδα τοῦ ἀρχιερέως προστρέχειν ἐσήμαινεν. ὁ
δὲ ᾿Δαυίδης περιχαρὴς γενόμενος ἀγαθῶν ἄγγελον
τοῦτον ἔφησεν εἶναι καί τι τῶν εὐκταίων αὐτῷ
φέρειν ἀπὸ τῆς μάχης.
260 (5) Kai μεταξὺ ταῦτα λέγοντος τοῦ βασιλέως
~ +.
φανεὶς ὁ ᾿Αχίμας προσκυνεῖ τὸν βασιλέα καὶ
πυθομένῳ περὶ τῆς μάχης νίκην εὐαγγελίζεται καὶ
κράτος. ἐρομένου δ᾽ et TL Καὶ περὶ τοῦ παιδὸς
ἔχοι λέγειν αὐτὸς μὲν ἔφασκεν εὐθὺς ὁρμῆσαι πρὸς
αὐτὸν τῆς τροπῆς τῶν πολεμίων γεν ομένης, ἃ ἀκοῦσαι
δὲ μεγάλης φωνῆς" διωκόντων τὸν ᾿Αψάλωμον καὶ
πλεῖον τούτου μηδὲν δεδυνῆσθαι μαθεῖν διὰ τὸ
, e \ > 4 ~ ‘ , > ,
πεμφθέντα ὑπὸ ᾿Ιωάβου δηλῶσαι THY νίκην ἐπεὶ-
1 ἐκλαβὼν SP: tenens Lat.
8 ἀγγείλει O: ἀπαγγείλει ΔΙ: ἀγγελεῖ Niese,
38 + πρὸς τὸν Aavidny codd.: 560], Niese.
§ Niese: ἀγαθὸν codd. Lat.
§ βοῆς NSPE: voces Lat.
$ μὴ δύνασθαι SP: μὴ Μ.
402
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 247-250
would keep silence about the death of Absalom, Joab
granted him permission to make the journey to David.
And so, by striking off into a shorter road, which he
alone knew,? he arrived before Chisis. Now as
David sat between the gates, waiting until someone
should come from the scene of battle and report how
it had gone, one of the look-outs saw Achimas running
along, and, though he could not yet reeognize who
it was, told David that he saw someone coming
toward him. The latter replied that it was a
messenger of good tidings, and when, a moment later,
the man informed him that still another was following,
David said that he too was a messenger. Then the
lookout reeognized Achimas, who was now very close,
and announced that the man running toward them
was the son of the high priest Sadok. At that,
David was overjoyed and said that he was a mes-
senger of good tidings and was bringing from the
field of battle news of something such as they had
prayed for.
(5) While the king was saying this, Achimas
appeared and did obeisance to the king, and, in
answer to his inquiry about the battle, announced
the welcome news of a decisive victory. But when
David asked whether he could also tell him some-
thing about his son, he said that he had hastened to
him immediately upon the rout of the cnemy, and,
though he had heard a great shouting of those who
were pursuing Absalom, he had been unable to learn
anything more than this because he had been sent
off in haste by Joab to report the victory. Then,
@ Details added by Josephus. According to Scripture
Ahimaaz ran by way of “ the (Jordan) valley ” (A.V. ‘‘ the
plain ”’).
> On the hendiadys cf. § 73 note.
493
Hushaji
announces
to David
the death of
Absalom.
2 Sam.
XVillL. 28.
JOSEPHUS
251 γεσθαι. παραγενομένου δὲ τοῦ “Χουσὶ καὶ προσ-
252
2
253
254
faba
κυνήσαντος καὶ τὴν νίκην σημήναντος, περὶ τοῦ
παιδὸς αὐτὸν ἀνέκρινεν. ὁ δ᾽ “ἐ χθροῖς,᾽" εἶπε,
᾿ τοῖς σοῖς οἷα συμβέβηκεν τς γένοιτο."
οὗτος ὁ λόγος οὐδὲ τὴν ἐπὶ τῇ viKy χαρὰν εἴασεν
’ὔ, ’ὔ
οὐτ᾽ αὐτῷ μεῖναι μεγίστην οὖσαν οὔτε τοῖς στρατιώ-
ταις" αὐτὸς μὲν γὰρ ἀναβὰς ἐπὶ τὸ ὑψηλότατον
τῆς πόλεως ἀπεκλαίετο' τὸν υἱὸν τυπτόμενος τὰ
στέρνα καὶ τὴν κεφαλὴν σπαραττόμενος καὶ
παντοίως αὑτὸν αἰκιζόμενος καὶ “᾿ τέκνον, ἐκβοῶν,
“εἴθε μοι τὸν θάνατον ἐπελθεῖν ἐγένετο καὶ ἅμα
σοι “τελευτῆσαι © - φύσει γὰρ ὧν φιλόστοργος, πρὸς
ἐκεῖνον μᾶλλον συμπαθῶς εἶχεν. ὴ στρατιὰ δὲ καὶ
᾿Ιώαβος ἀκούσαντες ὅτι πενθεῖ τὸν υἱὸν οὕτως ὁ
βασιλεύς, ἠσχύνθησαν μετὰ τοῦ τῶν νενικηκότων
σχήματος εἰσελθεῖν εἰς τὴν πόλιν, κατηφεῖς δὲ
καὶ δεδακρυμένοι πάντες ὡς ἀφ᾽ ἥττης παρῆλθον.
κατακαλυψαμένου δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ στένοντος
τὸν υἱὸν εἴσεισι πρὸς αὐτὸν ᾿Ιώαβος καὶ παρηγορῶν
“ὦ δέσποτα;,᾽ φησί, “᾿ λανθάνεις διαβάλλων σαυ-
τὸν οἷς ποιεῖς, ὅτι τοὺς μὲν ἀγαπῶντάς σε καὶ περὶ
σοῦ κινδυνεύοντας καὶ σαυτὸν καὶ τὴν σὴν γενεὰν
δοκεῖς μισεῖν, στέργειν δὲ τοὺς ἐχθροτάτους καὶ
ποθεῖν οὐκέτ᾽ ὄντας, οἵ δίκῃ τεθνήκασιν" εἰ γὰρ
᾿Αψάλωμος ἐκράτησε καὶ τὴν βασιλείαν βεβαίως
κατέσχεν, οὐδενὸς ἂν ἡμῶν ὑπελείφθη λείψανον,
ἀλλὰ πάντες ἂν ἀπὸ σοῦ καὶ τῶν σῶν ἀρξάμενοι
1 ἀνεκλαίετο M: ἀνεκαλεῖτο SPE.
“6 Bibl. “ to the chamber over the gate.” It is possible, as
Reinach suggests, that πόλεως ‘‘ city ’? in Josephus’s text is a
scribal error for πύλης ““ gate.”’
® Details added by Josephus, amplify’ ing the biblical
phrase ‘‘ the king weeps and mourns.’
404
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 251-255
when Chiisis arrived and, with an obeisanee, an-
nounced the victory, David questioned him about
his son. ‘‘ May your enemies,” he replied, “ suffer
the same fate as Absalom.”’ These words took away
from both him and his soldiers all their joy over the
victory, great as that was. As for David, he went bavia's
up to the highest part of the city 4 and bewailed his 27Beyt fr
Absalom.
son, beating his breast, tearing his hair and doing 2 Sam.
himself every kind of injury, : and crying out “ΠΟ my ne a
son, would that death had come to me and that I had 1.)
died with you!’’* for he was by nature affectionate,
and was especially attached to Absalom. And, when
the army and Joab heard how deeply the king
mourned for his son, they were ashamed to enter the
city with the appearance of victors, and, instead,
they all came in, as if from a Aer. with bow ed
heads and ΒΞ ἢ faces. Then, while the king with Joab com.
veiled head was moaning for ες son, Joab went into Pes Pavid
him and consoled him, ‘saying, ' “My lord, yo are mouming.
unwittingly slandering yourself by this conduet, for xix. 5 (6)
you seem to hate those who fove you and are risking
their lives both for you yourself and for your family,
while you hold dear those who are most hostile to
you, and long for them when they are no longer alive,
although they have justly dicd. For, if “Absalom
had conquer ed and had firmly secured the kingdom,
not one of us would have been left to survive, but all
of us, beginning with you and your children, would
¢ Bibl. “‘ would God [ had died in thy place”? (A.V. “ for
thee’); the ‘Targum adds, “‘ and that thou wert alive this
day.”
4 * Consoled him,” ete. Joab’s language is less respectful
in Scripture, ἡ Thou hast shamed this day the faces of all thy
servants,”
495
250
25
“1
ο:
JOSEPEUS
’ὔ 3 , ν] “-- 3 7 @ ~
τέκνων ἀπωλώλειμεν οἰκτρῶς, οὐ κλαιόντων ἡμᾶς
~ ’ὔ > ‘ ‘ ‘
τῶν πολεμίων ἀλλὰ Kal χαιρόντων Kal τοὺς
? ~ “- A 3
ἐλεοῦντας ἐπὶ τοῖς κακοῖς κολαζόντων. σὺ ὃ οὐκ
αἰσχύνῃ ταῦτα ποιῶν ἐπὶ μᾶλλον ἐχθρῷ, ὅτι σὸς
υἱὸς ὧν ἀσεβὴς οὕτως ἐγένετο. παυσάμενος οὖι’
τῆς ἀδίκου λύπης προελθὼν ὄφθητι τοῖς σαυτοῦ
A
στρατιώταις καὶ τῆς νίκης αὐτοῖς καὶ τῆς περὶ
τοὺς ἀγῶνας προθυμίας εὐχαρίστησον. ὡς ἐγὼ
τήμερον, ἂν ἐπιμένῃης τοῖς ἄρτι πραττομένοις, ἀνα-
πείσας ἀποστῆναΐζ σου τὸν λαὸν καὶ τὴν βασιλείαι'
ἑτέρῳ παραδοῦναι, τότε σοι πικρότερον καὶ ἀληθὲς
“- 3
ποιήσω, τὸ πένθος.᾽᾽ ταῦτ᾽ εἰπὼν Ιώαβος ἀπέστρε-
ψεν ἀπὸ τῆς λύπης καὶ ἤγαγεν εἰς τὸν περὶ τῶν
πραγμάτων λογισμὸν τὸν βασιλέα. μετασχηματίσας
γὰρ ἑαυτὸν Δαυίδης καὶ ποιήσας ἐπιτήδειον εἰς τὴν
τοῦ πλήθους θέαν πρὸς ταῖς πύλαις ἐκάθισεν, ὡς
~ \
ἅπαντα τὸν λαὸν ἀκούσαντα συνδραμεῖν πρὸς αὐτὸν
~ ~ »
καὶ κατασπάσασθαι. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν τοῦτον ἔσχε
τὸν τρόπον.
: eo? 2? a ; > ΄ A
(xi. 1) Ot δ᾽ ἐκ τῆς μάχης ἀναχωρήσαντες τῶν
€ / ~ > 9 f / 3 ς
Εβραίων τῶν μετ᾽ ᾿Αψαλώμου γενόμενοι παρ᾽ av-
τοῖς ἕκαστοι διεπέμποντο κατὰ πόλεις ὑπομιμνή-
A ec i Ἁ ’
σκοντες αὑτοὺς ὧν εὐεργέτησεν αὐτοὺς Δαυίδης
\ “- > ? Δ ᾽ ~ \ /
καὶ τῆς ἐλευθερίας, ἣν ἐκ πολλῶν καὶ μεγάλων
259 ῥυσάμενος αὐτοὺς πολέμων παρέσχε, μεμφόμενοι δ᾽
ὅτι τῆς βασιλείας αὐτὸν ἐκβαλόντες ἄλλῳ ταύτην
ἐνεχείρισαν καὶ νῦν τεθνηκότος τοῦ κατασταθέντος
ὑπ αὐτῶν ἡγεμόνος οὐ παρακαλοῦσι Aavidny
παύσασθαι μὲν τῆς ὀργῆς, εὐνοϊκῶς δὲ πρὸς αὐτοὺς
ἔχειν, τῶν δὲ πραγμάτων καθὼς ἤδη καὶ πρότερον
2 αὐτοὺς om. ROE.
496
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 255-259
have perished miserably, and the enemy, instead of
weeping for us, would have rejoiced and punished
any who pitied our misfortunes. And yet you are
not ashamed to behave in this way about a man who
is the more hateful for having been so impious,
though your own son. Cease, therefore, from your
unjustified grief and go out and show yourself to
your soldiers and thank them for the vietory and for
their ardour in the fight. Tor, if you persist in doing
as you have just been doing, I will this very day
persuade the people to revolt from you and give the
kingdom over to another, and then I shall make your
sorrow more bitter and real.”’* By these words Joab
diverted the king from his grief, and brought him
to taking thought about the matter. So David,
ehanging his appearance,? made himself presentable
to the people,® and sat by the gates, until all the
people heard of it and ran to greet him. And this
was how these matters were.
(xi. 1) Now when those Hebrews on Absalom’s
side who had eseaped from the battlefield returned
to their severa] homes, they sent round to their
cities, reminding them how David had_ benefited
them and had procured their freedom by delivering
them in many great wars; and they blamed them-
selves for having driven him from the throne and given
it over to another, and beeause now, when the leader
appointed by them was dead, they had not appealed
to David to abate his anger, show himself friendly
toward them, and resume his throne to take up the
¢ Joab’s speech is considerably amplified.
® Or ‘‘ his dress.”’ ¢ Unscriptural detail.
497
The rebels
make peace
with David.
2 Sam. xix.
9 (10).
200
20
26
]
9
3
JOSEPHUS
A / \ / > /
ποιεῖσθαι πρόνοιαν, τὴν βασιλείαν ἀπολαβόντα.
ταῦτα μὲν οὖν συνεχέστερον ἀπηγγέλλετο Δαυίδῃ:
κακεῖνος οὐδὲν ἧττον ἔπεμψε πρὸς Σάδωκον καὶ
᾿Αβιάθαρον τοὺς ἀρχιερέας, ἵνα τοῖς ἄρχουσι τῆς
᾿Ιούδα φυλῆς διαλεχθῶσιν, ὡς αἰσχρόν ἐστιν"
αὐτοῖς ἄλλας φυλὰς πρὸ ἐκείνης Δαυίδην χειροτονῆ-
σαι βασιλέα, ὰ καὶ ταῦθ᾽ ὑμῶν συγγενῶν ὄντων καὶ
κοινὸν αἷμα πρὸς αὐτὸν κεκληρωμένων.᾽᾽ τὰ δ᾽
αὐτὰ καὶ ᾿ΑἈμασᾷ τῷ στρατηγῷ προσέταξεν αὐτοὺς
λέγειν, ὅτι τῆς ἀδελφῆς υἱὸς ὧν αὐτοῦ μὴ πείθει
4 ~ / ‘ ᾽ὔ 3 ~
τὸ πλῆθος Δαυίδῃ τὴν βασιλείαν ἀποδοῦναι'
προσδοκᾶν δὲ παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ μὴ διαλλαγὴν μόνον,
τοῦτο γὰρ ἤδη γέγονεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν ἅπαντος τοῦ
αοῦ στρατηγίαν, ἣν αὐτῷ καὶ ᾿Αψάλωμος 7 παρέσχε.
καὶ οἱ μὲν ἀρχιερεῖς, ἃ μὲν τοῖς τῆς φυλῆς ἄρχουσι
διελέχθησαν ἃ δὲ τὸν ᾿Αμασᾶν ἔπεισαν, τὰ παρὰ
τοῦ βασιλέως πρὸς αὐτὸν εἰπόντες, ἐγχειρεῖν ταῖς
ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ φροντίσι. καὶ πείθει γε τὴν φυλὴν
παραχρῆμα πέμψαι. πρὸς Δαυίδην πρέσβεις παρα-
καλοῦντας εἰς τὴν ἰδίαν αὐτὸν ἐπανελθεῖν βασιλείαν.
τὸ δ᾽ αὐτὸ καὶ πάντες ἐποίουν οἱ ᾿ΪΙσραηλῖται
προτρεψαμένου τοῦ ᾿Αμασᾶ.
(2) Τῶν δὲ πρέσβεων ἀφικομένων πρὸς αὐτὸν εἰς
“Ἱεροσόλυμα παρεγένετο. πάντας δὲ τοὺς ἄλλους
" :» 7 4 \ ‘ 31 / ‘
ἔφθασεν ἡ ᾿Ιούδα φυλὴ πρὸς τὸν ᾿Ιόρδανον ποταμὸν
ἀπαντῆσαι τῷ βασιλεῖ καὶ ὁ Γήρα παῖς Σαμούις"
A λί 3 ὃ ~ a > ~ B , ὃ An
μετὰ χιλίων ἀνδρῶν, ots ex τῆς Βενιαμίτιδος φυλῆς
1 ἐστιν om. RO.
2 Σουμούϊς R: Σεμεΐας MS(P): Σεμεεὶς E: Semei Lat.
¢ “They had not appealed,”’ ete. is an amplification of
2 Sam. xix. 10 (Heb. 11) ‘“* Now therefore why speak ye not
a word of bringing the king back ?”’
498
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 259-263
direction of affairs just as before.*¢ Such were the
reports that were continually brought to David,
but he none the less sent a message to the high
priests Sadok and Abiathar that they should tell the
chiefs of the tribe of Judah what a disgrace it was for
them that the other tribes had chosen David king
before they did, “ especially,” they were to add,
“as you are his kin and have common blood with
him.” And he instructed them to speak to Amasa,
the commander, in the same vein and ask why,
although he was a son of David's sister,? he had not
persuaded the people to restore the kingdom to
David ; and they were to say that he might expect
not only a reconciliation with him,—which had already
taken place—but also the chief command of the
entire people, like that which Absalom had given
him. So the high priests gave the one message to
the chiefs of the tribe (of Judah), and the other
message of the king they gave to Amasa, whom they
persuaded to undertake measures on his behalf. He,
in turn, persuaded the tribe immediately to send
envoys to David, inviting him to return to his own
kingdom.® And all the Israelites, at the suggestion
of Amasa, did the same thing.
(2) After the envoys came to him, David went on
to Jerusalem. And first of all the tribes to mect the
king at the river Jordan was Judah ; also Samiis, the
son of Gera, with a thousand men whom he had
brought from the tribe of Benjamin, and Siba, the
δ In Scripture David does not mention the exact relation,
but merely says “art thou not of my bone (Targum ‘ my
kinsman’) and flesh?”
¢ The reconciliation with .Amasa and the latter’s action in
persuading the Israclites to send envoys are unscriptural
details.
499
The trihes
assernble at
the Jordan
to welcome
David.
2Sam xix.
15 (16).
JOSEPHUS |
~ A
ἐπήγετο, καὶ Σιβᾶς δὲ ὁ ἀπελεύθερος Σαούλου καὶ
οἱ παῖδες αὐτοῦ πεντεκαίδεκα τὸν ἀριθμὸν ὄντες
\ 5 ~ ” -Ό \ ~ 3 10 An
264 μετα οἰκετῶν ELKOOLVY. OUTOL σὺν TH Ἰούδα φυ n
~ “~ Ἁ
τὸν ποταμὸν ἐγεφύρωσαν, ἵνα ῥᾷστα διαβῆ μετὰ ᾿
~ MF ¢ ,ὔ ς . τ ee κ᾿ δὺ
τῶν ἰδίων ὁ βασιλεύς. ὡς δὲ ἧκεν ἐπὶ τὸν ᾿Ιόρδανον
> ’ὔ \ > \ e 3 , / \ δ᾽
ἠσπάσατο μὲν αὐτὸν ἡ ᾿Ιούδα φυλή, προσπεσὼν
ἀναβάντι ἐπὶ τὴν γέφυραν Σαμούις καὶ κατασχὼν
αὐτοῦ τοὺς πόδας ἐδεῖτο συγγνῶναι περὶ τῶν εἰς
αὐτὸν ἡμαρτημένων καὶ μὴ ‘yer έσθαι πικρὸν αὐτῷ
μηδὲ τοῦτο πρῶτον ἡγήσασθαι τὴν τιμωρίαν ev
ἐξουσίᾳ γενόμενον, λογίσασθαι δ᾽ OTe Kal μετα-
νοήσας ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἐσφάλη πρῶτος ἐλθεῖν πρὸς αὖ- |
265 τὸν é€otrevoe.’ ταῦτα δ᾽ ἀντιβολοῦντος αὐτοῦ καὶ |
οἰκτιζομένου ᾿Αβισαῖος ὁ ᾿Ιωάβου ἀδελφός, “ διὰ
en > 2} s é¢ > / ’ὔ \
τοῦτο otv,” εἶπεν, “᾿ οὐ τεθνήξη βλασφημήσας τὸν
e \ ζω ~ ,ὔ : , 23 ’
ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ κατασταθέντα βασιλεύειν; ᾿᾿ Δαυίδης
ὃ᾽ ba \ \ ᾽ / {44 3 ll > 3} Φ
ἐπιστραφεὶς πρὸς αὐτόν, ‘* οὐ παύσεσθ', εἶπεν,
“ὦ Zapovias παῖδες; μὴ κινήσητε πάλιν ἡμῖν
266 καινὰς ἐπὶ Tats “πρώταις ταραχὰς καὶ στάσεις" οὐ
γὰρ ἀγνοεῖν ὑμᾶς προσῆκεν ὅτι σήμερον ἄρχομαι
τῆς βασιλείας. διὸ πᾶσιν ἀφιέναι τὰς κολάσεις τοῖς
ἀσεβήσασιν ὄμνυμι καὶ μηδενὶ τῶν ἁμαρτόντων
> r “a / 3) ΣΌΝ, 4 4 \
ἐπεξελθεῖν. σύ re,’ εἶπεν, ὦ Σαμούι, θάρρει καὶ
/
δείσῃς μηδὲν ὡς ΠΣ ΕΣ τδυδς" ὁ δὲ προσκυνῆσας
αὐτὸν προῆγεν.
2067 (8) ᾿Απήντησε δ᾽ αὐτῷ καὶ ὁ Σαούλου υἱωνὸς
λ]εμφίβοσθος ῥυπαράν τε τὴν ἐσθῆτα περικείμενος
καὶ τὴ κόμην βαθεῖαν καὶ κατημελημένην ἔχων"
μετὰ γὰρ τὴν Δαυίδου φυγὴν οὔτ᾽ ἀπεκείρατο
υπούμειος οὔτ᾽ ἐκάθηρε τὴν ἐσθῆτα κατακρίνας
1 égrovéace MSP.
500
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 263-267
freedman of Saul, and his sons, who were fifteen in
number, together with twenty servants. These latter
with the tribe of Judah made a bridge ® over the
river, in order that the king and his men might eross
the more easily. And, when he eame to the Jordan,
he was welcomed by the tribe of Judah ; then, as he
mounted the bridge,? Samiis fell down before him
and elasped his feet, asking pardon for the wrongs
he had done him, and that he should not be harsh with
him nor let his first thought, on eoming into power,
be one of vengeanee ; he should, Samiiis said, take
into aecount that he had repented of his errors and
had hastened to be the first to come to him. While
he thus made supplieation and begged for merey,
Abisai, the brother of Joab, said to him, “ Shall you,
then, not die for having cursed the one appointed by
God to reign?’ But David turned to him and said,
“ Will you not be quiet, sons of Saruia ? Do not stir
up for us new disorders and dissensions to follow the
first. You must not fail to realize that with to-day I
begin my reign. I have, therefore, sworn to forgo
punishment for aets of rebellion, and not to prosecute
any -olfender.. And you, Saniiis,’” ‘lie said,.** take
eourage and have no fear that you will be put to
death.”” The other then did obeisanee to him and
went on before him.
(3) And there also met him Sanl’s grandson Mem-
phibosthos, wearing a soiled garment and with his
hair long and unkempt, tor, after David's flight, he
had not, because of his erief, either eut his hair or
washed his garment, but had condemned himself to
4 Heb. ‘aberah (for ‘aber 7) hd-abdradh seems to mean
“ they ferried across,” as the Targum translates ; Lxx διέβη
ἡ διάβασις, lit. **the crossing went over,” is more obscure than
the Heb. > Bibl. “ as he was crossing the Jordan.”
50]
David
forgives
Shimei,
2 Sam. xix,
18 (19).
Mephi-
bosheth
excises his
econduet
toward
David.
2 Sms xix,
itso).
JOSEPHUS
ξ ~ A é > A ~ ~ f
QuUTOU συμφορὰν TAUTYV ἘΣ ou TOV βασιλέως μετα-
βολῇ: διεβέβλητο δὲ καὶ ὑπὸ τοῦ ἐπιτρόπου Σιβὰ
268 πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀδίκως. ἀσπασαμένου ὃ αὐτοῦ καὶ
270
27)
προσκυνήσαντος ἤρξατο πυνθάνεσθαι τί δήποτ᾽ οὐ
συνεξῆλθεν αὐτῷ καὶ κοινωνὸς ἦν τῆς φυγῆς; ὁ δ᾽
ἀδίκημα τοῦτ᾽ ἔλεγεν εἶναι Σιβᾶ: κελευσθεὶς γὰρ
παρασκευάσαι τὰ πρὸς τὴν ἔξοδον οὐκ ἐφρόντισεν,
ἀλλ’ ὥσπερ ἀνδραπόδου τινὸς οὕτως παρήκουσεν.
“el μέντοι γε τὰς βάσεις εἶχον ἐρρωμένας, οὐκ ἂν
ἀπελείφθην σου, χρῆσθαι πρὸς τὴν φυγὴν ταύταις
δυνάμενος. οὐ τοῦτο δὲ μόνον ἠδίκησέ μου τὴν
πρὸς σέ, δέσποτα, εὐσέβειαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ προσδιέβαλε
καὶ κατεψεύσατο κακουργῶν. ἀλλ᾽ οἶδα γὰρ ὅτι
τούτων οὐδὲν ἡ σὴ διάνοια προσίεται δικαία τε
οὖσα καὶ τὴν ἀλήθειαν, ἣν ἰσχύειν τε βούλεται' καὶ
τὸ θεῖον, ἀγαπῶσα: μείζονα γὰρ κινδυνεύσας
παθεῖν ὑπὸ τοῦ πάππου τοὐμοῦ καὶ τῆς ὅλης ἡμῶν
γενεᾶς ὀφειλούσης εἰς ἐκεῖνα ἀπολωλέναι, σύ ye?
μέτριος καὶ χρηστὸς ἐγένου, τότε μάλιστα πάντων
ἐκείνων λήθην ποιησάμενος, ὅτ᾽ ἐξουσίαν τῆς ὑπὲρ
αὐτῶν τιμωρίας εἶχεν. ἡ μνήμη. φίλον δὲ σὸν
ἔκρινας ἐμὲ καὶ ἐπὶ τῆς τραπέζης εἶχες ὁσημέραι,
καὶ οὐδὲν ἀπέλειπον τῶν συγγενῶν τοῦ μάλιστα
τιμωμένου.᾽᾿ ταῦτ᾽ εἰπόντος οὔτε τὸν Νεμφίβοσθον
ἔγνω κολάζειν οὔθ᾽ ὡς καταψευσαμένου τοῦ Lupa
καταδικάζειν, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὲρ μὲν τοῦ μὴ μετὰ Σιβᾶ
πρὸς αὐτὸν" ἐλθεῖν ἐκείνῳ πάντα χαρίσασθαι φήσας
1 ἣν, βούλεται] ἐνισχύειν βουλομένη RO,
2 σύ γε] Niese: ot re RO: σὺ MSP.
3 πρὸς αὐτὸν post YBa 1° RO.
α Variant “‘ for it is just and wishes the truth to prevail and
Joves the Deity.”
502
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 267-271
this unhappy state on the king’s fall from power. He
had, moreover, been unjustly accused before David
by his steward Siba. And so, when he greeted David
and did obeisance to him, the latter inquired just why
he had not gone out with him and shared his exile,
whereupon he replied that this was Siba’s fault, for,
although he had been ordered to prepare for the
departure, he had paid no attention, but had disre-
garded him quite as if he had been a mere slave. “ If,
indeed,” he added, “1 had sound feet and had been
able to use them in flight, I should not have been far
behind you. But this is not the only way, my lord,
in which he has wrongfully hindered my obedience
to you, for he has also slandered me and has malici-
ously lied about me. I know very well, however,
that none of these caluminies finds admittance into
your mind, for it is Just and loves the truth, which the
Deity also wishes to prevail? ; and, though you were
exposed to great hardships at the hands of my grand-
father, on which account our whole family was de-
serving of extinction, you were, none the less, for-
bearing and kind in making yourself forget all these
things at the very time when you might have remem-
bered them and also had the power to take vengeance.?
But you considered me your friend and had me daily
at your table, and in no way was 1 less well treated
than the most honoured of your relatives.” After
this speech of his, David decided neither to punish
Memphibosthos nor to condemn Siba for having
made false charges, but he told Memphibosthos that,
beeause he had not come to him with Siba, he had
presented all his substance to the latter ; however,
> Text obscure, lit. “ἢ when your memory had power to take
vengeance upon them.”
VOL. V oo 503
JOSEPHUS
~ e ~
αὐτῷ συγγινώσκειν ὑπέσχετο, τὰ ἡμίση τῆς οὐσίας
αὐτῷ κελεύσας ἀποδοθῆναι. ὁ δὲ Μεμῴφίβοσθος
[ΠῚ / ’ ? ; 4 2} 4 4 - > A 3% 3 /
πάντ᾽ ἐχέτω rev, εἶπε, “᾿ Σιβᾶς, ἐμοὶ δ᾽ ἀπόχρη
‘ \ A , 3 - >
τὸ σὲ τὴν βασιλείαν ἀπολαβεῖν.
212 (4) Βεέρζελον δὲ τὸν Γαλαδίτην ἄνδρα μέγαν καὶ
καλὸν καὶ πολλὰ παρεσχημένον ἐν ταῖς Ἡαρεμ-
βολαῖς αὐτῷ Δαυΐίδην τεὶ προπέμψαντα μέχρι τοῦ
᾿Ιορδάνου παρεκάλει συνελθεῖν ἕως τῶν Ἵεροσο-
λύμων: γηροκομήσειν γὰρ αὐτὸν ἐν πάσῃ τιμῇ καὶ
ὡς πατρὸς “ἐπιμεληθήσεσθαι καὶ προνοήσειν. ἐπηγ-
273 γέλλετο. ὁ δὲ πόθῳ τῶν οἴκοι παρῃτεῖτο τὴν μετ
αὐτοῦ διατριβήν: καὶ τὸ γῆρας λέγων τοιοῦτον"
αὐτῷ τυγχάνειν, ὥστε μὴ" ἀπολαύειν τῶν ἡδέων
εἰς ὀγδοήκοντα ἔτη προβεβηκότος, ἀλλ᾽ ὥστε
καταλύσεως ἤδη καὶ ταφῆς προνοεῖν, ἐπὶ ταύτην
ἠξίου βουλόμενον αὐτῷ χαρίζεσθαι τὰ κατ᾽ ἐπι-
274 θυμίαν αὐτὸν ἀπολῦσαι: οὔτε γὰρ τροφῆς οὔτε
ποτοῦ συνιέναι διὰ τὸν γρόνον, ἀποκεκλεῖσθαι δ᾽
αὐτῷ καὶ τὰς ἀκοὰς ἤδη πρὸς αὐλῶν ἤχους καὶ
/ ~ Mv ? , σ ‘ ~
μέλη τῶν ἄλλων ὀργάνων, ὅσα παρὰ βασιλεῦσι
τέρπει τοὺς συνδιαιτωμένους. οὕτως δὲ λιπαρῶς͵
δεομένου, “ σὲ prev,” εἶπεν, “ ἀπολύω, τὸν δ᾽ υἱὸν
᾿Αχίμανον ἄφες μοι: πάντων γὰρ αὐτῷ μεταδώσω
75 τῶν ἀγαθῶν.᾽᾽ καὶ Βεέρζελος μὲν καταλιπὼν τὸν
υἱὸν καὶ προσκυνήσας τὸν βασιλέα καὶ πάντων
ἐπευξάμενος αὐτῷ τέλος ὧν ἔχει κατὰ ψυχὴν
1 Δαυίδην τε) Aavidy RO: Δαυίδης ex E Niese.
οὗ τοιοῦτον MSP.
μὴ οἵα. MSP.
4 David's reply to pepe ΘΈΡΟΣ is an amplification of
2 Sam. xix. 29 “‘and the king said, why speakest thou any
504
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 271-275
he promised to forgive him and ordered that half the
property be restored to him.* Thereupon Mem-
phibosthos exclaimed, ‘‘ Let Siba have it all! As
for me, it is enough that you have recovered your
kingdom.”
(4) Now Beerzelos® the Galadite, a great and Barzillai |
noble man, who had furnished David many supplies Set ΕΝ)
at The Camps, and had escorted him as far as the [xe sith
Jordan, was invited by him to come with him to 2 Sam, xix
Jerusalem ; for, he said, he would cherish him in his *! (52.
old age with every honour, and he promised to take
eare of him and provide for him as for a father. But
Beerzelos, who longed to be home, declined to stay
with him, saying that his age was such that he could
not enjoy pleasures,—he was now eighty years old—
but must think of his end and burial, and he asked
David, if he wished to gratify his desires, to release
him for this purpose. He had, he said, no taste for
food and drink because of his age, and his ears were
deaf to the sound of flutes and the music of other
instruments ὁ which delight those who live with kings.¢
To this earnest entreaty David replicd, “ I do release
yau, but leave me your son Achimanos,? for I shall
give him of all good things.” So Beerzelos left his
son behind and, after doing obeisance to the king and
praying for the fulfilment of his heart’s desire, re-
more of thy matters? I have said, thou and Ziba divide the
and.
> Called Berzelaios in § 230, cf. note.
¢ Cf. Targum ‘harps and songs of praise ’’; Heb. and
Lxx ‘‘ singing men and women.”
¢ Josephus, contrary to his usual procedure, abridges
Barzillai’s speech.
« Cf. Luc. ᾿Αχιμαάν (0.1. ᾿Αχειναάμ κτλ.) bibl. Chimham,
Lxx Xauadu. In Scripture it is Barzillai who proposes that
his son remain with David.
505
210
277
278
JOSEPHUS
οἴκαδ᾽ ὑπέστρεψε. παραγίνεται δ᾽ εἰς Γάλγαλα
Δαυίδης τοῦ λαοῦ παντὸς ἤδη τὸ ἥμισυ περὶ αὑτὸν
ἔχων καὶ τὴν ᾿Ιούδα φυλήν.
(5) ᾿Αφικνοῦνται δ᾽ εἰς Γάλγαλα πρὸς αὐτὸν ot
; ns α \ Ἂν , 2 ‘
πάσης φυλῆς; πρῶτοι μετὰ πολλοῦ πλήθους καὶ
τὴν ᾿Ιούδα φυλὴν κατεμέμφοντο λάθρα πρὸς αὐτὸν
ἐλθοῦσαν, ὡς δεῖν ὃ ὁμοῦ πάντας μιᾷ γνώμῃ ποιεῖσθαι
τὴν ἀπάντησιν. οἱ δ᾽ ἄρχοντες τῆς ᾿Ιούδα φυλῆς
μὴ δυσχεραίνειν. αὐτοὺς ἠξίουν προληφθέντας" καὶ
γὰρ συγγενεῖς ὄντες αὐτοῦ καὶ διὰ τοῦτο “μᾶλλον
προνοούμενοι καὶ στέργοντες φθάσαι, οὐ “μέντοι γε
διὰ τὸ “προελθεῖν δῶρα λαβεῖν αὐτούς, ἵν᾽ ἔχωσιν
ἐπὶ τούτῳ δυσφορεῖν ὑ ὕστεροι πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐλθόντες.
ταῦτα τῶν τῆς ᾿Ιούδα φυλῆς ἡ ἡγεμόνων εἰπόντων οἵ
τῶν ἄλλων ἄρχοντες οὐχ ἡσύχασαν, ἀλλ᾽ ᾿ ἡμεῖς
μέν, ἔφασαν, “ὦ ἀδελφοί, θαυμάζομεν ὑμᾶς
αὑτῶν ἀποκαλοῦντας μόνων συγγενῇ τὸν βασιλέα:
O γὰρ τὴν ἁπάντων ἐξουσίαν παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ hee
πάντων ἡμῶν εἶναι συγγενὴς κρίνεται. i dua
τοῦθ᾽ 6 μὲν λαὸς ἅπας" ἕνδεκα μοίρας ἔχει, ΠΣ δ᾽
ὑμεῖς, καὶ πρεσβύτεροι ἐσμέν, καὶ οὐκ ἐποιήσατε
δίκαια κρύφα καὶ λεληθότως ἐλθόντες πρὸς τὸν
βασιλέα.
(6) Τοιαῦτα τῶν ἡγεμόνων πρὸς ἀλλήλους δια-
λεχθέντων ἀνήρ τις πονηρὸς καὶ στάσει χαίρων,
ὄνομα Σαβαῖος υἱὸς δὲ Βοχορίου" τῆς Βενιαμίτιδος
φυλῆς, στὰς ἐν μέσῳ πρὸς τὸ πλῆθος μέγα βοήσας
εἶπεν" “ οὔτ᾽ ἔχει τις ἡμῶν παρὰ Δαυίδου μοίρας
1 πάσης φυλῆς] τῆς χώρας ΜΙΘΡΙΣ : provinciae Lat.
2 πολλοῦ πλήθους] πολλῆς πληθύος MSPE,
3 ἅπας οπι. RO.
4 κρύφα xaiom. RO.
5 Beddadi Lat. 6 E Lat.: ὑμῶν codd.
506
- JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 275-278
turned to his home. And David came to Galgala,
having with him now half of all the people, and the
tribe ae Judah.
(5) Then there came to him at Galgala the leading Rivalry
men of every tribe ¢ with a great multitude. and they ee
reproached the tribe of Judah for having COMES LO NOE OF
him secretly, saying that they should all have met favour. _
him together at one time. But the chiefs of the 473) *™
tribe of Judah begged them not to be annoyed at
having been anticipated, for, they said, they were
David's relatives and, being for that reason more
thoughtful for him and fonder of him, they had come
there first ; but they had not indeed, by coming first,
received any gifts of which the Biers: who came to
him tater, could have reason to complain: The chiefs
of the ales tribes were not silenced by these words
of the leaders of the tribe of Judah, but said, “‘ We
are amazed, brothers, that you eall the king a relative
only of yourselves, for he who receives from God
authority over all must be considered a relative of us
all. And for this reason the entire people has eleven ὃ
parts (in him), while you have but one, and we are
older © ; and so you have not done right in coming to
the king in secrecy and by stealth.’
(6) While the leaders were thus arguing with each sheba
other, there stood up among them a certain man of (09 |
evil character and a lover of dissension, named Israclites
Sabaios,4 the son of Bochorios,¢ of the tribe of Ben- (uty
jamin, who addressed the multitude in a loud voice, 3 Sam. xx-1
saying, ‘* None of us 7 has any portion of David or any
4 Variant “ of the country.” Pil ene
¢ Or “ have a prior claim.”
4 Bibl. Sheba, rxx Vapeé.
¢ Bibl. Bichri, rxx PBoxopel, Luc. Beddadi (cf. Latin trans.
of Josephus). 7 Variant ** you.”
507
JOSEPHUS -
* " a eee 9 , ,»» \ \
279 οὔτε κλῆρον παρὰ τῷ ᾿Ϊεσσαίου παιδί. Kal μετὰ
τοὺς λόγους σαλπίσας κέρατι σημαίνει πόλεμον
πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα, καὶ πάντες ἠκολούθησαν ἐκείνῳ
Δαυίδην καταλιπόντες: μόνη δ᾽ αὐτῷ παρέμεινεν ἡ
3 / Ἁ \ é 9 A 3 \ b id
Ἰούδα φυλὴ καὶ κατέστησεν αὐτὸν εἰς τὸ ἐν ‘lepo-
, ͵ \ \ \ t Φ
σολύμοις βασίλειον. καὶ τὰς μὲν παλλακάς, αἷς
ξ ey 3 ~ “A > 7 4 »
6 υἱὸς αὐτοῦ συνῆλθεν ᾿Αψάλωμος, εἰς ἄλλην μετ-
ἤγαγεν οἰκίαν, πάντα προστάξας αὐταῖς χορηγεῖν
τὰ ἐπιτήδεια τοὺς ἐπιμελομένους, αὐτὸς δ᾽ οὐκέτ᾽
> 4 3 aA > ’ 4 A \ >
980 ἐπλησίαζεν αὐταῖς. ἀποδείκνυσι δὲ καὶ τὸν ’Apa-
σᾶν στρατηγὸν καὶ τὴν τάξιν αὐτῷ ἐφ᾽ ἧς ᾿Ιώαβος
ἦν δίδωσιν ἐκέλευσέ τε στρατιὰν ὅσην δύναται
συναγαγόντ᾽ ἐκ τῆς ᾿Ιούδα φυλῆς μεθ᾽ ἡμέρας τρεῖς
ὡς" αὐτὸν ἐλθεῖν, ἵνα παραδοὺς αὐτῷ πᾶσαν τὴν
δύναμιν ἐκπέμψῃ πολεμήσοντα τὸν υἱὸν τοῦ Βοχο-
“ 3 ͵ A a > ~ \ \ Ἁ
981 ρίου. ἐξελθόντος δὲ τοῦ ᾿Αμασᾷ καὶ περὶ τὴν
ἄθροισιν τῆς στρατιᾶς βραδύνοντος, ὡς οὐκ ἐπανήει
τῇ τρίτῃ τῶν ἡμερῶν ὁ βασιλεὺς πρὸς τὸν ᾿Ιώαβον
ἔλεγεν οὐκ εἶναι σύμφορον ἀνοχὴν τῷ Σαβαίῳ
διδόναι, μὴ γενόμενος ἐν π είονι παρασκευῇ,
μειζόνων κακῶν καὶ πραγμάτων αἴτιος, 7 ᾿Αψάλω-
989 μος αὐτοῖς κατέστη, γένηται. “μὴ περίμενε τοίνυν
μηδένα," ἀλλὰ τὴν οὖσαν παραλαβὼν δύναμιν καὶ
τοὺς ἑξακοσίους μετὰ ᾿Αβισαίου τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ σου
δίωκε τὸν πολέμιον. καὶ ὅπου ποτ᾽ ἂν αὐτὸν κατα-
f 3) / aA Uh >
λάβῃς ὄντα πειράθητι συμβαλεῖν: σπούδασον ὃ
> A la A f > A /
αὐτὸν φθάσαι, μὴ πόλεις ὀχυρὰς καταλαβόμενος
ἀγῶνας ἡμῖν καὶ πολλοὺς ἱδρῶτας παρασκευάσῃ.᾽
oT 7 ee 2 , » RNAP
283 (7) ᾿Ιώαβος δ᾽ οὐκέτι μέλλειν ἔκρινεν, ἀλλὰ τόν
1 πρὸς ROE. 2 ἔτι μηδέν MSP.
α It is not clear from Scripture, 2 Sam. xx. 4, whether
David appointed Amasa commander in Joab’s place, orsimply
508
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 279-283
lot with the son of «6556. And with these words
he blew his horn and declared war on the king, and
they all deserted David to follow him; only the
tribe of Judah stood by him, and brought him back
to his palace in Jerusalem. And the coneubines,
with whom his son Absalom had lain, he transferred
to another dwelling, instructing their attendants to
provide them with all things necessary, but he him-
self never again came near them. Then he ap-
pointed Amasa commander, giving him the office
which Joab had held,* and ordered him to collect as
large an army as possible from the tribe of Judah
and to come to him after three days, in order that he
might give the entire force over to him and send him
out to make war on the son of Bochorios. So Amasa
went out, but he was slow in assembling an army, and,
as he did not return on the third day, the king said
to Joab ὃ that it was not a good thing to grant Sabaios
a breathing-space, lest he prepare a greater force
and cause them more harm and trouble than Absalom
had done. ‘“ Do not, therefore, wait for anyone, but
take the force now here and the six hundred men °
and, with your brother Abisai, pursue the enemy.
And wherever you may come upon them, try to
engage them. And now hasten to prevent them
from seizing fortified cities and so causing us great
exertion and sweat.”’
(7) So Joab decided not to wait any longer and,
as a commander of equal rank. Josephus adopts the latter
view in § 284.
> To Abishai, in Scripture, although it is there implied
(vs. 7) that Joab is with Abishai.
¢ Bibl. ‘ thy lord’s servants,” that is, the bodyguard of
Cherethites, Pelethites and “ mighty men ’’ mentioned in the
next verse, 2 Sam. xx. 7.
509
David
app ints
Amasa
commander
of the army.
2 Sam. xx. 4
JOSEPHUS
te ἀδελφὸν Kal τοὺς ἑξακοσίους παραλαβὼν καὶ
ὅση λοιπὴ δύναμις Hv ἐν τοῖς ᾿Ιεροσολύμοις ἕπεσθαι
κελεύσας ἐξώρμησεν ἐπὶ τὸν Σαβαῖον. ἤδη δ᾽ ἐν
Γαβαών (κώμη δ᾽ ἐστὶν αὕτη σταδίους ἀπέχουσα
τεσσαράκοντα τῶν “I ἐεροσολύμων) γεγενημένος πολ-
νὼ ᾿Αμασᾶ δύναμιν ἀγαγόντος," ἀπήντησεν αὐτῷ
διεζωσμένος μάχαιραν καὶ θώρακα ἐνδεδυμένος ὁ
284 ᾿Ιώαβος-" προσιόντος δὲ ἀσπάσασθαι τοῦ ᾿Αμασᾶ
φιλοτεχνεῖ" τὴν μάχαιραν αὐτομάτως ἐκ τῆς θήκης
ἐκπεσεῖν, " βαστάσας δ᾽ αὐτὴν ἀπὸ τῆς γῆς καὶ τῇ
ἑτέρᾳ τὸν ᾿Αμασᾶν ἐγγὺς γενόμενον ὡς καταφιλή-
σων τοῦ γενείου λαβόμενος, οὐ προϊδόμενον" εἰς τὴν
γαστέρα πλήξας ἀπέκτεινεν, ἀσεβὲς ἔργον διαπραξά-
μενος καὶ παντελῶς ἀνόσιον, ἀγαθὸν νεανίαν καὶ
συγγενῆ καὶ μηδὲν ἀδικήσαντα ζηλοτυπήσας τῆς
στρατηγίας καὶ τῆς παρὰ τῷ βασιλεῖ πρὸς αὐτὸν
285 ἰσοτιμίας. διὰ ταύτην γὰρ τὴν αἰτίαν καὶ τὸν
᾿Αβεννῆρον ἐφόνευσεν. ἀλλ᾽ ἐκεῖνο μὲν αὐτοῦ τὸ
παρανόμημα πρόφασις εὐπρεπὴς συγγνωστὸν ἐδόκει
ποιεῖν ὁ ἀδελφὸς ᾿Ασάηλος ἐκδεδικῆσθαι νομιζό-
μενος, τοῦ δ᾽ ᾿Αμασᾶ φόνου οὐδὲν τοιοῦτον ἔσχε
286 παρακάλυμμα. ἀποκτείνας δὲ τὸν συστράτηγον
ἐδίωκε τὸν NaPatov καταλιπὼν ἕνα πρὸς τῷ νεκρῷ,
βοᾶν ἐντειλάμενος πρὸς τὴν στρατιὰν ὅτι τέθνηκεν
᾿Αμασᾶς δικαίως καὶ μετ᾽ αἰτίας κολαζούσης" “εἰ
δὲ φρονεῖτε τὰ τοῦ βασιλέως, ἕπεσθε τῷ στρατηγῷ
αὐτοῦ ᾿Ιωάβῳ καὶ ᾿Αβισαίῳ τῷ τούτου ἀδελφῷ. "
281 κειμένου δὲ τοῦ σώματος ἐπὶ τῆς ὁδοῦ καὶ παντὸς
τοῦ πλήθους én’ αὐτῷ συρρέοντος καὶ οἷον ὄχλος
1 post ἀγαγόντος lacunam statuit Niese.
2 φιλοτέχνως MSP: om. If.
3 ἐποίησεν ἐκπεσεῖν MSPE et fort. Zonaras.
Bekker: προειδόμενον codd.
510
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 283-287
taking with him his brother and the six hundred men Joab
and ordering the rest of the force in Jerusalem to ἔμαθα. ana
follow, he set out to attack Sabaios. But when he sarees
reached Gabaon,—this is a village forty stades distant pee gee
from Jerusalem *—he found Amasa there at the head
of a large force, and Joab went to meet him with his
sword girded on and wearing a breastplate. Then,
as Amasa approached to greet him, he artfully con-
trived to have his sword fall, as if by itself, out of its
sheath.6 And he picked it up from the ground, and
with his other hand seized Amasa, who was now near
him, by the beard as if to kiss him, and with an un-
foreseen thrust in the belly killed him. This impious Reftections
and most unholy deed he committed against a brave ὁπ ἀρὰν
youth, who was, moreover, his relative, and had done
him no wrong, because he envied him his office of
commander and his being honoured by the king with
a rank equal to his own. It was for this same reason
that he had murdered Abenner also, except that the
former crime seemed to have a decent pretext to
make it pardonable, that is, when considered as an
act of vengeance for his brother Asael; but for the
murder of Amasa he had no such excuse. And, when
he had killed his fellow-commander, he started in
pursuit of Sabaios, leaving behind one man with the
corpse, whom he instructed to call out to the army
that Amasa had been justly put to death and punished
deservedly, and to say,“ If you are for the king, follow
his commander Joab and his brother Abisai.”” So the
dead body lay in the road, and all the people swarmed
around it and, as is the way of crowds,° pressed for-
* On the distance of the bibl. Gibeon from Jerusalem, not
given in Scripture, ef. § 11 note.
> Bibl. “ and as he went forth, it fell out.”
¢ A Thucydidean phrase.
511
JOSEPHUS
diret ἐθαύμαζον ἡλέουν' προϊστάμενοι": βαστάσας
δ᾽ ἐκεῖθεν ὁ φύλαξ καὶ κομίσας εἴς τι χωρίον
ἀπωτάτω τῆς ὁδοῦ τίθησιν αὐτόθι καὶ καλύπτει
ἱματίῳ. τούτου γενομένου πᾶς ὁ λαὸς ἠκολού-
288 θησε τῷ ᾿Ιωάβῳ. διώξαντι δ᾽ αὐτῷ διὰ πάσης τῆς
᾿ἸΙσραηλιτῶν χώρας τὸν Σιαβαῖον δηλοῖ τις ἐν ὀχυρᾷ
πόλει τυγχάνειν ᾿Αβελωχέᾳ' λεγομένῃ. παρα-
γενόμενος δ᾽ ἐκεῖ καὶ τῇ στρατιᾷ περικαθίσας
τὴν πόλιν καὶ χαράκωμα περὶ αὐτὴν πηξάμενος
ὑπορύσσειν ἐκέλευσε τοῖς στρατιώταις τὰ τείχη
καὶ καταβάλλειν αὐτά: μὴ δεξαμένων γὰρ αὐτὸν
τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει χαλεπῶς πρὸς αὐτοὺς διετέθη.
289 (8) Γύναιον δέ τι σῶφρον καὶ συνετὸν ἐν ἐσχάτοις
ἤδη τὴν πατρίδα κειμένην θεασάμενον ἀναβὰν ἐπὶ
τὸ τεῖχος προσκαλεῖται διὰ τῶν ὁπλιτῶν τὸν
᾿Ιώαβον. προσελθόντος δ᾽ ἤρξατο λέγειν ὡς ὁ θεὸς
τοὺς βασιλεῖς καὶ τοὺς στρατηγοὺς ἀπ οδείξειεν,
ἵνα τοὺς πολεμίους τοὺς “ἸΣβραίων ἐξαιρῶσι καὶ
παρέχωσιν αὐτοῖς εἰρήνην am αὐτῶν". “σὺ δὲ
σπουδάζεις μητρόπολιν ᾿Ισραηλιτῶν καταβαλεῖν καὶ
290 πορθῆσαι μηδὲν ἐξαμαρτοῦσαν.᾽᾽ ὁ δὲ ἵλεων μὲν
1 πλέον MSP: post ἐθαύμαζον lacunam statuit Niese.
2 προσιστάμενοι SP; ἱστάμενοι M.
8 ᾿Αβελμαχέα MSP Lat.: "ASe\uaxa E.
4 am’ αὐτῶν] ἁπάντων MSP.
¢ Text doubtful; the variant seems to mean “ standing
beside it, they w ondered (or ‘‘ stared *’) at it a great while.”
> Bibl. Abel Beth-maachah, Lxx “AséX Βαιθμαχά. It has
been tentatively identified w ith the modern ’.46/ in the upper
Jordan valley, about 10 miles N. of Lake Huleh.
¢ With Josephus’s χαράκωμα cf. Luc. χάρακα : 1ΧΧ has πρόσ-
Ywue.
¢ Bibl. “all the people with Joab were devising (so Lxx
512
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 287-290
ward to wonder at it and pity it,? until the guard
lifted it up and earried it away from there to a place
far from the road, where he laid it down and covered
it with a cloak. After this was done, all the people
followed Joab. And, after he had pursued Sabaios Joab
through the entire Israelite country, someone in-
formed him that he was in a fortified city called
besieges
Sheba in
Abel Beth-
laacah
Abeléchea.? So he went there, and invested the city (sbelochea)
with his army, and set up a palisade ὃ around it; then
he ordered his soldiers to undermine the walls and
overthrow them, for, as those within the city refused
to admit him, he felt very bitter toward them.
(8) But a certain wise and intelligent old woman,
seeing that her native place was now in its last ex-
tremity, went up on the wall and summoned Joab
through his soldiers. And, when he eame near, she
began by saying that God had chosen kings and com-
manders to drive out the enemies of the Hebrews and
to secure them peace from these.@ “ But you,” she
said, “‘ are bent on destroying and sacking a mother-
city of the Israelites, which has done no wrong.”
and ‘Targum translate Heb. mashhithim) to throw the wall
down.’ Josephus evidently takes mashhithim (a pte. masce.
pl.) as a denominative verb from the root shahath “ pit,”
hence his rendering ** undermine,” a meaning proposed in
modern times by Ewald. The usual meaning of the verbal
root is ** destroy ’’ (A.V. here has “ battered ’’).
¢ The corrupt and therefore obscure Ileb. of 2 Sam. xx. 18,
19a reads lit., ** And she spoke, saying, ‘In former times thev
would ask of Abel and so they concluded. I—the peaceful
(?) and faithful of Israel, εἴς," Josephus’s interpretation
seems to be based in part on the Targum, which renders,
** And she spoke, saying, ‘ Let me mention what is written in
the Book of the Law, that one should first ask of a city; thus
you should have asked Abel whether it wished to make peace.
We are making peace with Israel in good faith, ete.’”’
513
2 Sam.
xx. 14.
An old
woman
saves the
besieged
City:
2 Sam.
xx. 16.
JOSEPHUS
4 \ θ ‘ > ~ 4 > \ 3 σ
εὔχεται τὸν θεὸν αὐτῷ διαμένειν, αὐτὸς δ᾽ οὕτως
ἔχειν εἶπεν, ὡς μηδένα τοῦ λαοῦ φονεῦσαι οὐχ ὅτι
πόλιν ἐξελεῖν βούλεσθαι τηλικαύτην᾽ λαβὼν μέν -
τοὶ παρ᾽ αὐτῶν τὸν ,ἀντάραντα τῷ βασιλεῖ πρὸς
τιμωρίαν Σαβαῖον υἱὸν δὲ Βοχορίου, παύσεσθαι'
τῆς πολιορκίας καὶ τὴν στρατιὰν ἀπάξειν. ὡς δ᾽
ἤκουσεν ἡ γυνὴ τὰ παρὰ τοῦ ᾿Ιωάβου μικρὸν ἐπ-
ισχεῖν δεηθεῖσα, τὴν γὰρ κεφαλὴν εὐθέως αὐτῷ
ῥιφήσεσθαι τὴν τοῦ πολεμίου, καταβαίνει πρὸς τοὺς
, \ 6¢ 7 > )) > ~ ce ‘ “-
πολίτας καὶ “᾿ βούλεσθ᾽ ,᾽᾿ εἰποῦσα, “᾿ κακοὶ κακῶς
ἀπολέσθαι μετὰ τέκνων καὶ γυναικῶν ὑπὲρ ἀν-
θρώπου πονηροῦ καὶ μηδὲ τίς ἐστι γνωριζομένου
καὶ τοῦτον ἔχειν ἀντὶ Δαυίδου τοῦ τοσαῦτ᾽ εὐεργε-
τήσαντος ὑμᾶς" βασιλέα, καὶ πρὸς δύναμιν τοσαύτην
292 καὶ τηλικαύτην ἀνταίρειν μίαν πόλιν; ᾿᾿ πείθει Τὴν
κεφαλὴν ἀποτεμόντας τοῦ Σαβαίου ῥῖψαι ταύτην
εἰς τὸ τοῦ ᾿Ιωάβου στράτευμα. τούτου γενομένου
σημήνας ἀνακλητικὸν ὁ τοῦ βασιλέως στρατηγὸς
ἔλυσε τὴν πολιορκίαν καὶ παραγενόμενος εἰς
“Ἱεροσόλυμα παντὸς ἀποδείκνυται πάλιν τοῦ λαοῦ
la ’ \ \ “ e ‘
293 στρατηγός. καθίστησι δὲ καὶ Bavaiav ὁ βασιλεὺς
ἐπὶ τῶν σωματοφυλάκων καὶ τῶν ἑξακοσίων,
> / > > ᾿ > Ἁ “- ’ \ 3 id
Αδώραμον δ᾽ ἐποίησεν ἐπὶ τῶν φόρων Kat ᾿Ιωσά-
φατον υἱὸν ᾿Λχίλου ἐπὶ τῶν ὑπομνημάτων, Σουσὰν
δὲ γραμματέα, Σ άδωκον δὲ καὶ ᾿Αβιάθαρον ἀπ-
ἔφηνεν ἱερεῖς.
294 (xii. 1) Mera δὲ ταῦτα τῆς χώρας λιμῷ φθειρο-
/ ς “ 3 ’ ‘ Ὰ > ~ Fi ‘ ᾿
μένης ἱκέτευε" Δαυίδης τὸν θεὸν ἐλεῆσαι τὸν λαὸν
1 Dindorf: παύσασθαι codd. Εἰ.
2 ἡμᾶς OP. 3 ἱκέτευσε MSP Lat.
@ ** To be gracious to hin ” is derived from Lxx ἵλεώς μοι
(sc. ὁ eds), a free translation of Heb. Adalilah li“ far be it
from me.”’
514
29
—
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 290-294
Thereupon he prayed that God might continue to
be gracious to him,® and said that for his part he had
no wish to slay any of its people, much less destroy
so great a city ; furthermore, if he could get them
to deliver up for punishment Sabaios, the son of
Bochorios, who had rebelled against the king, he
would give up the siege and withdraw his army.
When the woman heard Joab’s words, she asked him
to wait a little while, and his enemy’s head would very
soon be thrown to him; then she went down to the
inhabitants of the eity and cried, “ Do you wish to
perish most miserably with your children and wives
for the sake of a worthless fellow whom no one even
knows, or have him for a king in place of David, who
has been your ὃ benefactor in so many ways, and set
yourselves up, as a single city, against so great and
so mighty a power ?’’® And so she persuaded them
to cut off Sabaios’s head and throw it to Joab’s army.
When this was done, the king’s commander sounded
the retreat and raised the siege. Then he came to
Jerusalem and was again appointed commander of
all the people. The king also put Banaias over the
bodyguard and the six hundred, and gave Adoramos 4
charge of the tribute, and Josaphat, the son of
Achilos,¢ the reeords, and designated 5158 7 as scribe,
and Sadok and Abiathar as priests.
(xii. 1) After these events, the country was
ravaged by a famine, and David supplicated God to
oN rlanit <Ours”
¢ The woman’s speech is unscriptural,
4 Bibl. Adoram, Lxx ᾿λδωνειράμ.
¢ Bibl. Ahilnd, cf. § 110 note. All these officers, with the
exception of Adoram, are mentioned in the former passage.
7 So most ss. of the rxx here (v.l. σοί Ὁ) ; bibl. Sheva
(Heb. Sheyad). He is called Seisa in § 110 (bibl. Seraiah).
515
God sends
a famine to
avenge the
JOSEPHUS
καὶ τὴν αἰτίαν αὐτῷ καὶ τὴν ἴασιν φανερὰν ποιῆσαι
τῆς νόσου. τῶν δὲ προφητῶν εἰπόντων βούλεσθαι
τὸν θεὸν ἐκδικίας τυχεῖν τοὺς Γαβαωνίτας, ods
το ᾿Ξ ς \ > , ew, 3
Σιαοῦλος 6 βασιλεὺς ἀποκτείνας ἠσέβησεν ἐξαπα-
τήσας καὶ τοὺς ὅρκους αὐτοῖς, οὗς ὁ στρατηγὸς
3 “~ »ἢ A ¢€ f \ / 3A
295 ᾿Ιησοῦς ὥμοσε Kat ἡ γερουσία, μὴ φυλάξας" ἐὰν
[2 ͵ a 3 \ / e “
τοίνυν δίκην ἣν αὐτοὶ θέλουσιν of Γαβαωνῖται
λαβεῖν ὑπὲρ τῶν ἀνῃρημένων ταύτην αὐτοῖς παρά-
’ Ἁ A » > Ul
σχῇ, διαλλαγήσεσθαι Kai τὸν ὄχλον ἀπαλλάξειν
290 τῶν κακῶν ἐπηγγέλλετο. ὡς οὖν ταῦτα παρὰ τῶν
προφητῶν ἔμαθεν ἐπιζητεῖν τὸν θεόν, μεταπέμπεται
, A
τοὺς LaBawvitas καὶ τίνος βούλονται τυχεῖν
“-- 9 “-- “--
ἐπηρώτα. τῶν δ᾽ ἐκ τοῦ γένους τοῦ Σαούλου
παραλαβεῖν ἑπτὰ παῖδας ἀξιωσάντων πρὸς τιμω-
ρίαν, ὁ βασιλεὺς ἀναζητήσας παρέδωκεν αὐτοῖς,
297 ᾿Ιεβόσθου' φεισάμενος τοῦ ᾿Ιωνάθου παιδός. παρα-
f > ¢€ “ ‘ » ς 9 /
λαβόντες δ᾽ ot Γαβαωνῖται τοὺς ἄνδρας. ὡς ἐβού-
λοντο ἐκόλασαν. ἤρξατο δ᾽ ὕειν παραχρῆμα ὁ θεὸς
καὶ τὴν γῆν πρὸς γονὴν καρπῶν ἀνακαλεῖν, ἀπο-
λύσας τοῦ πρότερον αὐχμοῦ" καὶ πάλιν econvnods ἡ
τῶν Ἑβραίων χώρα.
9
3205. Στρατεύεται δὲ μετ᾽ οὐ" πολὺν χρόνον ὁ βασιλεὺς
ἐπὶ Iladaorivous, καὶ συνάψας μάχην αὐτοῖς καὶ
1 Memphiuos Lat.: ΔΙεμφιβόσθου ed. pr.
2 μετ᾽ οὐ ed. pr. Lat.: μετὰ codd.
α Here, as elsewhere (e.g. § 72), Josephus makes the
prophets God’s inter ‘preters w here Scripture has merely “ And
the Lord answered.”
ONG fa ZA {1 8. IN LO).
¢ The last part of God’s reply is an amplification of Scrip-
ture.
516
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 294-298
have pity on the people and reveal to him the cause Gibeonites
of the affliction, and the remedy. Then the prophets?
declared that God wished the Gabaonites to be 2
avenged, whom King Saul had wickedly killed and
with whom he had dealt treacherously, in violation
of the oaths which the commander Joshua and the
elders had sworn tothem.? If, then, he would permit
the Gabaonites to exact such satisfaction as they
might desire for those who had been slain, God
would, He promised, be reconciled to them and would
free the multitude from its affliction.° Accordingly,
after learning from the prophets that this was God’s
desire, he sent for the Gabaonites and inquired what
satisfaction they wanted. And, when they asked
that seven sons 4 of Saul’s family be given up to them
for punishment, the king had a search made for them
and surrendered them to the Gabaonites, but he
spared Jebosthos,’ the son of Jonathan. Then the
Gabaonites took them and punished them as they
saw fit’ And God at once began to send rain and
to restore the land to its fruitfulness, by delivering it
from drought. And once more the country of the
Hebrews flourished.
Not long after this,’ the king took the field against
the Philistines and, after joining battle with them,
4 An allusion to the two sons of Saul and Rizpah and the
five sons of Saul and Michal), 2 Sam. xxi. 8.
¢ A slip for Memphibosthos (Mephibosheth), corrected in
the first printed edition of Josephus.
‘ Josephus omits the Scriptural detail that they were
hanged, 2 Sam. xxi. 9, and also passes over the following
verses, which tell] of Rizpah’s mourning and David’s removal
of the bones of Saul and Jonathan from Jabesh-gilead for
burial in the sepulchre of Kish in Benjamin.
¢ Variant ‘‘after a long time.’” In Scripture no interval
of time is mentioned.
517
slain by
Saul.
2 =
XXii
Abishai
rescues
David from
JOSEPHUS
UA > 4 / \ / ”
τρεψάμενος ἐμονώθη διώκων καὶ γενόμενος ἔκλυτος
ὥφθη ὑπό τινος τῶν πολεμίων “Akprovos μὲν
299 τοὔνομα ᾿Αράφου δὲ παιδός" οὗτος ἦν μὲν καὶ
ἀπόγονος τῶν Γιγάντων, ἔχων δὲ καὶ ξυστόν, οὗ
τὴν λαβήν φασιν ἕλκειν' σταθμὸν σίκλους τρια-
κοσίους, καὶ θώρακα ἁλυσιδωτὸν καὶ ῥομφαίαν
ὥρμησεν ἐπιστραφεὶς ὡς ἀποκτενῶν" τὸν τῶν
πολεμίων βασιλέα' παρεῖτο γὰρ ὑπὸ τοῦ κόπου.
ἐπιφανεὶς οἷ ἐξαίφνης ᾿Αβισαῖος ὁ ὁ ᾿Ιωάβου ἀδελφὸς
τὸν βασιλέα μὲν ὑπερήσπισε περιβὰς κείμενον,
800 ἀπέκτεινε δὲ τὸν πολέμιον. ἤνεγκε δ᾽ ἐπὶ τῷ παρ᾽
301
ὀλίγον κινδυνεῦσαι τὸν βασιλέα χαλεπῶς τὸ πλῆ-
Bos: καὶ οἱ ἡγεμόνες ὥρκωσαν αὐτὸν μηκέτι εἰς
μάχην ἀπαντῆσαι σὺν αὐτοῖς, μὴ du ἀνδρείαν καὶ
προθυμίαν παθών τι τῶν δεινῶν στερήσῃ τὸν λαὸν
τῶν δι᾽ αὐτὸν ἀγαθῶν, ὅσα τε ἤδη παρέσχηκε καὶ
ὅσων ἔτι μεθέξουσι πολὺν βιώσαντος χρόνον.
(9) Συνελθόντων δὲ τῶν []αλαιστίνων εἰς Γάζαρα
/ 3 4 e€ \ » > 3 > \
πόλιν ἀκούσας ὁ βασιλεὺς ἔπεμψεν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς
/ 3 , \ / \ 4 3 3
στρατιάν. ἠρίστευσε δὲ τότε καὶ σφόδρ᾽ ηὐδο-
1 φασιν ἕλκειν] Naber: συνέλκειν codd.: συνέβη ἕλκειν Niese.
9
2 ex Lat. Niese: ἀποκτείνων»ν eodd.
@ Bibl. Ishbi-benob, txx ’IecBi. The Heb. consonantal text,
ineaning ‘‘ they dwelled in Nob,” is corrupt and conceals
a proper name rather different from Ishbi-benob. Weill
rightly supposes that Josephus’s Akmén represents Heb.
Hakmén, but, like others, has failed to see that it is identical
with Jashobeam the Hachmonite, 1 Chron. xi. 11 (cf. § 905
note). The latter is, to be sure, one of David’s warriors, and
not his enemy, as here, but whether Scripture or Josephus is
responsible for this confusion, there can be no doubt of this
identity of names. It may also be noted that rabbinic tradi-
tion makes Ishbi a brother of Goliath and deseribes at length
518
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 298-301
put them to flight ; but in pursuing, he found him- ἃ Philistine
self alone, and in this we ary state he was seen by one $ Sam.
of the enemy, whose name was Akmon,? the son of **+ 15:
Araphos,® and who was, at the same time, a de-
seendant of the Giants.2 He had a spear, the haft
of which was said to weigh three hundred shekels, a
breastplate of chainmail, ὃ and a sw ord, and he turned
about and rushed forwar ἃ with the intention of killing
the enemy’s king, who was exhausted by his exer-
tions. But suddenly there appeared Abisai, the
brother of Joab, who protected the king by standing
astride over him? as he lay there, and ‘killed his
enemy. But the people were distressed by the king’s
narrow escape from death, and the leaders made him
swear that he would never again go out with them
to battle, lest, through his bravery and zeal, he should
suffer some injury and so deprive the people of the
benefits he brought them, both those that he had
already conferred, and those that they might still
enjoy if he lived for a long time.
(2) Then the Philistines assembled at the city of Proves,
Gazara,? and, when the king heard of it, he sent an warriors
: . Σ against the
army against them. On that occasion mighty deeds phitistines.
Abishai’s miraculous rescue of David from his hands, ef.
Ginzberg iv. 107.
δ In “ Araphos”’ and ‘ Giants”? Josephus combines the
bibl. proper name Raphah (ef. pl. R tephaim) and its rendering
by Targum and some Lxx mss. as “ giants ᾽ (so A.V.).
¢ Bibl. “was girded with anew —” (A.V. “ new sword”;
the nonn is missing); Lxx supplies κορύνην “ club,’”? Lue.
παραζώνην “ girdle,” ‘Targum Ispaniq? (='Ioramny?) which
means either “sword” or “ girdle’? according to Jewish
tradition. 4 Unscriptura] detail.
41 Chron. Gezer, txx Πάζερ: 2 Sam. Gob, txx 10 (ek
Vapce\ xrr.), Lue. Vagéd. Et is uncertain what the namie
was in the original text of Scripture.
VOL s ΤΕ 510
3}
JOSEPHUS
κίμησε Σαβρήχης" ὁ Χετταῖος εἷς τῶν περὶ ᾿Δαυίδην
ἀνδρειοτάτων' ἀπέκτεινε γὰρ πολλοὺς τῶν ᾿αὐχούν-
των προγόνους τοὺς Γίγαντας καὶ μέγα ἐπ᾽ ἀνδρείᾳ
φρονούντων, αἴτιός τε τῆς νίκης τοῖς Ἑβραίοις
302 ἐγένετο. καὶ μετ᾽ ἐκείνην τὴν ἧτταν πάλιν ἐπο-
λέμησαν of [Παλαιστῖνοι" καὶ στρατιὰν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς
Δαυίδου πέμψαντος ἠρίστευσεν ᾿Εφὰν ὁ συγγενὴς
αὐτοῦ: μονομαχήσας γὰρ τῷ πάντων ᾿ἀνδρειοτάτῳ
Παλαιστίνων ἀπέκτεινεν αὐτὸν καὶ τοὺς ἀλλους εἰς
4 3 ’ ’ ~ 3 ? /
φυγὴν ἔτρεψε, πολλοί τε αὐτῶν ἀπέθανον paxo-
/ > WW ᾽ὔ 3 Ld
303 μενοι. διαλιπόντες δ᾽ ὀλίγον χρόνον ἐστρατοπεδεύ-
2 \ ’ 3 ’ “ a “- ¢ é
σαντοῦ πρὸς Virrn® πόλει τῶν ὅρων τῆς Ἑβραίων
> “A \ A
χώρας οὐκ ἄπωθεν. Hv δ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἀνὴρ τὸ μὲν ὕψος
ἕξ πηχῶν, δακτύλους δ᾽ ἐν ἑκατέρῳ τῶν βάσεων
καὶ τῶν χειρῶν ἑνὶ περισσοτέρους εἶχε τῶν κατὰ
7 > ~ S / > 9 > \ € \
304 φύσιν. ἐκ τῆς οὖν πεμφθείσης ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς ὑπὸ
Δαυίδου στρατιᾶς τούτῳ μονομαχήσας ᾿Ιωνάθης ὁ
Lapa’ υἱὸς ἀνεῖλέ τε αὐτὸν καὶ τῆς ὅλης νίκης ῥοπὴ
1 Σαβρήχεις ἢ : Σοβάκχης SP(M): ᾿Αβάκχης E: Sabuch Lat.
4 Niese cum cod. Vat. apud Hudson: ἐστρατεύσαντο RO:
ἐστρατοπέδευσαν MSP: ἐστράτευσαν E,
8 Niese: τῇ codd.: τῇ Tirrg Hudson (ef. xx).
* ed. pr.: Zoupa codd. Lat,
4 Bibl. Sibbechai, txx Σοβοχαί, Luc. Σοβεκχί.
δ So Lue. ; bibl. the Hushathite, rxx ὁ ᾿Αστατωθεί,
¢ Scripture mentions only one victim, Saph (1 Chron.
Sippai) ‘ that was of the giants (Heb. Rapkdh).”
¢ Bibl. Elhanan the son of Jaare-oregim (read Jair as
in 1 Chron.) a Bethlehemite, LXX ᾿ὐχεαρ ν tiles ᾿Αριωγεὶμ ὁ
Βαιθλεεμείτης, Lue, ᾿Ελλανὰν υἱὸς ᾿Ιαδδείν ; in 1 Chron. rxx has
᾿Ελλὰν υἱὸς ᾿Ιαείρ.
¢ This was Goliath according to 9 Sam., but as Goliath was
supposedly slain by David (cf. 1 Sam. xvii. 23 ff., Ant. vi.
171 ff.), 1 Chron. harmonistically makes Elhanan’s victim
520
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 301-304
were performed and great glory was won by Sabré-
chés¢ the Hittite,’ one of David’s bravest men, for
he killed many of those who boasted of having the
Giants for ancestors,° and thought much of their own
courage ; and so he was responsible for the victory
of the Hebrews. After this defeat the Philistines
made war a seeond time, and David sent an army
against them, of whom the most valiant was his
relative Ephan,? for, in single eombat with the bravest
of all the Philistines,¢ he killed him and put the rest
to flight, many of them being slain in battle. But
after a brief interval of time they eneamped near
Gitta,’ a eity not far from the border of the Hebrews’
eountry, and there was among them a man six cubits 9
in height, who had, on both of his feet and hands, one
more toe and finger than nature usually provides.
Now, of the army sent against them by David, Jona-
than, the son of Sama," “fought against this man in
single combat, and by slaying him, turned the battle
a brother of Goliath, and the epithet Beth ha-lahmi “ Beth-
lehemite ”? applied to Elhanan in 2 Sam. is eonverted to a
personal name Lahmi, giving the reading, 1 Chron. xx. 5,
“And Elhanan the son of Jair slew Lahmi the brother of
Goliath the Gittite.” Josephus evades the diffieulty more
simply by omitting the name of Goliath.
f Name restored in Josephus’s text from the Lxx.
9 Unscriptural detail. In 2 Sam. Heb. has ish madén
‘“man of strife,” Lxx ἀνὴρ Madwyv; in 1 Chron. ish midduh
‘man of stature,’ Lxx ἀνὴρ ὑπερμεγέθης. Possibly Josephus
was careless in taking “ six,” oceurring twice in Scripture
of the giant’s fingers and toes, to apply to his height.
It is unlikely that, as Weill suggests, he was thinking of
Goliath’s height, “* six cubits and a span,’’ 1 Sam. xvii. 4, for
he follows the txx in reading ‘ four eubits and a span ”’ in
that passage (4. vi. 171).
So Lue. and txx in 1 Chron.; bibl. Shimeah, txx
(2 Sam.) Yeued. He was a nephew of David.
oid
2 Sam.
xxi. 1835
1 Chron
xx. 4.
JOSEPHUS
γενόμενος δόξαν ἀριστείας ἀπηνέγκατο" καὶ γὰρ
οὗτος ὃ [Παλαιστῖνος ηὔχει τῶν Ι ιγάντων ἀπόγονος
εἶναι. μετὰ δὲ ταύτην τὴν μάχην οὐκέτι τοῖς
᾿Ισραηλίταις ἐπολέμησαν.
805 (8) ᾿Απηλλαγμένος δ᾽ ἤδη πολέμων 6 Δαυίδης
καὶ κινδύνων καὶ βαθείας ἀπολαύων τὸ λοιπὸν
εἰρήνης, φδὰς εἰς τὸν θεὸν καὶ ὕμνους συνετάξατο
μέτρου ποικίλου: τοὺς μὲν γὰρ τριμέτρους, τοὺς δὲ
πενταμέτρους ἐποίησεν. ὄργανά τε κατασκευάσας
ἐδίδαξε πρὸς αὐτὰ τοὺς Ληουίτας ὑμνεῖν τὸν
θεὸν κατά τε τὴν τῶν καλουμένων σαββάτων
806 ἡμέραν καὶ κατὰ τὰς ἄλλας ἑορτάς. ἡ δὲ τῶν
ὀργάνων ἐστὶν ἰδέα τοιαύτη τις τὸν τρόπον" ἡ μὲν
κινύρα δέκα χορδαῖς ἐξημμένη τύπτεται πλήκτρῳ,
ἡ δὲ νάβλα δώδεκα φθόγγους ἔχουσα τοῖς δακτύ-
xe Kpoverat, κύμβαλά τε ἦν πλατέα καὶ μεγάλα
χάλκεα. καὶ περὶ μὲν τούτων ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ἡμῖν,
ὥστε μὴ τελέως ἀγνοεῖν τὴν τῶν προειρημένων
ὀργάνων φύσιν, ἀρκείσθω λελέχθαι.
807 (4) Τῷ δὲ βασιλεῖ πάντες ἦσαν οἱ περὶ αὐτὸν
ἀνδρεῖοι: τούτων δ᾽ οἱ διασημότατοι καὶ λαμπροὶ
τὰς πράξεις ὀκτὼ καὶ τριάκοντα, ὧν πέντε “μόνων
διηγήσομαι τὰ ἔργα" φανερὰς γὰρ καὶ τὰς τῶν
ἄλλων ἀρετὰς ἀρκέσουσιν οὗτοι ποιῆσαι: δυνατοὶ
γὰρ ἦσαν οὗτοι καὶ χώραν ὑπάγεσθαι καὶ μεγάλων
¢ Josephus, in characterizing Hebrew poetry, which is
accentual, uses terms familiar to Greek readers, who knew
only quantitative poetry. ‘These terms may stand if taken
to mean lines of three beats (trimeters) or three plus two beats
(pentameters).
> The following names are taken by Josephus from the
rxx, 1 Chron, xxv. lod αἱ. οὗ. A. viii, 0%.
¢ Bibl. “harp,” Heb. kinnér, elsewhere in the Lxx trans-
Jae
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIL. 304-307
into a complete victory, and carried off the first prize
for valour ; this Philistine had also boasted of being
a descendant of the Giants. But after this battle
they did not again make war on the Israelites.
(3) David, being now free from wars and dangers, David's
Ne Reh tee hymns and
and enjoying profound peace from this time on, com- τ sical
posed songs and hymns to God in varied meters— Soranie
some he made in trimeters .andothersin pentameters.? service.
He also made musical instruments, and tnstimeced = it”
the Levites how to use them in praising God on Ἐς xxv. 1.
so-called Sabbath day and on the other festivals. Now
the forms of these instruments were somew hat as
follows ὃ : the kinyra 5 had ten strings stretched on it,
which were struck with a plectrum ; the παδία, which
had twelve notes, was plucked with the fingers ; and
the kymbala ὁ were large, broad plates of brass. But
now that our readers are not altogether unacquainted
with the nature of the afore-mentioned instruments,
let this much about them suffice.
(4) As for the men about the king, all of them were Pavia’s
brave, but the most distinguished among them and eat
famous for their deeds were thirty -eight fj in number 3 and their
of these I shall relate the exploits ne only five, for exploits.
2 Sam.
they will serve to make clear the heroic virtues ae the xviii. 8;
t Chron.
rest, being powerful enough to subdue countries and +1. 10,
$¢
lated κιθάρα “|yre.” Josephus apparently takes the “ ten
strings ’’ from Ps. xxwiii. 2 and exliv. 9, taking n7bel there
(A.V. “instrument "’) as in apposition with kinnor. On
Jewish coins the kennér has three, five or six strings, while
in the Talinud it is said to have seven strings, cf. Krauss,
Talinudische clrchdoloqie, iii. 85.
4 Bibl. psaltery, Heb. nflel; probably a kind of harp.
According to some authorities in the Talmud it had more
strings than the hianeér, cf. Krauss, op. cit. 86 ἢ,
¢ Bibl, cymbals, Heb. mesiltayim.
, Thirty-seven, according to Scripture, 2 Sam. xxiii. 39.
523
JOSEPHUS
? ~ ~ “- 4"
308 ἐθνῶν κρατῆσαι. πρῶτος μὲν οὖν Ισεβος" υἱὸς
> ,ὔ Δ / ᾽ A , > ~
Αχεμαίου, ὃς πολλάκις εἰς τὴν παράταξιν ἐμπηδῶν
τῶν πολεμίων οὐ πρὶν ἀνεπαύετο μαχόμενος πρὶν
ἐνακοσίους αὐτῶν καταβαλεῖν. μετ᾽ αὐτὸν ἦν
? io “- ,ὔ
Ἐλεάζαρος υἱὸς Δωδείου, ὃς ἣν μετὰ τοῦ βασιλέως
᾽ . “- χὰ “A ~
309 ev “Epagayd®: οὗτός ποτε τῶν ᾿Ισραηλιτῶν κατα-
πλαγέντων τὸ πλῆθος τῶν Παλαιστίνων καὶ φευ-
’ , a ,ὔ
γόντων μόνος ἔμεινε καὶ συμπεσὼν τοῖς πολεμίοις
3 , 3 ~ , ς ς A ~ σ
ἀπέκτεινεν αὐτῶν πολλούς, ὡς ὑπὸ τοῦ αἵματος
“- “-ο “A “- A
προσκολληθῆναι τὴν ῥομφαίαν αὐτοῦ τῇ δεξιᾷ Kat
4 ? ,ὕὔ 3 / / e > ᾽ ~
τοὺς ᾿Ισραηλίτας ἰδόντας τετραμμένους ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ
τοὺς ]Παλαιστίνους καταβάντας" διώκειν καὶ θαυ-
\ A / 7 ’ id ~ ‘
μαστὴν καὶ διαβόητον τότε νίκην ἄρασθαι, τοῦ μὲν
᾿Ἐλεαζάρου κτείνοντος ἑπομένου δὲ τοῦ πλήθους
“
καὶ σκυλεύοντος τοὺς ἀνῃρημένους. τρίτος δὲ ἦν
ΣἼσσαιμος MSP: Ἴσαμος E: Tesebus Lat.
ἃ ᾿Αρασάμῳ M: ᾿Αρασαμῷ SP: Respha Lat.
3 -ο-:αἀπὸ τῶν ὀρέων P Lat.
« The Heb. text in 2 Sam. yéshzb ba-shebeth “* sitting in
the seat’ is probably a corruption of the name Ishbaal, as
indicated by Luc. ᾿Ιεσβαάλ: txx has ᾿Ιεροσθές in 1 Chron.
Heb. has Jashobeam, Lxx ‘leveSaéu (v.l. ᾿Ισβαάμ xrd.).
> 2 Sam. ‘‘ the Tachmonite ’’ (omitting “‘ the son of”’),
LXX ὁ Χαναναῖος, Luc. vids Oexeuuveés 1 Chron. ‘‘ the son
of the Hachmonite,’’ Ltxx vids ᾿Αχαμανεί, On the confusion
of the latter name with that of a Philistine cf. § 299 note.
e ‘* Sprang repeatedly ”’ is not found in Scripture, which
says that he slew all his victims “αἵ one time.’’ Possibly
it is derived from the Targum’s rendering “ weaving back
524
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 308-309
conquer great nations. Now the first was Isebos,? Jashobeam
the son of Achemaios,’ who sprang repeatedly ὁ upon “*°>°?»
the enemy's ranks and did not cease fighting until he
had felled nine hundred @ of them. ee him was
Eleazar, the son of Dideios,¢ who was with the king Eleazar
in Erasamos,f and who on one oceasion, when the
Israelites fled in terror before the host of the Philis-
tines, alone held his ground and, falling on the
enemy, killed so many of them that his sword stuck
to his. right hand with their blood, and the Israelites,
seeing that the Philistines had been routed by him,
returned to the contest? and pursued them and there-
upon gained a wonderful and eelebrated vietory, with
Eleazar dealing death, and the host following him
and despoiling the slain. The third was a son of
and forth (?) with his spear” of the unintelligible Heb. in
9 Sam., where the rxx has “ drew his sword,’’ Luc. *‘ mar-
shalled his lines ’’; 1 Chron, “ lifted his spear,’’ txx, as in
2 Sam., ‘‘ drew his sword.”’
ἀν δ. Liuc.: Heb:and rxx “ eight hundred” in 2°Sam.:,
* three hundred " in 1 Chron.
* Cf. Lue. vos Aovee.s in 2 Sam. the consonantal Heb.
has“ the son of Dédithe son of -fhohi”’ (i.e. “ the Ahohite ᾽ as
in A.V.), while the vocalized Heb. has ‘*‘ the son of his uncle
(Dédc) the Ahohite,” Ltxx υἱὸς πατραδελῴο. ατου. υἱὸς Σουσεί:
1 Chron. ‘‘ the son of his uncle the Ahohite,”? Lxx υἱὸς Δωδαὶ
o’Apxwvrei (v.l. A voxi).
71 Chron. Pas-dammim (for Ephes-dammim), txx
"Adacodsour,s the text in 2 Sam. is quite different, behdrephadm
ba-Pilishtim ‘‘in their reviling the Philistines,’ xx ἐν τῷ
ὀνειδίσαι αὐτὸν ἐν τοῖς ἀλλοῴφυλοις, While Luc. has a place-name
ἐν Seppav (cf. Lat. in Resfam). Josephus's form appears
to be a corruption of the latter.
9 καταϑαντας, here in its military sense “‘ return to the
contest,"’ was misunderstood by a scribe as ‘* come down,”
its usual meaning, and, thinking that a phrase was missing,
he added the words απὸ τῶν ὀρέων “ from: the mountains ’'"—
hence the variant in ms. P and the Lat. trans.
La)
525
JOSEPHUS
810 ᾽Ηλοῦ μὲν υἱὸς NaPatas' δὲ ὄνομα. καὶ οὗτος ἐν
911]
312
313
tots πρὸς [[αλαιστίνους ἀγῶσιν εἰς τόπον Liayova
λεγόμενον αὐτῶν παραταξαμένων, ὡς οἱ ἽΒβραῖοι
πάλιν τὴν δύναμιν φοβηθέντες οὐχ ὑπέμειναν,
ὑπέστη μόνος ὡς στράτευμα καὶ τάξις, καὶ TOUS
μὲν αὐτῶν κατέβαλε τοὺς δ᾽ οὐ καρτερήσαντας
αὐτοῦ τὴν ἰσχὺν καὶ τὴν βίαν ἀλλ᾽ εἰς φυγὴν a ἀπο-
στραφέιτας ediwKke.? ταῦτα μὲν ἔργα χειρῶν καὶ
μάχης οἱ τρεῖς ἐπεδείξαντο. καθ᾽ ὃν δὲ καιρὸν ἐν
Ϊεροσολύμοις ὄντος τοῦ βασιλέως ἐπῆλθεν ἡ τῶν
Ι]αλαιστίνων δύναμις πολεμῆσαι, Δαυίδης μὲν ἐπὶ
> ἂς
τὴν ἀκρόπολιν ἀνῆλθεν, ὡς προειρήκαμεν, πευ-
σόμενος τοῦ θεοῦ περὶ τοῦ πολέμου, τῆς δὲ τῶν
> “- ~ 4 ~ ᾽ὔ ᾽ὔ Δ /
ἐχθρῶν παρεμβολῆς ἐν τῇ κοιλάδι κειμένης, ἣ μέχρι
ἰδηθλεέμης πόλεως διατείνει σταδίους ᾿Ἱεροσολύμων
ἀπεχούσης εἴκοσιν, ὁ Δαυίδης τοῖς ἑταίροις “᾿ καλὸν
vowp, εἶπεν, “ ἔχομεν ἐν τῇ πατρίδι prov,” καὶ
μάλιστα τὸ ἐν τῷ λάκκῳ τῷ πρὸς τῇ πύλῃ θαυ-
μάζων, εἴ τις ἐξ αὐτοῦ πιεῖν αὐτῷ κομίσειε μᾶλλον
> / av 3 \ / ~93 -Φ > 5 ,
ἐθελήσειν ἢ εἰ πολλὰ γρήματα διδοῖ. ταῦτ᾽ ἀκού-
1 Κησαβαῖος SP. 2. ἐδίωξε MSP.
3 διδοίη NI: δοίη SP.
αὐ ἄλιο Χά bibl; Agee (Heb. ’Agé’), uxx ‘Aca. It
is difficult to see any connexion between Luc. Ela and "Agé’,
unless, as a modern scholar, Klostermann, suggests, Agee is
to be identified with Elah the father of Shimei, Solomon’s
governor in Benjamin, 1 Kings iv. 18.
Ὁ Variant Késabaios ; bibl. Shammah, txx Σαμαία. Weill
calls attention to the resemblance of Késabaios son of Elos to
Kabzeel (Lxx Καμεσεήλ), 2 Sam, XAT Θ᾽.
° So Lue., reading lehi ‘ ‘ Jawbone ” for Heb. la-hayydh
Ιλ. “CAC. ina troop ᾿ ‘)3 Lxx, taking hayydh in
its usual sense of ‘‘ beast,’ has εἰς θηρία. Lehi is a site
well known from the Samson story, cf. A. v. 297 (Judges
xv. 9 ff.)
526
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 310-313
Elos,? named Sabaias®; in a battle with the Philis-
tines, who were drawn up at a place called Siagon
(Jawbone),° the Hebrews were again afraid of their
force and failed to stand their ground, but this man
withstood them alone, being an army and battle-line
in himself; some of them he felled, while the rest,
who could not face his powerful attack, turned to flee,
and he pursued them. These, then, were the mighty
deeds of war which the three performed. And onee,
when the king was at Jerusalem? and the Philistine
foree came to fight against him, David went up to
the citadel, as we have said before,* to inquire of God
concerning the war; and, while the enemy lay en-
camped in the plain which extends as far as the city
of Bethlehem, twenty stadcs/ distant from Jerusalem,
he said to his companions, ** We have good water in
my native place,” praising especially that in the
cistern near the gate, and added that he would be
better pleased if someone brought him a drink from
it than if he gave him a great deal of money.’ As
4 We was in the cave of Adullam aecording to Scripture,
but Josephus might naturally have been eonfused by the
Biblical aecount, which reads ** And three of the thirty chief
went down and eame to David in the harvest time (Lue.,
hleb. 1 Chron. “ to the roek ’’) in the cave of Adullam ; and
the troop of the Philistines pitched in the valley of Rephaim.
And David was then in the stronghold (A.V. ‘San hold ’’)
and the garrison (1 Chron. “ἡ commander ”’) of the Philistines
was in Bethlehem.” If he was at Adullam, his nen need not
have run through the enemy’s camp to get to Bethlehem,
whereas his being at Jerusalem makes the incident under-
standable. The valley of Rephaim lay south of Jerusalem
on the way to Bethlehem.
¢ ξ8 71 ff.
7 ς, 9} miles. The actnal distance is ¢. 5 miles.
¢ ‘This last (abont money) is a detail added by Josephus,
527
Shammah
(Sabaias).
Three men
risk their
lives for
David.
JOSEPHUS
σαντες ot τρεῖς ἀνδρες οὗτοι παραχρῆμα ἐκδραμόν-
τες καὶ διὰ μέσου τοῦ τῶν πολεμίων ὁρμήσαντες
στρατοπέδου ἧκον εἰς Βηθλεέμην, καὶ τοῦ ὕδατος
ἀρυσάμενοι πάλιν διὰ τῆς παρεμβολῆς ὑπέστρεψαν
πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα, ὡς τοὺς Παλαιστίνους καταπλα-
γέντας αὐτῶν τὸ θράσος καὶ τὴν εὐψυχίαν ἠρεμῆσαι
καὶ μηδὲν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς τολμῆσαι! καταφρονήσαντας
314 τῆς ὀλιγότητος. κομισθέντος δὲ τοῦ ὕδατος οὐκ
ἔπιεν ὁ ) βασιλεύς, Κι! δύνῳ καὶ αἵματι φήσας ἀνθρώ-
πων αὐτὸ κεκομίσθαι καὶ διὰ τοῦτο μὴ προσήκειν
αὐτῷ πιεῖν, ἔσπεισε δὲ ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ τῷ θεῷ καὶ περὶ
τῆς σωτηρίας τῶν ἀνδρῶν εὐχαρίστησεν αὐτῷ.
315 μετὰ τούτους ἦν ὁ ᾿Ιωάβου ἀδελφὸς ᾿Αβισαῖος" καὶ
γὰρ οὗτος μιᾷ ἡμέρᾳ τῶν πολεμίων ἑξακοσίους
ἀπέκτεινε. πέμπτος Bavatas ὁ ἱερεὺς τῷ γένει:
προκληθεὶς γὰρ ὑπ᾽ ἀδελφῶν διασήμων ἐν TH
Μωαβίτιδι χώρᾳ κατ᾽ ἀρετὴν ἐκράτησεν αὐτῶν.
καὶ πάλιν αὐτὸν ἀνδρὸς Αἰγυπτίου τὸ γένος θαυ-
μαστοῦ τὸ μέγεθος προκαλεσαμένου, γυμνὸς ὧπλισ-
μένον, τῷ δόρατι τῷ ἐκείνου βαλὼν ἀπέκτεινε"
περιελόμενος γὰρ αὐτοῦ τὸν ἄκοντα καὶ ζῶντα ἔτι
καὶ μαχόμενον σκυλεύσας τοῖς ἰδίοις αὐτὸν ὅπλοις
316 διεχρήσατο. προσαριθμήσειε δ᾽ av τις αὐτοῦ καὶ
τοῦτο ταῖς προειρημέναις πράξεσιν ἢ ὡς πρῶτον
αὐτῶν κατ᾽ εὐψυχίαν ἢ ὡς οὐ μεῖον": νίφοντος γὰρ
τοῦ θεοῦ λέων εἴς τινα λάκκον ὀλισθὼν ἐνέπεσε:
1 καὶ μηδὲν, . τολμῆσαι om. RO.
2 οὐ μεῖον ex Lat. Niese: ἀλλοῖον RO: ὁμοῖον rell.
o'S0 Luc. and some Lxx ss. (in 1 Chron.) ; Heb. “three
hundred.”
> C7. 1 Chron. xxvil. 5,
¢ Cf. uxx (2 Sam.) τοὺς δύο υἱοὺς ᾿Αριὴλ τοῦ Μωάβ: Heb.
“two Ariels of Moab’ (A.V. ‘“‘ two lionlike men of Moab,”
528
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 313-316
soon as they heard this, the three men immediately
ran out and dashed through the midst of the enemy's
eamp, until they came to Bethlehem, and, when they
had drawn the water, eame back again through the
enemy's camp to the king; so amazed were the
Philistines at their audaeity and courage, that they
remained motionless and did not venture to attack
them, although they were contemptuous of their
fewness. But, when the water was brought to him,
the king did not drink it, saying that it had been
brought at the risk of men’s lives and that therefore
it would not be right for him to drink it; then he
poured some of it out as a libation to God, and gave
Him thanks for the safety of his men. After these
three men was Joab’s brother Abisai, who in a single
day slew six hundred ἃ of the enemy. The fifth was
Banaias, of priestly descent,’ who was challenged by
famous brothers in the Moabite country,° and de-
feated them by his prowess. And, on another ocea-
sion, when a native Egyptian of extraordinary size ὦ
challenged him, though he was unarmed against an
armed foc, he struck him with his own spear and
killed him, that is, he wrested the other’s lance from
him and, while he was still alive and fighting, stripped
him of his armour and dispatehed him with his own
weapons. To the foregoing account of his deeds, one
might add another which shows greater, or not less,?
valour than these : once, when God sent down snow,
a lion slipped and fell into a pit, and, as the mouth
based on the etymology ‘ari ‘‘ lion ’’), Targum “‘ two nobles
of Moab.”
¢ Of five cubits, according to 1 Chron.; in 2 Sam. Heb.
“ἃ man of appearance ’’ (A.V. “ἃ goodly man’’), Lxx ἄνδρα
ὁρατόν,
¢ Emended text; ss. ‘“‘similar,”’ ‘‘ a different kind of.”
529
Abishal.
Benaiah
(Banaias).
317
318
JOSEPHUS
στενοῦ δ᾽ ὄντος τοῦ στομίου δῆλος ἦν ἀφανὴς
ἐσόμενος ἐμφραγέντος αὐτοῦ τῇ χιόνι" πόρον οὖν
οὐδένα βλέπων ἐξόδου καὶ σωτηρίας ἐβρυχᾶτο.
τοῦ δὲ θηρὸς ἀκούσας ὁ Bavatas, ὥδευε γὰρ τότε,
καὶ πρὸς τὴν βοὴν ἐλθών, καταβὰς εἰς τὸ στόμιον
πλήξας αὐτὸν μαχόμενον τῷ μετὰ χεῖρας ἐδ
παραχρῆμα ἀπέκτεινε. καὶ οἱ λοιποὶ de τοιοῦτ
τὰς ἀρετὰς ὑπῆρχον.
(xiii. 1) Ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς Δαυίδης βουλόμενος
γνῶναι πόσαι μυριάδες εἰσὶ τοῦ λαοῦ, τῶν λ]ωυσέος
ἐντολῶν ἐκλαθόμενος, ὃς προεῖπεν ἐὰν ἐξαριθμηθῇ
τὸ πλῆθος ὑπὲρ ἑκάστης κεφαλῆς αὐτοῦ τῷ θεῷ
τελεῖν" ἡμίσικλον, προσέταξεν ᾿Ιωάβῳ τῷ στρατηγῷ
319 πορευθέντι πάντα, τὸν ὄνλον ἐξαριθμῆσαι. τοῦ
οὐκ ἀναγκαῖον εἶναι φήσαντος τοῦτο ποιεῖν οὐκ
ἐπείσθη, προσέταξε δὲ μηδὲν μελλήσαντα βαδίζειν
ἐπὶ τὴν ἐξαρίθμησιν τῶν Ἑβραίων. *T Ιώαβος δὲ
τοὺς “ἄρχοντας τῶν φυλῶν παραλαβὼν καὶ γραμ-
ματεῖς, ἐπιὼν τὴν τῶν Ἴσραη ιτῶν χώραν καὶ
τὸ πλῆθος ὅσον ἐστὶ κατανοήσας ὑπέστρεψεν εἰς
ἹἽἹεροσόλυμα πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα μετὰ μῆνας ἐννέα
καὶ ἡμέρας εἴκοσι καὶ τὸν ἀριθμὸν ἐπέδωκε τῷ
βασιλεῖ τοῦ λαοῦ χωρὶς τῆς ενιαμίτιδος φυλῆς
320 ἐξαριθμῆσαι γὰρ αὐτὴν οὐκ ἔφθασεν ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ τὴν
Ληουιτῶν φυλήν: μετενόησε γὰρ ὁ βασιλεὺς ὧν εἰς
1 δὲ τρεῖς M: δὲ λ' S: δὲ τριάκοντα P: numero triginta et
ἴσος Tat.
2 Niese: τελέσειν MSPE: τελέσειεν RO. 3 ἀπέδωκε M.
@ Josephus considerably amplifies the bibl. sentence ,“‘ He
went down also and slew a lion in the midst of a pit in time
of snow.”
’ Cf. ix. xxx. 12 f. This explanation of David’s sin in
numbering the people is also found in rabbinic tradition.
530
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 316-320
of the pit was narrow, the beast was elearly destined
to perish when it should have been blocked up by the
snow, and so, seeing no way of getting out or of being
saved, he began to roar. But Banaias, who was just
then passing by, heard the beast’s noise and, going
in the direction of the sound, went down into the
mouth of the pit and struck the beast, as it fought
with him, with the staff which he held in his hand, and
immediately killed it.¢ And as for the rest (of the
warriors), they were just as valiant.
(xiii. 1) Then King David, desiring to know how
many tens of thousands there were of the people,
forgot the injunctions of Moses ὃ who had prescribed |
that, when the populace was numbered, half a shekel
should be paid to God for every person ὃ ; and he
ordered Joab, his commander, to go out and take a
eensus of the entire population. And, though Joab
told him that there was no need to do this, he did not
listen to him, but ordered him to proceed without
delay to the numbering of the Hebrews. Joab,
therefore, taking along the chiefs of the tribes and
scribes, went through the Israelite eountry and
noted down the extent of the population ; then, after
nine months and twenty days, he returned to the
king at Jerusalem and reported to him the number of
people, excepting the tribe of Benjamin and the tribe
of Levites, which he did not have time to count,? for
Scripture, while not explaining why the census was sinful,
gives two different accounts of its origin, 2 Sam. “ And again
the anger of the Lord was kindled against Israel and he in-
cited David against them, saying, Go, number Israel and
Judah”; 1 Chron. ‘“* And Satan stood up against Israel and
incited David to number Israel.”
¢ Scribes are not mentioned in Scripture.
4 ας, Vane. 1 Chron. ὅτι κατετάχυνεν λύγος τοῦ βασιλέως τὸν
"Iwas; Heb.“ for the king’s word was abominable to Joab.”
jo1
David’s sin
in numbers
ing the
people.
2 Sam.
xv: Ts
1 Chron,
xxi. 1.
JOSEPHUS
τὸν θεὸν ἥμαρτεν. ἦν δὲ τῶν ἄλλων ᾿Ισραηλιτῶν
ἀριθμὸς ἐνενήκοντα μυριάδες ὅπλα βαστάζειν καὶ
στρατεύεσθαι δυναμένων, ἡ δὲ ᾿Ιούδα φυλὴ καθ᾽
ἑαυτὴν τεσσαράκοντα μυριάδες ἦσαν.
3821 (9) Τῶν δὲ προφητῶν δηλωσάντων τῷ Δαυίδῃ
ὅτι δι᾿ ὀργῆς ἐστιν ὁ θεὸς αὐτῷ, ἱκετεύειν ἤρξατο
καὶ παρακαλεῖν εὐμενῆ γενέσθαι καὶ συγγινώσκειν
ἡμαρτηκότι. I ἅδον δὲ τὸν προφήτην ἔπεμψεν δ
θεὸς πρὸς αὐτὸν τρεῖς αἱρέσεις κομίζοντα, ὅπως
ἐκλέξηται τούτων ἣν ἂν δοκιμάσῃ" πότερον θέλει
λιμὸν γενέσθαι κατὰ τὴν χώραν ἐπὶ ἔτη ἐπτά, ἢ
τρεῖς μῆνας πολεμήσας ὑ ὑπὸ τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἡττηθῆναι,
7 λοιμὸν ἐνσκῆψαι καὶ νόσον ἐπὶ τρεῖς ἡμέρας τοῖς
322 ‘EBpaiocs. ὁ δ᾽ εἰς ἀμήχανον ἐκλογὴν μεγάλων
κακῶν ἐμπεσὼν ἐλυπεῖτο καὶ σφόδρ᾽ ἦν συγκεχυ-
μένος. τοῦ δὲ προφήτου τοῦτο δεῖν ἐξ ἀνάγκης
γενέσθαι φήσαντος καὶ κελεύοντος ἀποκρίνασθαι
ταχέως, ἵνα ἀναγγείλῃ τὴν αἵρεσιν αὐτοῦ τῷ θεῷ,
λογισάμενος ὁ βασιλεὺς ὡς εἰ λιμὸν αἰτήσει, δόξει
τοῦτο πεποιηκέναι τοῖς ἄλλοις αὐτῷ μὲν ἀφόβως,
ὅτι πολὺν αὐτὸς ἐγκεκλεισμένον ἔ ἔχοι σῖτον, ἐκείνοις
323 δὲ βλαβερῶς' ἂν δέ' γε ἕληται τοὺς τρεῖς μῆνας
νικωμένους αὐτούς ,, ὅτι τοὺς ἀνδρειοτάτους ἔχων
περὶ αὑτὸν καὶ φρούρια καὶ διὰ τοῦτο μηδὲν φοβού-
1 ἂν δέ] κἄν RO.
3. ve ἕληται M Lat.: γένηται rell.
3 post αὐτούς laciinam statnuit Niese; fort. ἐροῦσιν vel sim.
desideratur.
¢ So Lue.; Heb. and rxx 800,000 in 2 Sam., 1,100,000 in
1 Chron.
δ So Luc.; Heb. and txx 500,000 in 2 Sam., 470,000 in
1 Chron.
532
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 320-323
the king repented of his sin against God. Now the
number of the rest of the Israelites, capable of bear-
ing arms and taking the field, was nine hundred
thousand,? while the tribe of Judah by itself was four
hundred thousand.?
(2) When the prophets informed David that God David's
was angry with him,° he began to supplicate and een
entreat Him to be gracious and forgive his sin. Then A
God sent the prophet Gad to offer him a choice of sit ΤΙ;
three things from which to choose that which secmed 1 Chron,
best to him: he might either have a famine come
upon the land for seven years,’ or face his enemies
in battle for three months and suffer defeat, or have
pestilence and disease visited upon the Hebrews for
three days. Then David, finding himself in the
difficult position of having to choose among great
evils, was distressed and “greatly perturbed. “And David
when the prophet said that this must inevitably come Ci00yes the
estile
to pass, and bade him give his answer quickly, in 2am.
order that he might report his choice to God, the an
king reflected that if he asked for the famine it ΧΧΙ. 18,
would seem to the others that he had done this with-
out risk to himself, as he had plenty of grain stored
up, but with great harm to them; if, moreover, he
chose to have them suffer three months of defeat,
they would say ὁ that he had chosen the war because
he had the bravest men about him as well as fortresses,
and therefore had nothing to fear ; so he asked for
¢ No prophets are mentioned at this point in Scripture,
which says, ‘“And David said unto God, I have sinned
greatly.”
4 So'Meb. in 2 Sam. + Heb. in 1 Chron. and cxx in both
places have “ three years.’
* ‘Text uncertain.
533
324
325
326
327
JOSEPHUS
μενος εἵλετο τὸν πόλεμον, ἡτήσατο πάθος κοινὸν
καὶ βασιλεῦσι καὶ τοῖς ἀρχομένοις, ἐν ᾧ τὸ δέος
ἴσον ἁπάντων γίνεται, προειπὼν' ὅτι πολὺ κρεῖττον
εἰς τὰς τοῦ θεοῦ χεῖρας ἐμπεσεῖν ἢ τὰς τῶν πολε-
/
μίων.
(3) Ταῦτ᾽ ἀκούσας ὁ προφήτης ἀπήγγειλε τῷ
Bed: ὁ δὲ τὸν λοιμὸν καὶ τὴν φθορὰν ἔπεμψε τοῖς
Ἑβραίοις. ἀπέθνησκον δ᾽ οὐ μονοτρόπως οὐδ᾽ ὥστε
ῥάδιον κατανοῆσαι γενέσθαι τὴν νόσον, ἀλλὰ τὸ
μὲν κακὸν ἕν ἦν, μυρίαις δ᾽ αὐτοὺς αἰτίαις καὶ
προφάσεσιν οὐδ᾽ ἐπινοῆσαι δυναμένους ἀνήρπαζεν.
ἄλλος “γὰρ ἐπ᾿ ἄλλῳ διεφθείρετο, καὶ λανθάνον
ἐπερχόμενον τὸ δεινὸν ὀξεῖαν τὴν τελευτὴν ἐπέφερεν
τῶν μὲν αἰφνιδίως μετ᾽ ἀλγημάτων σφοδρῶν καὶ
πικρᾶς ὀδύνης τὴν ψυχὴν ἀφιέντων, ἐνίων δὲ καὶ
μαραινομένων τοῖς παθήμασι καὶ μηδ᾽ εἰς κηδείαν
ὑπολειπομένων, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν αὐτῷ τῷ κάμνειν εἰς τὸ
παντελὲς δαπανωμένων: οἱ δ᾽ αἰφνίδιον σκότους
αὐτοῖς τὰς ὄψεις ὑποδραμόντος περιπνυιγεῖς ἀπ-
ὠμωΐζον, ἔνιοι δὲ τῶν οἰκείων τινὰ κηδεύοντες
ἐναπέθνησκον ἀτελέσι ταῖς ταφαῖς. ἀπώλοντο δ᾽
ἀρξαμένης ἕωθεν τῆς λοιμικῆς νόσου φθείρειν αὐ-
τοὺς ἕως ὥρας ἀρίστου μυριάδες € ἑπτά. ἐξέτεινε δ᾽
ὁ ἄγγελος τὴν χεῖρα καὶ ἐπὶ τὰ “Ἱεροσόλυμα, τὸ
δεινὸν κἀκεῖσε πέμπων. ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς σάκκον
1 προσειπὼν Niese: dicens Lat.
¢ These reflections of David are an amplification of Scrip-
ture, which says merely, ‘‘ And David said unto God, I am
in a great strait; let me fall now into the hand of the Lord,
for very great are his mercies, but let me not fall into the hand
of man.”’ Similar to Josephus’s expansion are the explana-
tions given in rabbinic tradition, cf. Ginzberg, iv. 112.
> This amplification of the brief Scriptural statement, ‘‘So
534
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 323-327
such an affliction as is common to kings and subjects
alike, and one in which all have equal reason for fear,
—first saying that it was much better to fall into the
hands of God than into those of the enemy.
(3) When the prophet heard this answer, he re- Description
ported it to God, who thereupon sent pestilence and one
destruction upon the Hebrews. And they did not
all die in the same manner so that the disease could
be easily recognized, but, while there was only one
(source of) evil, it earried them off for innumerable
real or apparent causes, which they could not dis-
tinguish. One after the other, they perished, and
the dread sickness, coming on them unperceived,
brought swift death ; some, in the midst of terrible
suffering and acute pain, suddenly breathed their
last ; some were so wasted by their malady that there
was nothing of them left for burial, and, in the course
of their illness itself, they were completely consumed ;
others, with sudden darkness falling on their eyes,
were suffocated as they groaned ; still others died in
the act of burying one of their household, and the
interment was left unfinished.? And, in the de- 2 Sam.
structive pestilence, which lasted from early morning 1 Chron.
until the hour of the noon meal,’ there perished 55). 14.
seventy thousand souls. Now the angel stretched
out his hand against Jerusalem also and sent the
plague upon it as well. And the king put on sack-
the Lord sent pestilenee upon Israel,” is probably an imita-
tion of the famous description of the plague in ‘Thucydides
ii. 47 ff., which also furnished the model for similar passages
in later books of the ntiquities,
¢ So txx in 2 Sam. (1 Chron. omits); Heb. “ unto the
time appointed (méed),” Targum “unto the time of burning
(the burnt-offering) ” ; rabbinic tradition, like the rxx, takes
the Heb. “ time appointed” to mean “‘ midday,” as if md'ea
here meant ‘‘ the time appointed for the day’s greatest heat.”
VOL. V ΓΝ 535
328
329
330
331
JOSEPHUS
> , ” ‘ ~ “~ e , 4 A
ἐνδεδυμένος ἔκειτο KATA τῆς γῆς ἱκετεύων TOV θεὸν
‘ / wv ~ \ “A 3 /
Kal δεόμενος ἤδη λωφῆσαι Kat Tots ἀπολωλόσιν
3 / / 3 / > 3 Α 5»
ἀρκεσθέντα παύσασθαι" ἀναβλέψας δ᾽ εἰς τὸν ἀέρα
e λ A , A “ἢ λ ὃ 3 4 ~
ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ θεασάμενος τὸν ἄγγελον δι᾿ αὐτοῦ
φερόμενον ἐπὶ τὰ ἱἱεροσόλυμα καὶ μάχαιραν ἐσπασ-
μένον εἶπε πρὸς τὸν θεὸν ὡς αὐτὸς εἴη κολασθῆναι
δίκαιος ὁ ποιμήν, τὰ δὲ ποίμνια σώζεσθαι μηδὲν
ἐξαμαρτόντα, καὶ ἠντιβόλει τὴν ὀργὴν εἰς αὐτὸν καὶ
τὴν γενεὰν αὐτοῦ πᾶσαν ἀποσκήπτειν, φείδεσθαι δὲ
τοῦ λαοῦ.
(4 ) Kataxovoas δὲ ὁ θεὸς τῆς ἱκεσίας ἔπαυσε
τὸν λοιμόν, καὶ πέμψας Vador τὸν προφήτην ἐ ἐκέ-
λευσεν αὐτὸν ἀναβῆναι παραχρῆμα εἰς τὴν ἅλω
τοῦ ᾿Ιεβουσαίου ᾿Ορόννα καὶ οἰκοδομήσαντα βω-
μὸν ἐκεῖ τῷ θεῷ θυσίαν ἐπιτελέσαι. Aavidns δ᾽
ἀκούσας οὐκ ἠμέλησεν, ἀλλ᾽ εὐθὺς ἔσπευσεν ἐπὶ
τὸν παρηγγελμένον αὐτῷ τόπον. ᾿Ορόννας δὲ τὸν
σῖτον ἀλοῶν ἐπεὶ τὸν βασιλέα προσιόντα καὶ τοὺς
παῖδας αὐτοῦ πάντας ἐθεάσατο, προσέδραμεν αὐτῷ
καὶ προσεκύνησεν. ἦν δὲ τὸ μὲν γένος ᾿Ιεβουσαῖος,
’ 3 3 “A / t 4 \ - 9
φίλος δ᾽ ἐν tots μάλιστα Δαυίδου: καὶ διὰ τοῦτ
αὐτὸν οὐδὲν εἰργάσατο δεινόν, ὅτε τὴν πόλιν κατε-
στρέψατο, ὡς μικρὸν ἔμπροσθεν ἐδηλώσαμεν. τοῦ
δὲ ᾽Ορόννα πυθομένου τί παρείη πρὸς τὸν δοῦλον ὁ
@¢ The word “ shepherd ’”’ is found in the Targum and
some Lxx Mss. in 2 Sam.; Heb. “Ε have sinned and I have
done wickedly, but these sheep, what have they done ? ”’
>» According to 2 Sam. xxiv. 16 (1 Chron. xxi. 15) God
caused the angel of pestilence to stay his hand as he stood by
Araunah’s threshing-floor, before David pleaded et the
people be spared, while in verses 21-25 (1 Chron. verses 22-27)
we read that the plague did not cease until the altar had been
built. Josephus ignores this inconsistency here and in § 332.
536
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 327-331
eloth and lay on the ground, supplieating God and
entreating Him at last to be appeased and to rest
content with those who had already perished. Then,
looking up into the air and beholding the angel being
borne ‘through it toward πα πὸς with ine sword
drawn, the ‘king said to God that it was he, the
shepherd * who was rightly to be punished, but the
flock, which had committed no sin, should be saved 2 ;
and he entreated Him to cause His anger to fal] upon
him and all his line, but to spare the people.
(+) And God hearkened to ΕΣ supplieation, and End of the
caused the pestilence to cease,’ and, sending the Ὁ δ
prophet Gad, He commanded David to go up at once Araunah
to the threshing-Aloor of Oronnas ¢ the Jebusite, and (?2°""™*»
there build an altar to God and offer saerifice. When: Jebusite
David heard these commands he did not neglect xxiv. 18;
them, but immediately hastened to the place indi- 16M»
cated to him. Now Oronnas was threshing his grain
and, when he saw the king approaching with all his
servants,? he ran to him and did obeisance ; he was,
to be sure, of Jebusite descent, but he was one of
David’s best friends, and for this reason, the latter
did him no harm when he overthrew the city, as we
related a little while ago.¢ And when Oronnas in-
quired why his lord had come to his servant, David
¢ Bibl. Araunah, 1 Chron. Ornan, cf. § 69 note.
4 Hardly “‘ children” as Weill translates ; cf. bibl. ‘‘ And
Araunah looked and saw the king (melek) and his servants
crossing over to him,”’ Lxx καὶ διέκυψεν ᾿Ορνὰ καὶ εἶδεν τὸν
βασιλέα καὶ τοὺς παῖδας αὐτοῦ παραπορευομένους ἐπάνω αὐτοῦ.
Weill may have been thinking of the corrupt Heb. in
1 Chron., ‘ and Ornan returned and saw the angel (mal’ak),
and his four sons with him hid themselves,’ but here it is
Araunah’s sons who are spoken of.
¢ § 69.
537
399
JOSEPHUS
’ὔ » / 1 > ᾽ ~ A Ld
δεσπότης, εἶπεν ὠνήσεσθαι' παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ τὴν ἅλω,
ὅπως βωμὸν ἐν αὐτῇ κατασκευάσῃ τῷ θεῷ καὶ
f f € \ A \ ¢ Α Α
ποιήσῃ θυσίαν. ὁ δὲ καὶ τὴν ἅλω εἶπε καὶ τὰ
Ld \ ‘ 7, > ς / ,ὔ
ἄροτρα καὶ τοὺς βόας εἰς ὁλοκαύτωσιν χαρίζεσθαι
καὶ τὸν θεὸν ἡδέως εὔχεσθαι τὴν θυσίαν προσέσθαι.
ς A A > “ ," ? \ “a ¢ / .
26 δὲ βασιλεὺς ἀγαπᾶν μὲν αὐτὸν τῆς ἁπλότητος καὶ
“"- / ” ‘ / 4 7
τῆς μεγαλοψυχίας ἔλεγε καὶ δέχεσθαι τὴν χάριν,
τιμὴν δ᾽ αὐτὸν ἠξίου λαμβάνειν πάντων" οὐ γὰρ
εἶναι δίκαιον προῖκα θυσίαν ἐπιτελεῖν. τοῦ δὲ
> / f “aA Ψ ᾽; [4
Opovva φήσαντος ποιεῖν 6 τι βούλεται πεντήκοντα
σίκλων ὠνεῖται παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ τὴν ἅλω. καὶ οἶκο-
δομήσας τὸν βωμὸν ἱερούργησε καὶ ὡλοκαύτωσε
καὶ θυσίας ἀνήνεγκεν εἰρηνικάς. καταπραὕύνεται δὲ
τούτοις τὸ θεῖον καὶ πάλιν εὐμενὲς γίνεται. συνέβη
δ᾽ εἰς ἐκεῖνον ἀγαγεῖν τὸν τόπον “ABpaprov τὸν υἱὸν
αὐτοῦ ᾿ἴσακον ὥστε ὁλοκαυτῶσαι, καὶ μέλλοντος
3 / “- \ \ ? / 3
ἀποσφάττεσθαι τοῦ παιδὸς κριὸν ἐξαίφνης ἀνα-
φανῆναι παρεστῶτα τῷ βωμῷ, ὃν καὶ κατέθυσεν
334 ΛΑβραμος ἀντὶ τοῦ παιδός, ὡς προειρήκαμεν. ὁρῶν
δ᾽ ὁ βασιλεὺς Δαυίδης τῆς εὐχῆς αὐτοῦ τὸν θεὸν
ἐπήκοον γεγενημένον καὶ τὴν θυσίαν ἡδέως προσ-
δεξάμενον ἔκρινε τὸν τόπον ἐκεῖνον ὅλον βωμὸν"
προσαγορεῦσαι τοῦ λαοῦ παντὸς καὶ οἰκοδομῆσαι
ναὸν τῷ θεῷ, καὶ ταύτην εὐστόχως ἀφῆκεν εἰς τὸ
1 Naber: ὠνήσασθαι codd.
2 ὅλον βωμὸν] ἅλων ex Lat. Niese: ὁλοκαυτωμάτων βωμὸν vel
sim. con).
« Cf. Luc. 2 Sam. τὰ ξύλα καὶ τὰ ἄροτρα and Lxx 1 Chron.
τὸ ἄροτρον εἰς & a3 Heb. 2 Sam. “ threshing instruments
and instruments of the oxen,’’ Lxx οἱ τροχοὶ Kai τὰ σκεύη τῶν
Body; Heb. 1 Chron. “ threshing instruments for wood
and wheat for the meat-offering,’’ Luc. ras ἁμάξας els ξύλα καὶ
τὸν πυρὸν εἰς θυσίαν.
538
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 331-334
said that it was to buy the threshing-floor from him,
in which to build an altar to God and perform sacri-
fice. ‘Thereupon he replied that he would present
the threshing-floor, as well as the plough @ and oxen,
as a burnt-offering, and prayed that God would graci-
ously accept the sacrifice. The king then said that
he admired him for his liberality and greatness of
soul, and accepted his kind gifts, but requested him
to take payment for them all, for it was not right
for anyone to offer a sacrifice that cost him nothing.
And when Oronnas said he might do as he pleased, David buys
he bought the threshing-floor from him for fifty iinine-
shekels,® and, having built the altar, he consecrated BC Oras ae
it ° and offered burnt-offcrings and peace-offerings. temple.
By these means the Deity was appeased and once 25°,
more became gracious. As it happened, it was to 1 Chron.
this very place that Abraham brought his son Isaac, **" ἦν
to sacrifice him as a burnt-offering, and, as he was
about to slaughter him, there suddenly appeared
beside the altar a ram, which Abraham sacrificed in
place of his son, as we related earlier. Then, when
David saw that God had hearkened to his prayer and
had accepted the sacrifice with favour, he resolved
to call that entire place the altar ὁ of all the people,
and to build a temple to God ; and, in uttering this
δ So 2 Sam.; 1 Chron. “ 600 shekels of gold by weight.”
¢ Or “ performed the sacred rites,’’ bibl. (1 Chron.) “ and
called upon the Lord.”
d A. i. 222 f., 226. Cf. notes ad loc.
“ Text doubtful. For ὅλον βωμόν Niese, following the
Latin, would read ἅλων “ὁ threshing-floor.”’? But it is likely
that ὅλον βωμόν is a corruption of (an abbreviated ?) ὁλο-
καυτωμάτων βωμόν “altar of burnt offerings’; cf. 1 Chron.
xxii. 1, δ And David said, This is the house of the Lord God,
and this is the altar of the burnt offering for Israel (1xx
θυσιαστήριον els ὁλοκαύτωσιν τῷ ᾿Ισραήλ).᾽"
539
9 ΒΕ 5
γενησόμενον τὴν φωνήν" ὁ γὰρ θεὸς τὸν προφήτην
ἀποστείλας πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐκεῖ ναὸν ἔλεγεν οἰκο-
δομήσειν αὐτοῦ τὸν υἱὸν τὸν μέλλοντα μετ᾽ αὐτὸν
τὴν βασιλείαν διαδέχεσθαι.
(xiv. 1) Mera δὴ ταύτην τὴν προφητείαν ἐκέλευ-
σεν ὁ βασιλεὺς τοὺς παροίκους ἐξαριθμηθῆναι καὶ
εὑρέθησαν εἰς ὀκτὼ μυριάδας καὶ δέκα. ἐκ τούτων
ἀπέδειξε λατόμους μὲν τοὺς ὀκτακισμυρίους, τὸ δ᾽
ἀλλο πλῆθος παραφέρειν τοὺς λίθους, τρισχιλίους
δὲ καὶ πεντακοσίους τοῖς ἐργαζομένοις ἐξ αὐτῶν
ἐπέστησεν. ἡτοίμασε δὲ καὶ πολὺν σίδηρον καὶ
χαλκὸν εἰς τὰ ἔργα καὶ ξύλα κέδρινα πολλὰ καὶ
παμμεγεθέστατα, Tupiwy αὐτῷ ταῦτα πεμπόντων
καὶ Σιδωνίων: ἐπεστάλκει γὰρ αὐτοῖς τὴν τῶν
, t / λ / 3 ~
336 ξύλων χορηγίαν. πρός τε τοὺς φίλους ἔλεγε ταῦτα
παρασκευάζεσθαι νῦν, ἵνα τῷ μέλλοντι παιδὶ βασι-
λεύειν μετ᾽ αὐτὸν ἑτοίμην τὴν ὕλην τῆς οἰκοδομίας
τοῦ ναοῦ! καταλείπῃ καὶ μὴ τότε συμπορίζῃ νέος
aw A ~ 7 Mv A 4) e / 3 ᾽
ὧν καὶ τῶν τοιούτων ἄπειρος διὰ τὴν ἡλικίαν, ἀλλ
ἔχων παρακειμένην ἐπιτελῇ τὸ ἔργον.
421 (9) ζαλέσας δὲ τὸν παῖδα Σολομῶνα κατα-
7 ~ ~ \ ? A ? / 7
σκευάσαι τῷ θεῷ ναὸν αὐτὸν ἐκέλευσε διαδεξά-
Ἂ / / ς Ἵ Α /
μενον τὴν βασιλείαν, λέγων ὡς αὐτὸν βουλόμενον
κωλύσειεν ὁ θεὸς αἵματι καὶ πολέμοις πεφυρμένον,
1 τοῦ ναοῦ om. RO Lat.
¢ This last detail (“‘and, in uttering this word,” ete.) was
suggested by the Lxx addition to 2 Sam. xxiv. 25 καὶ προσ-
ἐθηκεν Ξαλωμὼν ἐπὶ τὸ θυσιαστήριον ἐπ᾽ ἐσχάτῳ ὅτι μικρὸν ἣν ἐν
πρώτοις ‘and Solomon added to the altar at a later time
because it was small at first.”
®’ In 1 Chron. xxii. 2 there is mention of a census of aliens
taken by David, but no figures are given ; in 2 Chron. ii. 17
the figure given for the census taken by Solomon “ after
the numbering wherewith David his father had numbered
540
Gs
Ww
Cr
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 334-337
word, he came elose to foretelling what was later to
happen, for God sent a prophet to say that in this
place a temple would be built by the son who was
destined to succeed him on the throne.
(xiv. 1) After receiving this prophecy, the king David
ordered the aliens to be numbered, and there were seal
found to be one hundred and eighty thousand.2 Of for building
these, he designated eighty thousand to be stone- the temple.
cutters, and the rest of their number to Camry Ween
stones ; and three thousand five hundred ὁ of them (29-80)
he set over the workmen. He also collected a great en
quantity of iron and bronze for the work, and many 1 Chron.
cedar-trees of very great size, sent to him by the ~*~
Tyrians and Sidonians, from whom he had ordered
a ‘supply of the ‘wood. And he told his friends that
he was preparing these things now, in order that he
might leave the materials for the building of the
temple ready for the son who was destined to reign
after him, who would thus not have to procure them
when he would still be a youth and inexperieneed
because of his age, but w ould have them at hand to
complete the w ork.
(2) Then he ealled his son Solomon and bade him Davia’s
build the temple to God after he should have suc- U{ractions
to Solomon
ceeded to the throne, telling him that he himself had Cotsen ante
wished to do so, but God had prevented him because Toe
of his being stained with blood shed in war 4 ; He had xii. 6.
99
them ” is 153,600. This figure corresponds to the total of
the classes enumerated in 1 Kings v. 15-16 (Heb. 29-30),
70,000 carriers, 80,000 stone-cutters, 3600 (Lxx) overseers =
153,600. Josephus’s figure of 180,000 mistakenly includes a
levy of 30,000 Israelites (therefore not aliens), and omits the
3600 overseers, whom he counts separately, cf. following note.
© “So-exx: cod. α : Hels. 3300, uxx cod. [Ὁ 4356000, Luc. 3700.
In A. viii. 59 Josephus, in agreement with Heb., has 3300.
ΦῸΥ ἐπ
δ4]
JOSEPHUS
προείποι δ᾽ ὅτι Σολομὼν οἰκοδομήσει τὸν vaov'
αὐτῷ παῖς νεώτατος" καὶ τοῦτο κληθησόμενος
τοὔνομα, οὗ προνοήσειν μὲν αὐτὸς ὡς πατὴρ ἐπ-
ἠγγέλλετο, τὴν δ᾽ Ἑβραίων χώραν εὐδαίμονα κατα-
στήσειν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῦ τοῖς τε ἄλλοις ἀγαθοῖς καὶ δὴ
καὶ τῷ μεγίστῳ πάντων εἰρήνῃ καὶ πολέμων a ἀπ-
338 αλλαγῇ καὶ στάσεων ἐμφυλίων. “μι σὺ τοίνυν ἐπεὶ
καὶ πρὸ τῆς γενέσεως ἀπεδείχθης βασιλεὺς ὑπὸ τοῦ
θεοῦ πειρῶ τά τε ἄλλα γίνεσθαι τῆς τούτου προ-
volas ἄξιος, εὐσεβὴς ὧν καὶ δίκαιος καὶ ἀνδρεῖος,
καὶ τὰς ἐντολὰς αὐτοῦ καὶ τοὺς νόμους οὗς
διὰ Μωυσέος ἔδωκεν ἡμῖν φύλαττε καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις
339 μὴ παραβαΐνειν ἐπίτρεπε. τὸν δὲ ναόν, ὃν ὑπὸ
σοῦ βασιλεύοντος εἵλετο αὑτῷ γενέσθαι, σπούδασον
ἀποδοῦναι τῷ θεῷ μὴ καταπλαγεὶς τὸ “μέγεθος
τοῦ ἔργδυ μηδ᾽ ἀποδειλιάσας πρὸς αὐτό" πάντα
γάρ σοι πρὸ τῆς ἐμαυτοῦ τελευτῆς ἕτοιμα ποιήσω.
340 γίνωσικε δὴ" χρυσοῦ μὲν ἤδη τάλαντα συνειλεγμένα
μύρια, δέκα δ᾽ ἀργύρου μυριάδας ταλάντων, χαλκόν
τε καὶ σίδηρον ἀριθμοῦ πλείονα συντέθεικα καὶ
ξύλων δὲ καὶ λίθων ὕλην ἄφθονον, ἔχεις δὲ καὶ
λατόμων πολλὰς μυριάδας καὶ τεκτόνων' ἂν δέ
τι τούτοις “προσδέῃ, σὺ προσθήσεις. γίνου τοίνυν
341 ἄριστος" τὸν θεὸν ἐ ἔχων προστάτην. ᾿" προσπαρεκε-
λεύσατο δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἄρχοντας τοῦ λαοῦ τῆς οἰκο-
τὸν ναὸν om. RO,
συνετώτατος Naber.
δὲ E: om. RO: siquidem Lat.
vyivou . . ἄριστος] γινομένου τοίνυν τούτου ἄριστος (ἄρεστος
M) ἔσῃ MSP: esto igitur optimus guvernator Lat.
CF ωυ »
4
α For νεώτατος Naber conjectures συνετώτατος ‘‘ most in-
telligent.”’ Reinach, adopting the latter reading, supposes
542
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES; VII. 337-3441
also foretold that his youngest * son Solomon would
build Him a temple, and should be called by this
name,? and promised to watch over him like a father,
and bring prosperity to the country of the Hebrews
in his reign, with, among other things, the greatest
of all blessings, namely peace and freedom fy. om war
and civil νον ‘ Therefore,” he said, ‘‘ since,
even before vour birth, you were chosen by God to
be king, endeavour to be worthy of His providence
by being pious, just and brave ; keep the command-
ments and the laws which He gave us through Moses,
and do not permit others to transgress them ; as for
the temple whieh He has decreed shall be made for
Him in your reign, take pains to complete ὃ it for
God, and do not be dismayed at the magnitude of
the labour, nor shrink from it, for I shall make every-
thing ready for you before my death. You should,
indeed, know that ten thousand ¢ talents of gold and
one hundred thousand ὦ talents of silver have already
been colleeted, and that I have brought together
more bronze and iron than can be reekoned, and a
limitless quantity of wood and stone. You also have
many tens of thousands of stone-cutters and car-
penters, and whatever else is needed you yourself
will add. Be, then, most brave, for you have God
as your protector.”’ He further exhorted the chiefs
of the people to assist his son in the building, and,
that there was originally in the text an allusion to Solomon's
surname of the Wise. There is, however, no reason to sus-
pect the present text, cf. 1 Chron. xxil. 9 where the Heb. plays
upon the resemblance of Solomon’s name (Sheléméh) to
shalom δ peace ’’—a word-play that could not be conveyed
to Josephus’s Greek readers.
δ Lit. “ render it as due.”
¢ Bib}. 100,000. $ Bibl. 1,000,000.
543
JOSEPHUS
δομίας συλλαβέσθαι τῷ παιδὶ Kal πάντων ἀδεεῖς
ὄντας τῶν κακῶν, περὶ τὴν τοῦ θεοῦ θρησκείαν
ἀσχολεῖν"" καρπώσεσθαι" γὰρ αὐτοὺς ἀντὶ τούτων
εἰρήνην καὶ εὐνομίαν, οἷς ἀμείβεται τοὺς εὐσεβεῖς
342 καὶ δικαίους ὁ θεὸς ἀνθρώπους. οἰκοδομηθέντος
δὲ τοῦ ναοῦ τὴν κιβωτὸν αὐτὸν ἀποθέσθαι προσ-
ἔταξε καὶ τὰ ἅγια σκεύη πρὸ πολλοῦ ναὸν ὀφείλοντα
ἔχειν, εἰ τῶν ἐντολῶν τοῦ θεοῦ μὴ παρήκουσαν
ἡμῶν οἱ πατέρες ἐντειλαμένου μετὰ τὸ τὴν γῆν
~
7 a“ > ~ 4 > ~
ταύτην κατασχεῖν οἰκοδομῆσαι ναὸν αὐτῷ. ταῦτα
a
A
μὲν πρὸς τοὺς ἡγεμόνας ὁ Aavidns Kat Tov υἱὸν
αὐτοῦ διελέχθη.
343 (3) IlpeoBurepos δὲ ὧν ἤδη καὶ τοῦ σώματος
αὐτῷ ψυχομένου διὰ τὸν χρόνον δύσριγος ὑπῆρχεν,
ὡς μηδ᾽ ὑπὸ τῆς ἐπιβολῆς ἐκ πολλῶν ἱματίων
γινομένης ἀναθερμαίνεσθαι. συνελθόντων δὲ τῶν
ἰατρῶν καὶ συμβουλευσάντων ὅπως ἐξ ἁπάσης τῆς
χώρας εὐειδὴς ἐπιλεχθεῖσα παρθένος συγκαθεύδῃ
τῷ βασιλεῖ, τοῦτο γὰρ αὐτῷ πρὸς τὸ ῥῖγος ἔσεσθαι
344 βοήθημα θαλπούσης αὐτὸν τῆς κόρης, εὑρίσκετ᾽
ἐν πόλειἥ γυνὴ μία πασῶν τὸ εἶδος a ἀρίστη γυναικῶν
᾿Αβισάκη τοὔνομα, 7 συγκοιμωμένη μόνον τῷ
βασιλεῖ συνεθέρμαινεν αὐτόν: ὑπὸ γὰρ γήρως ἦν
πρὸς τἀφροδίσια καὶ γυναικὸς ὁμιλίαν ἀσθενής.
ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν ταύτης τῆς παρθένου μετ᾽ ὀλίγον
δηλώσομεν.
946 (4) ὋὉ δὲ τέταρτος υἱὸς Aavidov νεανίας εὐειδὴς
καὶ μέγας, ἐκ γυναικὸς αὐτῷ ᾿Αγίθης" γεγονὼς
1 ed. pr. Lat.: εὐσχολεῖν codd.
2 ed. pr. Lat.: καρπώσασθαι codd.
3. post πόλει desideratur nomen oppidi, quod in γυνὴ latere
conj. Boysen.
4 Niese: Αἰγίσθης codd.: Aegeth Lat.
544
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 341-345
without fear of any evil, to devote themselves wholly
to the worship of God, saying that as a reward for
this they would enjoy peace and order, with which
God repays pious and just men. And he gave orders
that, when the temple was built, Solomon should
deposit in it the ark and the holy vessels, which
should long since have had a temple, if our fathers
had not disobeyed God’s command to build a temple
to Him after they had taken possession of this land.?
Such, then, were the words which David addressed
to the leaders and to his son.
(3) Now as David was already very old, and, be- Abishag
cause of his age, his body felt eold and numb so that eerie
not even by the heaping on of many garments could David's
he be kept warm, his physicians ὃ came together and 1 Kings i. 1.
Ὁ ’ pny 5 1 83 1.1
advised that a beautiful virgin be ehosen out of the
whole eountry to sleep with the king, as it would help
him against the cold to have the maid warm him ; and
there was found, in the city of . . .,5 a woman who
surpassed all others in beauty, Abisaké ὁ by name,
but she merely slept in the same bed with him and
kept him warm, for at his age he was too feeble to have
sexual pleasure or intercourse with her. Of this
virgin, however, we shall speak a little later.
(+) Now the fourth son of David, a tall and hand- Adonijan
some youth borne to him by his wife Agithé 7 and (ons
plots to
‘ ὃ : succeed
α The reference to the disobedience of the fathers 1s added David
by Josephus. 1 Kings i. 5.
® Bibl. “* his servants,”
¢ Shunem, the name of the city, has dropped out of
Josephus’s text, or has, perhaps, been corrupted to γυνή
*“woman,’’ as Boysen conjectures; the Greek form of the
name was probably Συνήμ, cf. Luc. in Jos. xix. 18.
4 Bibl. Abishag, rxx ’Aseod,
oA Ville,
/ Bibl. Haggith, cf. § 21 note.
5-45
JOSEPHUS
3 ᾽ὔ Ἁ f 3 Ἁ ba) >
Adwvias δὲ προσαγορευόμενος, ἐμφερὴς ὧν ᾿Αψα-
7 \ / 3 ς 7 > ~
λώμῳ τὴν' διάνοιαν αὐτὸς ὡς βασιλεύσων ἐπῆρτο
‘ \ A / ” e \ > A > \ =
καὶ πρὸς τοὺς φίλους ἔλεγεν ὡς τὴν ἀρχὴν αὐτὸν δεῖ
παραλαβεῖν: κατεσκεύασε δὲ ἅρματα πολλὰ καὶ
ἵπποὺυς καὶ πεντήκοντα ἄνδρας τοὺς προδρόμους.
346 ταῦθ᾽ ὁρῶν ὁ πατὴρ οὐκ ἐπέπληττεν οὐδ᾽ ἐπεῖχεν
αὐτὸν τῆς προαιρέσεως οὐδὲ μέχρι τοῦ πυθέσθαι διὰ
τί ταῦτα πράττει προήχθη. συνεργοὺς δ᾽ εἶχεν
᾿Αδωνίας τὸν στρατηγὸν ᾿Ιώαβον καὶ τὸν ἀρχιερέα
᾿Αβιάθαρον, μόνοι δ᾽ ἀντέπραττον ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς Σά-
Ἁ ξ ᾽ὔ 7: +. 7 ¢€ 3. ἢ
δωκος καὶ ὁ προφήτης Ναθας καὶ Βαναίας ὁ ἐπὶ
~ λ » δ 7 ς ¢ ὃ ᾽ὔ
τῶν σωματοφυλάκων καὶ Σιμούεις" ὁ Δαυίδου φίλος
καὶ πάντες οἱ ἀνδρειότατοι. τοῦ δὲ ᾿Αδωνία παρα-
σκευασαμένου δεῖπιον ἔξω τῆς πόλεως παρὰ τὴν
πηγὴν" τὴν ἐν τῷ βασιλικῷ παραδείσῳ καὶ πάντας
καλέσαντος τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς χωρὶς “Σολομῶνος,
παραλαβόντος δὲ καὶ τὸν στρατηγὸν ᾿Ιώαβον καὶ
> 7 \ \ ” ~ > , ~
Αβιάθαρον καὶ τοὺς ἄρχοντας τῆς ᾿Ιούδα φυλῆς,
» \ +S , \ > Α \ ΤΥ. A
οὔτε δὲ Σάδωκον. τὸν ἀρχιερέα" καὶ Νάθαν τὸν
προφήτην καὶ τὸν ἐπὶ τῶν σωματοφυλάκων Βαναίαν
καὶ πάντας τοὺς ἐκ τῆς ἐναντίας αἱρέσεως καλέ-
348 σαντος" ἐπὶ τὴν ἑστίασιν, τοῦτο πρὸς τὴν Σολομῶ-
νος κατεμήνυσε μητέρα Βερσάβην Νάθας δ προ-
φήτης ὡς ᾿Αδωνίας βασιλεύς ἐστι καὶ τοῦτ᾽ ἀγνοεῖ
Δαυίδης" συνεβούλευέ τε σώζειν αὑτὴν καὶ τὸν
τὸ D x ~ \ \ A ὃ λθ ~
παῖδα Σολομῶνα καὶ πρὸς Aavidnv προσελθοῦσαν
μόνην αὐτὴν λέγειν ὡς αὐτὸς μὲν ὀὁμόσειε μετ᾽
34
“.1
Δ 4 re ΠΟ. 2 Σεμεῖς ΔΊ ; Σοιυμούεις BE: Simus Lat.
3 πύλην RO: γῆν ΔΊ.
ὁ οὔτε δὲ. . ἀρχιερέα] τοὺς δὲ περὶ τὸν ἀρχιερέα ML: οὗτοι μὲν
πάντες παρῆσαν τοὺς δὲ περὶ τὸν ἀρχιερέα
5. οὐκ ἐκάλεσεν MSD Lat.
6 βασιλεύς ἐστι, . . Δαιίδης] βασιλεῦσαι βούλεται RO,
546
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 345-348
named Adonias,* had thoughts similar to those of
Absalom and, aspiring to be king himself, told his
friends that he ought to succeed to the royal power.
So he provided himself with many chariots and horses
and fifty men torun before him. When his father saw
this, he did not rebuke him nor restrain him from his
purpose, nor even go so far as to ask him why he did
these things. And Addonias had as accomplices the
commander Joab and the high priest Abiathar ; the
only ones opposed to him were the high priest Sadok,
the prophet Nathan, Banaias, the chief of the body-
guards, David's friend Simiieis ὃ and all the foremost
warriors. And Adonias prepared a dinner outside
the city beside the spring in the royal garden,¢ and
invited all his brothers except Solomon; he also
brought with him the commander Joab and Abiathar
and the chiefs of the tribe of Judah, but he did not
invite to the feast either the high priest Sadok ὦ or
the prophet Nathan or Banaias, the chief of the body-
guard, or any of the opposing party. These things Nathan
the prophet Nathan reported to Solomon’s mother $i¥'s°5 ,
Bersabé, saying that Addnias was king and David did to warn
not know ἰδ ὁ; at the same time he advised her to [371 οἵ
Adonijah’s
save herself and her son Solomon, and to go alone oe
to David and tell him that, although he had sworn j,i.”
α Bibl. Adonijah, ef. ibid.
" Cf. Luc. Σαναίας καὶ οἱ ἑταῖροι αὐτοῦ, reading ré'dw “ his
friends ἢ for the personal name Rei; bibl. Shimei and Rei,
Lxx Σεμεεὶ καὶ 'Ρησεί. Josephus read réa “ friend” or γδό
‘“his (David’s) friend.”
¢ Bibl. “ by the stone of Zohelcth which is by En-roget ”
(iin="“ spring ’’); on the latter ef. § 223 and § 355 notes,
The “ royal garden ” seems to be an invention of Josephus.
¢ Variant ‘‘ the high priest Sadok and his followers.”
¢ Variant (after “* Adonias ’’) “‘ wished to be king.”’
54:7
JOSEPHUS
αὐτὸν Σολομῶνα βασιλεύειν μεταξὺ δ᾽" ᾿Αδωνίας
349 τὴν ἀρχὴν ἤδη παραλάβοι.Σ ταῦτα δὲ τῷ βασιλεῖ
διαλεγομένης ὁ ὁ προφήτης εἰσελεύσεσθαι καὶ αὐτὸς
ἔφησε καὶ τοῖς λόγοις αὐτῆς ἐπιμαρτυρήσειν. ἡ
δὲ Βερσάβη πεισθεῖσα τῷ Νάθᾳ πάρεισι πρὸς τὸν
βασιλέα καὶ προσκυνήσασα καὶ λόγον αἰτησαμένη
350 πάντ᾽ αὐτῇ καθὼς ὁ προφήτης ὑπέθετο καὶ διεξ-
ἔρχεται τό τε δεῖπνον τὸ ᾿Αδωνία καὶ τοὺς ὑπ᾽
αὐτοῦ κεκλημένους ᾿Αβιάθαρον τὸν ἀρχιερέα καὶ
᾿Ιώαβον τὸν ἄρχοντα καὶ τοὺς υἱοὺς αὐτοῦ χωρὶς
Σολομῶνος καὶ τῶν ἀναγκαίων αὐτοῦ φίλων
μηνύσασα: ἔλεγέ τε πάντα τὸν λαὸν ἀφορᾶν τίνα
χειροτονήσει βασιλέα, παρεκάλει τε κατὰ νοῦν
ἔχειν, ὡς μετὰ τὴν ἀπαλλαγὴν αὐτοῦ βασιλεύσας
αὐτήν τε καὶ Σολομῶνα τὸν υἱὸν αὐτῆς ἀναιρήσει.
801] (δ) Διαλεγομένης δὲ ἔτι τῆς γυναικὸς ἤγγειλαν ot
τοῦ δωματίου προεστῶτες ὅτι βούλεται Νάθας
ἰδεῖν αὐτόν. τοῦ δὲ βασιλέως ἐκδέξασθαι" κελεύ-
σαντος εἰσελθών, εἰ τήμερον ἀποδείξειε τὸν ᾿Αδω-
νίαν βασιλέα καὶ παραδοίη τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐπυνθάνετο"
352 λαμπρὸν γὰρ αὐτὸν ,ποιήσαντα δεῖπνον κεκληκέναι
τοὺς υἱοὺς αὐτοῦ πάντας χωρὶς Σολομῶνος καὶ τὸν
στρατηγὸν ᾿Ιώαβον, ot μετὰ κρότου καὶ παιδιᾶς
εὐωχούμενοι πολλῆς αἰώνιον αὐτῷ συνεύχονται τὴν
ἡγεμονίαν" “᾿ ἐκάλεσε δὲ οὔτε ἐμὲ οὔτε τὸν ἀρχ-
ιερέα Σάδωκον οὔτε Βαναίαν τὸν ἐπὶ τῶν σωματο-
φυλάκων: δίκαιον δ᾽ εἶναι ταῦτα γινώσκειν ἅπαντας,
1 καὶ πρὸς Δαυίδην. .. μεταξὺ δ᾽) εἴπερ RO: βασιλεύειν
μεταξὺ δ᾽ Δ : καὶ πρὸς Δαυίδην ἐλθοῦσαν ταῦτα λέγειν E,
2 post παραλάβοι add. καὶ περὶ τούτου πυθέσθαι τοῦ βασιλέως
RO.
3 μὴ ἐκδέξασθαι MSP: εἰσδέξασθαι Cocceji.
548
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 348-382
that Solomon should be king after his death, Addnias
had meanwhile taken over the royal power.?. And
the prophet said that while she was telling this to
the king, he himself would enter and confirm her
words. So Bersabé took Nathan’s adviee and went
to the king ; then, after doing obeisanee and asking
for permission to speak, she recounted to him all
that the prophet had suggested. telling him of
Addénias’s dinner and the euests who had been invited
by him, and mentioning ~Abiathar, the high priest,
and Joab, the commander, and the king’s sons except
Solomon and the latter’s closest friends. She added
that all the people were waiting to see whom he
would choose king, and urged him to bear in mind
that, if, after fas. death, aon beeame king, he
would put her and her son Solomon to death.
(5) While his wife was still speaking, the keepers
of the chamber announced that Nathan wished to
see him, and, when the king bade them admit him,
he entered and inquired whether David had that day
declared Adonias king and given over the royal power
to him, for, he said, he had prepared a splendid dinner
and had invited all the king’s sons, except Solomon,
and the commander Joab, and these were feasting to
the accompaniment of clapping of hands and mueh
jesting,? and were wishing Adonias lasting sove-
reignty.. “But, lie added, ‘‘ he invited neither me
nor the high priest Sadok nor Banaias, the chief of
the bodyguard, and it is right that all should know
9 Variant (after “ἡ her son Solomon ”’) *‘ if, indeed, Adonias
had already taken over the royal power, and to inquire of the
king concerning this matter.”
δ Details added by Josephus; bibl. ‘ they eat and drink
before him.”
549
David
reassures
Bath-sheba,
1 Kingsi.
22,
JOSEPHUS
ms > \ ‘ 4 4 b ,ὔ 3) ~ ~
853 εἰ κατὰ THY σὴν γνώμην ἐγένετο. ταῦτα τοῦ
Νάθα φήσαντος ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐκέλευσε καλέσαι τὴν
Βερσάβην πρὸς αὑτόν: ἐκπεπηδήκει γὰρ ἐκ τοῦ
δωματίου τοῦ προφήτου παραγενομένου. τῆς δὲ
\ ? 7 cto” ’ ds ’ {{ A
γυναικὸς ἐλθούσης “ duvupit oo,” φησί, “᾿ Tov
/ θ ,ὔ s A \ wes ν᾿ A ~
μέγιστον θεόν, ἦ μὴν τὸν υἱόν σου LodAopava
βασιλεύσειν, ὡς καὶ πρότερον ὥμοσα, καὶ τοῦτον
2. ? a ~ 1 , \ ~ 3}
ἐπὶ τοὐμοῦ καθιεῖσθαι' θρόνου" καὶ τοῦτο ἔσται
354 τήμερον. προσκυνησάσης δ᾽ αὐτὸν τῆς γυναικὸς
\ \ 3 ’ ᾽ ~ ’ Ul
καὶ μακρὸν εὐξαμένης αὐτῷ βίον, Σάδωκον peta-
3 > Ὁ ~
πέμπεται TOV ἀρχιερέα καὶ Bavatay τὸν ἐπὶ τῶν
σωματοφυλάκων, καὶ παραγενομένοις κελεύει παρα-
λαβεῖν Νάθαν τόν τε προφήτην καὶ τοὺς περὶ τὴν
355 αὐλὴν ὁπλίτας, καὶ ἀναβιβάσαντας τὸν υἱὸν αὐτοῦ
Σολόμωνα ἐπὶ τὴν βασιλικὴν ἡμίονον ἔξω τῆς
πόλεως ἀγαγεῖν ἐπὶ τὴν πηγὴν τὴν λεγομένην
\ \ f \ @ v 3 a
Γειὼν καὶ περιχρίσαντας τὸ ἅγιον ἔλαιον ἀποδεῖξαι
“ ~ \ ~ 7 ’ \
βασιλέα" τοῦτο δὲ ποιῆσαι προσέταξε Σάδωκον τὸν
2 3 a
356 ἀρχιερέα καὶ Νάθαν τὸν προφήτην. ἀκολουθοῦντάς
τε προσέταξε διὰ μέσης τῆς πόλεως τοῖς κέρασιν
> ~ ~ “Ἢ
ἐπισαλπίζοντας βοᾶν εἰς αἰῶνα Σολομῶνα τὸν
4 f > A ~ ~ , σ -
βασιλέα καθίσαι ἐπὶ τοῦ βασιλικοῦ θρόνου, ἵνα γνῷ
“ ¢ \ κι] / ? A ς A ~ A
πᾶς ὁ λαὸς ἀποδεδειγμένον αὐτὸν ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς
Δ καθεδεῖσθαι SP: καθῆσθαι M.
Δ΄: 4 &mravras MSPE.
550
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 353-356
whether this was done with your approval.’” When
Nathan had thus spoken, the king ordered Bersabé
to be summoned to him,—for she had hurried from
the room when the prophet arrived ?—and, when his
wife came, he said, “1 swear to you by Almighty
God that your son Solomon shall assuredly be king,
as I have sworn before, and he shall sit upon my
throne ; and it shall be this very day.”” Thereupon
she did obeisance to him and wished him long life.
The king then sent for Sadok, the high priest, and Davia
Banaias, the chief of the bodyguard, and, when they ΣΑΣ and
came, he ordered them to take with them the prophet Nathan to
Nathan and the soldiers about the court, and, after Salonions
mounting his son Solomon upon the royal mule, to 1 ‘ssi. 82,
lead him outside the city to the spring called Geion,®
anoint him with the holy oil, and proclaim him king.
This he commanded the high priest Sadok and the
prophet Nathan to do. And he ordered them to
accompany him through the midst of the city, blow-
ing horns and shouting, ‘‘ May King Solomon sit
upon the royal throne for ever!”’ ὁ in order that all
the people might know that he had been declared
@ Scripture merely says that, after Nathan’s speech, David
summoned [Gath-sheba, and does not indicate at precisely
what moment she had left his presenee. Her leaving upon
Nathan’s entrance was probably in aecord with oriental
etiquette. One medieval Jewish commentator explains that
Bath-sheba had Icft in order to avoid any appearance of
collusion with Nathan.
> The txx form of bibl. Gihon (Heb. Gihén), by some
scholars identified with din Sitti Maryam “ Fountain of the
Virgin Mary ” in the valley of Kidron, S.E. of Jerusalem,
c. 4 mile N. of Bir *lyyib the supposed site of En-rogel
mentioned above in § 347 note.
¢ Bibl. “ (Long) live king Solomon” (A.V. “* God save
king Solomon ”’).
VOL. V ON .81
JOSEPHUS
βασιλέα, Σολομῶνι δ᾽ ἐντετάλθαι περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς,
ἵνα εὐσεβῶς καὶ δικαίως προστῇ τοῦ τε ‘EBpaiwy
867 ἔθνους παντὸς καὶ τῆς ᾿Ιούδα φυλῆς. Bavaia δὲ
εὐξαμένου τὸν θεὸν Σολομῶνι εὐμενῆ γενέσθαι μηδὲ
μικρὸν διαλιπόντες ἀναβιβάζουσιν ἐπὶ τὴν ἡμίονον
τὸν Σολομῶνα, καὶ προαγαγόντες ἔξω τῆς πόλεως
ἐπὶ τὴν πηγὴν καὶ τῷ ἐλαίῳ χρίσαντες εἰσήγαγον
εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἐπευφημοῦντες καὶ τὴν βασιλείαν
908 αὐτῷ γενέσθαι πολυχρόνιον εὐχόμενοι, καὶ παρ-
αγαγόντες εἰς τὸν οἶκον τὸν βασιλικὸν καθίζουσιν
αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τοῦ θρόνου, καὶ πᾶς 6 λαὸς ἐπ᾽ εὐωχίαν
εὐθὺς ἐτράπη καὶ ἑορτὴν χορεύων καὶ αὐλοῖς
τερπόμενος, ὡς ὑπὸ τοῦ πλήθους τῶν ὀργάνων
ἅπασαν περιηχεῖσθαι τὴν γῆν καὶ τὸν ἀέρα.
509 (6 ) ‘Os δ᾽ ἤσθοντο τῆς βοῆς ᾿Αδωνίας τε καὶ ot
παρόντες ἐπὶ τὸ δεῖπνον ἐταράχθησαν, ὅ τε στρατη-
γὸς ᾿Ιώαβος ἔλεγεν οὐκ ἀρέσκεσθαι τοῖς ἤχοις οὐδὲ
τῇ σάλπιγγι: παρακειμένου δὲ τοῦ δείπνου καὶ
μηδενὸς γευομένου πάντων δ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ἐννοίας ὑπ-
αρχόντων, εἰστρέχει πρὸς αὐτοὺς ὁ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως
800 ᾿Αβιαθάρου παῖς ᾿Ιωνάθης. τοῦ δ᾽ ᾿Αδωνία θεασα-
μένου τὸν νεανίαν ἡδέως Kal προσειπόντος ἀγαθῶν"
ἄγγελοι, ἐδήλου πάντ᾽ αὐτοῖς τὰ περὶ τὸν Σολομῶνα
1 ex Lat. Niese: ἀγαθὸν codd.
α These instructions are an amplification of 1 Kings i. 35.
The infinitive ἐντετάλθαι is here to be taken, as elsewhere in
Josephus, as a finite verb, the indirect discourse after προσ-
éraze “" ordered ”’ being carelessly continued, of. LXX ἐγὼ
ἐνετειλάμην (Lue. αὐτῷ ἐντελοῦμαι) τοῦ εἶναι εἰς ἡγούμενον ἐπὶ
Ἰσραὴλ καὶ ᾿Ἰουδά ς- Heb.“ I have appointed him to be ruler
over Israel and Judah.’ Weill, taking ἐντετάλθαι as a
eontinuation of David’s order to Zadok and Nathan, under-
stands it to mean that they were to give the instructions
about the kingdom to Solomon; he remarks “ this last
552
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 356-360
king by his father. He then gave instruetions to
Solomone eoncerning the kingdom, in order that he
might rule with piety and justice over all the Hebrew
nation and the tribe of Judah. Then, after Banaias Solomon is
prayed that God might be gracious to Solomon, with- eee
out delaying a moment they mounted Salonen upon peor: ;
the mule, ἐς ρον τρα him to the spring outside the city, sek ca
and τῆν nied him with the oil; then they brought
him into the city with ceclaveations. praying that ‘his
reign would be a long one, and, having conducted
him to the royal dw elling , they seated him upon the
throne.’ And all the people gave themselves over
to feasting and merrymaking with dancing and joyful
playing of pipes, so that the multitude ‘of their in-
struments caused the whole earth and the air to
resound.
(6) When Adénias and those present at the dinner Adonijah,
heard this noise, they were thrown into confusion, jie irende
and the commander Joab said that he was uneasy ‘sks forgive:
about the shouting and the trumpet blast ; and, w ith Sata
the dinner before them, which no one pected: ὁ 4}1}} Kingsi.4h
being occupied with their thoughts, there came
running to them the high priest Abiathar’s son
Jonathan. Addnias was very glad to see the youth
and called him a messenger of good tidings, but,
when he told them all about Solomon and the decision
detail is added by Josephus and has often been misunder-
stood.”” It appears that Weill himself has misunderstood
ἡ: construction and has overlooked the reference to 1 Kings
δὸς ; cf. also § 38-4.
> A detail added from Jonathan's report to Adonijah,
1 Kings i. 46.
¢ According to Seriptnre they had finished eating when
they heard the shouting, but perhaps Josephus understood
the Hleb. killa le’ekal " they had finished eating “ἢ differently,
cf. Targum sappiqgé “‘ they had enough.”
593
90]
902
363
364
365
JOSEPHUS
καὶ τὴν Aavidou τοῦ βασιλέως γνώμην: ἀναπηδή-
σαντες δ᾽ ἐκ τοῦ συμποσίου ὅ τε ᾿Αδωνίας καὶ οἱ
κεκλημένοι πάντες ἔφυγον πρὸς ἑαυτοὺς ἕκαστοι.
φοβηθεὶς δ᾽ ᾿Αδωνίας τὸν βασιλέα περὶ τῶν γεγο-
νότων ἱκέτης γίνεται τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ τῶν τοῦ θυσια-
στηρίου κεράτων ἃ δὴ προεῖχεν ἐλλαβόμενος δηλοῦ-
ται τοῦτο Σολομῶνι πεποιηκὼς καὶ πίστεις ἀξιῶν
παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ λαβεῖν, ὥστε μὴ μνησικακῆσαι μηδ᾽
ἐργάσασθαι δεινὸν αὐτὸν μηδέν. ὁ δὲ ἡμέρως πάνυ
καὶ σωφρόνως τῆς μὲν τότε ἁμαρτίας αὐτὸν ἀφῆκεν
ἀθῷον, εἰπὼν δέ, εἰ ληφθείη τι πάλιν καινοποιῶν,
ἑαυτῷ αἴτιον τῆς τιμωρίας ἔσεσθαι, πέμψας ἀν-
ίστησιν αὐτὸν ἀπὸ τῆς ἱκεσίας" ἐλθόντα δὲ πρὸς
αὐτὸν' καὶ προσκυνήσαντα εἰς τὴν ἰδίαν οἰκίαν
ἀπελθεῖν ἐκέλευσε μηδὲν ὑφορώμενον καὶ τοῦ
λοιποῦ παρέχειν αὑτὸν ἀγαθὸν ὡς αὐτῷ τοῦτο
συμφέρον ἠξίου.
(7) Βουλόμενος δὲ Aavidns ἐπὶ παντὸς τοῦ λαοῦ
ἀποδεῖξαι τὸν υἱὸν βασιλέα συγκαλεῖ τοὺς ἄρχοντας
εἰς “Ἱεροσόλυμα καὶ τοὺς ἱερεῖς καὶ τοὺς Ληουίτας.
ἐξαριθμήσας δὲ τούτους πρῶτον εὑρίσκει τῶν ἀπὸ
τριάκοντα ἐτῶν ἕως πεντήκοντα τρισμυρίους ὀκτα-
κισχιλίους. ἐξ ὧν ἀπέδειξεν ἐπιμελητὰς μὲν τῆς
οἰκοδομίας τοῦ ναοῦ δισμυρίους τετρακισχιλίους,"
κριτὰς δὲ τοῦ λαοῦ καὶ γραμματεῖς τούτων ἕξακισ-
χιλίους, πυλωροὺς δὲ τετρακισχιλίους" καὶ τοσού-
τους ὑμνῳδοὺς τοῦ θεοῦ ἄδοντας τοῖς ὀργάνοις οἷς
Δαυίδης κατεσκεύασε, καθὼς προειρήκαμεν. δι-
1 πρὸς αὐτὸν om. RO. 2 τρισχιλίους MSP Lat.
3 4 τοῦ ofxov τοῦ θεοῦ MSP Lat.
@ Lit. “ from his supplication ’’; bibl. “ from the altar,”
LXx ἀπάνωθεν (Luc. ἀπὸ) τοῦ θυσιαστηρίου. δ ‘The Levites.
554
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 360-365
of King David, Addnias and all the guests sprang up
from the banquet table and fled, each to his own
home. And Addnias, being afraid of the king be-
cause of what he had done, became a suppliant to
God and grasped the horns of the altar,—that is, its
projections; and this act of his was reported to
Solomon, and also that he had asked to have a pledge
from him that he would bear him no malice and do
him no harm. Solomon with great mildness and
moderation let him off this time without punishment
for his offence, but said that if he were ever again
caught in an attempt at revolution, he would have
himself to blame for his punishment; then he sent
men to remove him from his place of sanctuary,? and,
when he came before him and did obeisance, Solomon
ordered him to go back to his own house without any
fear, and requested him to conduct himself well in
future, as this would be to his own advantage.
(7) Then David, wishing to appoint his son king pavia
over all the people, summoned to Jerusalem the chiefs OWNS ng
and the priests and Levites, and, having first num- Levites into
bered these,> he found that there were thirty-eight {Cris
thousand of them between the ages of thirty and fifty ¢ =xiii. 1.
years. Twenty-four thousand of them he appointed
as overseers of the building of the temple, six thou-
sand as judges of the people and as scribes,? four
thousand as gatekeepers, and an equal number to
sing the praises of God to the accompaniment of the
instruments which David had made, as we said
¢ 1 Chron. xxiii. 3 “‘ from the age of thirty years and up-
ward ’’s verses 24, 27 “ from the age of twenty years and
upward.’’ The upper limit of 50 years is derived from
Num: ἵν. 8 ἢν, vil 25.
4 So txx; bibl. “ officers’; the Heb. shéterim probably
included scribes.
955
JOSEPHUS
/ 3 >
euepiae δ᾽ αὐτοὺς καὶ κατὰ πατριὰς Kal χωρίσας ἐκ
~ ~ ‘ - 3
τῆς φυλῆς τοὺς ἱερεῖς εὗρε τούτων εἴκοσι τέσσαρας
, > ~ 315 ¢
πατριάς, ἐκ μὲν τῆς ᾿λεαζάρου οἰκίας ἑκκαίδεκα,
2 δὲ - Ἴ0 , > Ε , ὃ J. , , \
ΕΚ O€ Τῆς αμαροῦυ OKTW, ιέταξέ τε μιαν πατριαν
διακονεῖσθαι τῷ θεῷ ἐπὶ ἡμέρας ὀκτὼ ἀπὸ σαβ-
γ Us > ‘ ’ὔ ‘ Ὁ ¢ ‘ ~
366 βάτου ἐπὶ σάββατον. καὶ οὕτως ai πατριαὶ πᾶσαι
901
368
~
διεκληρώσαντο Δαυίδου παρόντος Kat Σαδώκου Kat
᾿Αβιαθάρου τῶν ἀρχιερέων καὶ πάντων τῶν ἀρχόν-
των καὶ ἡ πρώτη μὲν ἀναβᾶσα πατριὰ ἐγράφη
πρώτη, ἡ δὲ δευτέρα ἀκολούθως ἄχρι τῶν εἴκοσι
τεσσάρων: καὶ διέμεινεν οὗτος ὁ μερισμὸς ἄχρι τῆς
σήμερον ἡμέρας. ἐποίησε δὲ καὶ τῆς Ληουίτιδος
φυλῆς εἴκοσι μέρη καὶ τέσσαρα καὶ κληρωσαμένων
κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν ἀνέβησαν τρόπον ταῖς τῶν ἱερέων
ἐφημερίσιν ἐπὶ ἡμέρας ὀκτώ. τοὺς δ᾽ ἀπογόνους
τοὺς ΔΊ ωυσέος ἐτίμησεν: ἐποίησε γὰρ αὐτοὺς φύλα-
κας τῶν θησαυρῶν τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ τῶν ἀναθημάτων,
ἃ συνέβη τοὺς βασιλεῖς ἀναθεῖναι" διέταξε δὲ πᾶσι
τοῖς ἐκ τῆς Ληουίτιδος φυλῆς καὶ τοῖς ἱερεῦσι
δουλεύειν κατὰ νύκτα καὶ ἡμέραν τῷ θεῷ, καθὼς
αὐτοῖς ἐπέστειλε ΔΙωυσῆς.
(8) Mera ταῦτα διεμέρισε πᾶσαν" τὴν στρατιὰν
εἰς δώδεκα μοίρας σὺν ἡγεμόσι καὶ ἑκατοντάρχοις
καὶ ταξιάρχοις. εἶχεν δ᾽ ἑκάστη τῶν μοιρῶν διο-
μυρίους καὶ τετρακισχιλίους, ὧν ἐκέλευσε προσ-
εδρεύειν κατὰ τριάκονθ᾽ ἡμέρας ἀπὸ τῆς πρώτης
ἕως τῆς ὑστάτης Σολομῶνι τῷ βασιλεῖ σὺν τοῖς
1 πᾶσαν om. RO.
4 § 306. δ Of Levi.
¢ These are grouped by Josephus, in Ap. ii. 108, into four
556
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 365-368
before.? He then divided them into families, and,
after separating the priests from the rest of the
tribe,” he found that of these there were twenty-four
farnilies.e sixteen of the house of Eleazar and eight
of the house of Ithamar; he further arranged that
one family should minister to God eaeh w eck from
Sabbath to Sabbath.? Now this is the way in which
all the families drew lots in the presenee of David and
the high priests Sadok and Abiathar and all the
chiefs : . the family which came out first in the drawing
was inseribed as the first to serve, and the seen
similarly, and so with all twenty-four. And this
apportionment has lasted down to this day. He also
divided the tribe of Levites into twenty-four parts,
and, aeeording to the order in whieh the lots were
drawn, they were chosen for a week, in the same
manner as the priestly courses. And he honoured
the descendants of Moses by making them keepers
of the treasury of God and of such offerings as the
kings had made.® He also ordained that all those
of the tribe of Levites and the priests should serve
God night and day, as Moses had enjoined them.
(8) After this, he divided the army into twelve
divisions with their leaders, captains of hundreds
and lower officers,’ each division having twenty-four
thousand men, whom he ordered to be in attendanee
on Solomon for thirty days at a time, from the first
day of the month until the last, together with their
priestly classes (Schiirer suspects a corruption of 2-4 to 4); in
lita 2 he mentions only the 24+ courses (ἐφημερίδες), as here.
4 This weekly alternation, not mentioned in Scripture, is
found in the Mishnah and represents the arrangement in use
in Josephus’s time. * Cf. ὃ 519 note.
f Lit. “* taxiarchs,”’ cf. § 26 note ; bibl. ** captains of thou-
sands and of hundreds and their officers (LXX γραμματεῖς).᾽"
557
] Chron.
XXIV. ὃ.
1 Chron,
XXV1. 24,
Regulation
of the
army and
treasury.
1 Chron.
xxvii. 1.
JOSEPHUS
/ \ A
369 χιλιάρχοις καὶ ἑκατοντάρχοις. κατέστησε δὲ καὶ
ἄρχοντα ἑκάστης μοίρας ὃν ἀγαθὸν ἤδει καὶ δίκαιον,
ἐπιτρόπους τε τῶν θησαυρῶν καὶ κωμῶν καὶ ἀγρῶν
ἄλλους καὶ κτηνῶν, ὧν οὐκ ἀναγκαῖον ἡγησάμην
μνησθῆναι τῶν ὀνομάτων.
970 (9) Ὡς δ᾽ ἕκαστα τούτων κατὰ τὸν προειρημένον
διέταξε τρόπον, εἰς ἐκκλησίαν συγκαλέσας τοὺς
ἄρχοντας τῶν Ἑβραίων καὶ τοὺς φυλάρχους καὶ
τοὺς ἡγεμόνας τῶν διαιρέσεων καὶ τοὺς ἐπὶ πάσης
πράξεως ἢ κτήσεως τοῦ βασιλέως τεταγμένους,
‘ > 39 € 4 / ς \ ”
στὰς ep ὑψηλοτάτου βήματος ὁ βασιλεὺς ἔλεξε
4 4 “- 4.3 4 a ¢ ~ 4
πρὸς τὸ πλῆθος" “᾿ ἀδελφοὶ Kat ὁμοεθνεῖς, γινώσκειν
ὑμᾶς βούλομαι ὅτι ναὸν οἰκοδομῆσαι τῷ θεῷ
διανοηθεὶς χρυσόν τε πολὺν παρεσκευασάμην καὶ
3 [4 4 / / ς Ἁ Α 2 ,
ἀργύρου ταλάντων μυριάδας δέκα, ὁ δὲ θεὸς ἐκώ-
,ὔ 4 ~ 7 td ’ ‘ ς A
λυσέ με διὰ τοῦ προφήτου Νάθα διά τε τοὺς ὑπὲρ
ὑμῶν πολέμους καὶ To’ φόνῳ τῶν ἐχθρῶν μεμιάνθαι
Ν 4 4 \ ea > / \ ,
τὴν δεξιάν, Tov δὲ υἱὸν ἐκέλευσε τὸν διαδεξόμενον
372 τὴν βασιλείαν κατασκευάσαι τὸν ναὸν αὐτῷ. νῦν
οὖν ἐπεὶ καὶ τῷ προγόνῳ ἡμῶν ᾿Ιακώβῳ δυο-
καίδεκα παίδων γενομένων ἴστε τὸν ᾿Ιούδαν ἀπο-
ὔ 7 4 +) s ~ 3 ~ “a Mv
δειχθέντα βασιλέα, καὶ ἐμὲ τῶν ἀδελφῶν ἕξ ὄντων
προκριθέντα καὶ τὴν ἡγεμονίαν λαβόντα παρὰ τοῦ
θεοῦ καὶ μηδένα τούτων" δυσχεράναντα, οὕτως ἀξιῶ
καγὼ τοὺς ἐμαυτοῦ παῖδας μὴ στασιάζειν πρὸς
ἀλλήλους Σολομῶνος τὴν βασιλείαν παρειληφότος,
ἀλλ᾽ ἐπισταμένους ὡς ὁ θεὸς αὐτὸν ἐξελέξατο
4 ¢ ? 3 \ , 2 ‘ \ ~
373 φέρειν ἡδέως αὐτὸν δεσπότην. οὐ δεινὸν yap θεοῦ
aes hh ts ar 2 τούτῳ Bekker.
37
_—
¢ Their names are given in 1 Chron. xxvii. 25 ff.
> Heb. “ and David the king stood upon his feet,”’ txx καὶ
ἔστη Δαυίδης ἐν μέσῳ τῆς ἐκκλησίας.
558
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 369-373
captains of thousands and captains of hundreds. He
also appointed as chief of each division a man whom
he knew to be brave and just; others he made
custodians of the treasuries and of the villages, fields
and cattle, but I have not thought it necessary to
mention their names.?
(9) When he had arranged each of these matters ραν com.
in the above manner, the king convoked an assembly mends
of the heads of the Hebrews and the tribal chiefs and Se yeonIe.
the leaders of the (military) divisions and those in } Chron.
charge of any of the king’s affairs or property, and," *
standing upon a very high tribune,° he addressed the
gathering as follows : “ Brothers and fellow-country-
men, I wish you to know that with the intention of
building a temple to God I collected a great quantity
of gold and one hundred thousand talents of silver ¢ ;
but God, through the prophet Nathan,? has kept me
from doing so, because of the wars I have fought on
your behalf and because my hand is stained with the
blood of the enemy, and He has commandcd my son,
who will succeed to my throne, to build the temple
to Him. Now since, of our forefather Jacob’s twelve
sons, it was Judah, as you know, who was appointed
king, and since I was preferred to my six brothers and
received the sovereignty from God without complaint
from any of them, IJ, in turn, ask that my sons similarly
refrain from civil dissension, now that Solomon has
received the kingship, and, in recognition of the fact
that God has chosen him, cheerfully accept him as
their lord. For it is not such a terrible thing to serve
¢ Bib]. “and had made ready for the building’; no
amount of money is specified at this point in Scripture.
¢ Nathan is not mentioned at this point in Scripture,
1 Chron. xxviii. 8, which has, “ But God said unto me, Thou
shalt not build,’’ ete.
559
JOSEPHUS
3 3 7 ~
θέλοντος οὐδ ἀλλοτρίῳ κρατοῦντι δουλεύειν, χαί-
b
pew ὃ ἐπ᾽ ἀδελφῷ ταύτης τυχόντι τῆς τιμῆς
προσῆκεν ὡς κοινωνοῦντας αὐτῆς. εὔχομαι δὴ τὰς
ὑποσχέσεις τοῦ θεοῦ παρελθεῖν εἰς τέλος καὶ τὴν
εὐδαιμονίαν ταύτην ἀνὰ πᾶσαν τὴν χώραν σπαρῆναι
καὶ τὸν ἅπαντα ταύτῃ παραμεῖναι χρόνον, ἣν αὐτὸς
ἐπηγγείλατο παρέξειν ἐπὶ Σολομῶνος βασιλέως.
4 4 ~ / 4 ‘ ao , ἋἋ
374 ἔσται δὲ ταῦτα βέβαια καὶ καλὸν ἕξει πέρας, ἂν
~ \ ‘ ~
εὐσεβῆ καὶ δίκαιον σαυτον' καὶ φύλακα τῶν πατρίων
παρέχῃης" νόμων, ὦ τέκνον" εἰ δὲ μή, τὰ χείρω
προσδόκα" ταῦτα παραβαίνων."
815 (10) Ὁ μὲν οὖν βασιλεὺς τούτους ποιησάμενος
’ὔ 3 , 4 \
TOUS Adyous ἐπαύσατο, τὴν δέ᾽ διαγραφὴν καὶ
διάταξιν τῆς οἰκοδομίας τοῦ ναοῦ πάντων ὁρώντων
ἔδωκε Σολομῶνι θεμελίων καὶ οἴκων καὶ ὑπερῴων,
“- 4 /
ὅσοι τε TO πλῆθος καὶ πηλίκοι TO ὕψος Kal τὸ
7 ~ ~
εὖρος γένοιντο, ὅσα τε σκεύη χρυσᾶ καὶ ἀργυρᾶ
a τούτων τὸν σταθμὸν ὥρισε. προσπαρώρμησε δὲ
Ul
i λόγοις αὐτόν τε πάσῃ χρήσασθαι προθυμίᾳ
Bs TO ἔργον καὶ τοὺς ἄρχοντας Kal τὴν Ληουιτῶν
/ 7 4
φυλὴν συναγωνίσασθαι διά τε τὴν ἡλικίαν καὶ διὰ
9 ~ ¢€ , A ». ~
TO TOV θεὸν ἐκεῖνον ἑλέσθαι καὶ τῆς οἰκοδομίας τοῦ
377 ναοῦ καὶ τῆς βασιλείας προστάτην. εὐμαρῆ δ᾽
a
αὐτοῖς καὶ οὐ σφόδρα ἐπίπονον τὴν οἰκοδομίαν
ἀπέφαινεν αὐτοῦ πολλὰ μὲν τάλαντα χρυσοῦ πλείω
δ᾽ ἀργύρου καὶ ξύλα καὶ τεκτόνων πλῆθος καὶ
λατόμων ἤδη παρεσκευασμένου σμαράγδου τε καὶ
- > , ᾽ ~ \ ~ 3 ” ~
378 πάσης ἰδέας λίθου πολυτελοῦς" καὶ viv δ᾽ ἔτι τῆς
50.) 5 A 6 , » / ΄
ἰδίας ἀπαρχὴν" διακονίας ἄλλα τρισχίλια τάλαντα
1 αὐτὸν RO: αὑτὸν Niese.
2 παρέχῃ RO. 3 προσδοκάτω RO, mare INO).
§ Niese: ἀπαρχῆς ROSP: ἀρχῆς M: primitias Lat. (unde
ἀπαρχὰς conj. Niese).
560
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 373-378
even a foreign master, if God so wills, and, when it
is one’s brother to whom this honour has fallen, one
should rejoice at having a share in it. I pray, then,
that the promises of God will be fulfilled and that the
prosperity which He Himself has declared He will
send during Solomon’s reign will be diffused through-
out the entire land and continue with it for all time.
These things will be assured and will come to a happy
issue, if you show yourself to be pious and Just, my
son, and an observer of our country’s laws. Other-
wise, if you transgress them, you must expect a
worse fate.”
(10) Such, then, was the address which the king David gives
made, and, when he had finished, he gave to Solomon, Ὁ ΘΙΟΥΠΏΣΟΜΕΙΝ
: ; plans of
in the sight of all, the plan and arrangement of the the temple.
building of the temple, the foundations, chambers ae Ἢ
and upper rooms, showing how many there were to
be and of what height and breadth, and also fixing
the weight of the gold and silver vessels. Then he 1 Chron.
spoke again, further exhorting him to show the utmost ““* "
zeal in the work, and also the chiefs and the tribe of
Levites to assist Solomon in the labour, because of
his youth and because God had chosen him to preside
over the building of the temple and over the kingdom.
He also made elear to them that the building would
be easy for them and not very difficult, because he
had already secured many talents of gold and more
of silver, and wood and a host of carpenters and
stonecutters, as well as emeralds ὃ and precious stones
of every kind. Morcover he said that he would give
as his private offering ὁ for the service an additional
¢ This part of David’s speech is amplified by Josephus.
> Heb. shéham (A.V. “ onyx”), Lxx σόομ, Luc. (Aldous)
ὄνυχος. ¢ Text doubtful.
561
JOSEPHUS
χρυσοῦ καθαροῦ παρέξειν ἔλεγεν els TO ἄδυτον Kal
εἰς τὸ ἅρμα τοῦ θεοῦ τοὺς Χερουβεῖς, οὗς ἐφεστάναι
δεήσει τὴν κιβωτὸν καλύπτοντας. σιωπήσαντος δὲ
τοῦ Δαυίδου πολλὴ καὶ τῶν ἀρχόντων καὶ τῶν
ἱερέων καὶ τῆς Ληουίτιδος φυλῆς προθυμία συμβαλ-
λομένων καὶ ποιουμένων ἐπαγγελίας λαμπρὰς καὶ
379 μεγαλοπρεπεῖς € ἐγένετο: χρυσοῦ μὲν γὰρ ὑπέστησαν
380
38]
εἰσοίσειν τάλαντα πεντακισχίλια καὶ στατῆρας
μυρίους, ἀργύρου δὲ μύρια τάλαντα, καὶ σιδήρου
μυριάδας ταλάντων πολλάς" καὶ εἴ τινι λίθος ἣν
πολυτελὴς ἐκόμισε καὶ παρέδωκεν εἰς τοὺς θησαυ-
7 a 2 ’ 1 € M ld ἐδ Ἴαλ
ρούς, ὧν ἐπετρόπευεν' ὁ ΝΙωυσέος ἔκγονος ος.
3 ‘\ f ¢ ¢ \ σ \
(11) “Et τούτοις ἥσθη τε ὁ λαὸς ἅπας, καὶ
4 “~
Aavidns τὴν σπουδὴν Kat τὴν φιλοτιμίαν τῶν
ἀρχόντων καὶ ἱερέων καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἁπάντων
ὁρῶν, τὸν θεὸν εὐλογεῖν ἤρξατο, μεγάλῃ βοῇ πατέρα
τε καὶ γένεσιν τῶν ὅλων ἀποκαλῶν καὶ δημιουργὸν
ἀνθρωπίνων καὶ θείων, οἷς αὑτὸν ἐκόσμησε, προ-
στάτην τε καὶ κηδεμόνα γένους τῶν Ἑβραίων καὶ τῆς
τούτων εὐδαιμονίας ἧς τε αὐτῷ βασιλείας ἔδωκεν.
ἐπὶ τούτοις εὐξάμενος τῷ τε παντὶ λαῷ τὰ ἀγαθὰ
καὶ τῷ παιδὶ Σολομῶνι. διάνοιαν ὑγιῆ καὶ δικαίαν
καὶ πᾶσι τοῖς τῆς ἀρετῆς μέρεσιν ἐρρωμένην, ἐκέ-
λευσε καὶ τὸ πλῆθος εὐλογεῖν τὸν θεόν. καὶ οἱ μὲν
πεσόντες ἐπὶ τὴν γῆν προσεκύνησαν, εὐχαρίστησαν
δὲ καὶ Δαυίδη περὶ πάντων ὧν αὐτοῦ τὴν βασιλείαν
1 Niese: ἐπετρόπευσεν codd.
¢ Scripture adds, ‘“‘ and seven thousand talents of refined
silver.”
ὃ The priests and Levites are not included among the
contributors in Scripture.
¢ Heb. ‘adarkénim (A.V. “ drams ’’), xx χρυσοῦς, The
’adarkén was the Persian daric, which the Greeks called
562
JEWISH “ANTIQUITIES ὙΠ 3 175: 9981
three thousand talents of pure gold? for the shrine and
for the chariot of God, the Cherubim, which were to
be placed upon the ark as a covering. And, when
David had done, the chiefs and priests and the tribe
of Levites > showed great eagerness in contributing
and making offers of splendid and magnificent gifts ;
they undertook to bring in five thousand talents and
ten thousand staters ¢ of gold, ten thousand talents
of silver, and many tens of thousands of talents of
iron? ; and whoever had a precious stone brought
it and gave it to the treasury, of which Ialos,° the
descendant of Moses, had charge.
(11) At this all the people rejoiced, and David,
seeing the zeal and rivalry in giving of the chiefs and §
priests and all the others, becan ‘to bless God in a
oud voice, addressing Him as father and source of
the universe, as creator of things human and divine,
with which He had adorned Himself, and as the pro-
tector and guardian of the Hebrew race and of its
ἘΠ ΠΈΡΙ and of the kingdom which He had given
im. Thereupon he prayed for the happiness of all
the people and that his son Solomon might have a
sound and just mind, strengthened by all virtuous
qualities‘; and then he commanded the multitude
also to bless God. And so they fell upon the ground
and prostrated themselves; and they also gave
thanks to David for all the blessings they had en-
στατὴρ dapecxis—hence Josephus’s στατῆρας. This Persian
coin was, of course, not in use until long after the time of
David, and the passage in 1 Chron. is therefore a late addition.
2 Bible “Cor bronze ον, brass: eighteen thousand
talents and one hundred thousand talents of iron.’
¢ Bibl. Jehicl (Heb. Yeh@él), rxx Ἰειήλ ς he is called a
Gershonite, 1 Chron. xxix. 8.
f Josephus briefly summarizes David’s prayer, 1 Chron.
ΚΧΊΧ, 11-10.Ψ
δ08
1 Chron.
xxvii. 18.
David's
prayer for
Solomon,
l Chr i,
JOSEPHUS
382 παραλαβόντος ἀπέλαυσαν. τῇ δ᾽ ἐπιούσῃ θυσίας
τῷ θεῷ παρέστησαν μόσχους χιλίους καὶ κριοὺς
τοσούτους καὶ χιλίους ἀμνούς, ovs ὡλοκαύτωσαν'
ἔθυσαν δὲ καὶ τὰς εἰρηνικὰς θυσίας, πολλὰς μυ-
ριάδας ἱερείων κατασφάξαντες. καὶ δι’ ὅλης τῆς
ἡμέρας ἑώρτασεν ὁ βασιλεὺς σὺν παντὶ τῷ λαῷ, καὶ
Σολομῶνα δεύτερον ἔχρισαν τῷ ἐλαίῳ καὶ ἀπ-
ἔδειξαν αὐτὸν βασιλέα καὶ Σάδωκον ἀρχιερέα τῆς
πληθύος ἁπάσης. εἴς τε τὸ βασίλειον ἀγαγόντες
Σολομῶνα καὶ καθίσαντες αὐτὸν ἐπὶ θρόνου τοῦ
πατρῴου am ἐκείνης τῆς ἡμέρας ὑπήκουον αὐτῷ.
3838 (xv. 1) δίετ᾽ ὀλίγον δὲ χρόνον ὁ Δαυίδης κατα-
πεσὼν εἰς νόσον ὑπὸ γήρως καὶ συνειδὼς ὅτι μέλλει
τελευτᾶν καλέσας τὸν υἱὸν Σολομῶνα διελέχθη
πρὸς αὐτὸν τοιάδε" “ ἐγὼ μέν, ὦ τέκνον, εἰς TO
χρεὼν ἤδη καὶ πατέρας τοὺς ἐμοὺς ἀπαλλάσσομαι
κοινὴν ὁδὸν ἁπάντων τῶν τε νῦν ὄντων καὶ τῶν
ἐσομένων πορευόμενος, ἐξ ἧς οὐκέτι οἷόν τε ἐπανελ-
384 θόντα γνῶναι τί κατὰ τὸν βίον πράττεται. διὸ ζῶν
ἔτι καὶ πρὸς αὐτῷ γεγονὼς" τῷ τελευτᾶν παραινῶ
σοι ταῦθ᾽ ἃ καὶ πρότερον ἔφθην συμβουλεύσας,
δικαίῳ μὲν εἶναι πρὸς τοὺς ἀρχομένους, εὐσεβεῖ δὲ
πρὸς τὸν τὴν βασιλείαν δεδωκότα θεόν, φυλάττειν δ᾽
αὐτοῦ τὰς ἐντολὰς καὶ τοὺς νόμους, οὗς αὐτὸς διὰ
Mwvoéos κατέπεμψεν ἡμῖν, καὶ μήτε χάριτι μήτε
θωπείᾳ μήτ᾽ ἐπιθυμίᾳ μήτε ἄλλῳ πάθει προσ-
385 τιθέμενον τούτων ἀμελῆσαι" τὴν γὰρ τοῦ θείου πρὸς
σαυτὸν" εὔνοιαν ἀπολεῖς παραβάς τι τῶν νομίμων"
1 + ὄντως Ms: + ἄρτι SP: iam constitutus Lat.
2 ed. pr.: αὐτὸν ROMP: αὑτὸν 8.
8 τι τῶν νομίμων] τὰ νόμιμα NISP Lat.
δ04
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 382-385
joyed since he had succeeded to the throne. And,
on the following day, they presented to God as
Feast in
honour of
Solomon’s
saerifiees a thousand calves and as many rams and &¢cession,
a thousand lambs, which they gave as burnt-offer-
ings ; they also sacrificed many peace-offerings, and
slaughtered many tens of thousands of victims.¢
And throughout the whole day the king feasted with
all the people, and they anointed Solomon with oil
a seeond time and proclaimed him king, with Sadok
as high priest of the entire nation. And they led
Solomon to the palace and seated him upon his
father’s throne, and from that day forth they were
obedient to him.
(xv. 1) Now a little while after this, David fell ill
by reason of old age, and, realizing that he was about
to die, he scallieg his son Solomon and spoke to him
as follows: “ Iam now, my son, going to my destiny
and must aie t tomy fathers anid travel the common
road of all men now alive or yet to be, from which no
one can ever return to learn what is happening among
the living. Therefore, while 1 am still alive, though
very close to death, I Short you, in the same manner
as when I counselled you once before,’ to be just
toward your subjects and pious toward God, who has
given you the kingship, and to keep His command-
ments and laws, which He Himself sent down to us
by Moses ; do not neglect them by yielding cither
to favour or flattery or lust or any other passion, for
you will lose the goodwill of the Deity toward you,
if you transgress any of His ordinances, and you will
* In addition to these burnt-offerings with their drink-
offerings, Scripture mentions only “ saerifices in abundance ”’s
these sacrifices would naturally be pcace-offerings, as
Josephus supposes.
ΟἿ 8. 356 note.
Chron.
ΧΧΙΧ, 92].
David’s
dying
charge to
Solomon,
1 Kings ii. 1,
386
387
388
389
390
JOSEPIUS
A \ 3 for ’ ~ \ > A > ,
καὶ πρὸς τἀναντί᾽ αὐτοῦ τὴν ἀγαθὴν ἀποστρέψεις
πρόνοιαν: τοιοῦτον δὲ σαυτὸν παρέχων, ὁποῖον
᾿ ᾽ A 3 \ \ “~ 4 ς ~ \
εἶναί τε δεῖ κἀγὼ δὲ παρακαλῶ, καθέξεις ἡμῶν τὴν
, ~ a Ἁ > ΝΜ) [1 / ?
βασιλείαν τῷ γένει καὶ οἶκος ἄλλος “EBpaiwy οὐκ
ἂν δεσπόσειεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἡμεῖς αὐτοὶ διὰ τοῦ παντὸς
αἰῶνος. μέμνησο δὲ καὶ τῆς ᾿Ιωάβου τοῦ στρατη-
γοῦ παρανομίας ἀποκτείναντος διὰ ζηλοτυπίαν δύο
στρατηγοὺς δικαίους καὶ ἀγαθούς, ᾿Αβεννῆρόν " τε
τὸν Νήρου παῖδα καὶ τὸν ᾿Αμασᾶν υἱὸν ᾿Ιέθρα" ὧν;
ὅπως ἂν σοι δόξῃ τὸν θάνατον ἐκδίκησον, ἐπεὶ καὶ
κρείττων ἐμοῦ καὶ δυνατώτερος ὁ ᾿Ιώαβος ὧν μέχρι
νῦν τὴν δίκην διέφυγε. παρατίθεμαι δέ σοι καὶ
τοὺς Βερζέλου τοῦ Γαλαδίτου παῖδας, ots ἐν τιμῇ
πάσῃ καὶ προνοίᾳ τοῦτ᾽ ἐμοὶ χαριζόμενος ἕξεις" οὐ
\ a ¢
προκατάρχομεν γὰρ εὐποιίας, ἀλλ᾽ ἀμοιβὴν ὧν ὁ
πατὴρ αὐτῶν παρὰ τὴν φυγὴν ὑπῆρξέ μοι χρεο-
λυτοῦμεν. καὶ τὸν [ήρα δὲ υἱὸν Σουμούιν τὸν ἐκ
τῆς Βενιαμίτιδος φυλῆς, ὃς πολλὰ βλασφημήσας με
παρὰ τὴν φυγήν, ὅτ᾽ εἰς Παρεμβολὰς ἐπορευόμην,
3
ἀπήντησεν ἐπὶ τὸν ᾿Ιόρδανον καὶ πίστεις ἔλαβεν ὡς
A ~ ~
μηδὲν αὐτὸν παθεῖν τότε, viv ἐπιζητήσας αἰτίαν
εὔλογον ἄμυνα."
“ / ~ A f ~
(2) Ταῦτα παραινέσας τῷ παιδὶ περί τε τῶν
a 7 ἃ \ ~ / Ἁ a ”
ὅλων πραγμάτων Kal περὶ τῶν φίλων καὶ ovs ἤδει
τιμωρίας ἀξίους γεγενημένους ἀπέθανεν ἔτη μὲν
7 ς ’ὔ ’ὔ’ \ ¢ A A >
βιώσας ἑβδομήκοντα, βασιλεύσας δὲ ἑπτὰ μὲν ἐν
Χεβρῶνι τῆς ᾿Ιούδα φυλῆς καὶ μῆνας ἕξ, ἐν ἽἼερο-
σολύμοις δὲ a ἁπάσης τῆς χώρας τρία καὶ τριάκοντα.
οὗτος ἄριστος ἀνὴρ ἐγένετο καὶ πᾶσαν ἀρετὴν ἔχων
1 Niese: ἅπαντ᾽ codd.
2 ᾿Ιέθρα: ὧν ex Lat. Niese: ᾿Ιεθράων RO: ᾿Ιεθράνον MSP.
3 duvve ROSP?.
566
JEWISH ANTIQUCITTES,. VIL. 835 390
turn His kind watehfulness into a hostile attitude.
But, if you show yourself to be such as you should be
and as IJ urge you to be, you will secure the kingdom
to our line, and no other house than we shall be lords
over the Lehre for all time. Remember also the
erime of Joab, the eommander, who, beeause of envy,
killed two just and brave generals, Abenner, the son
of Ner, and Amasa, the son of Jethras, and, in what-
ever way you may think best, avenge their deaths ;
for Joab, being stronger and more powerful than I,
has until now eseaped punishment. But I commend
to you the sons of Berzelos the Galadite, whom you
shall hold in all honour and care for, and thus gratify
me; for in this matter we are not the first to show
kindness, but are repaying the debt owed them for
their father’s serviee to me during my exile. And as
for Simiis,’ the son of Géra, of the tribe of Ben-
jamin, who cursed me repeatedly during my flight,
on the way to The Cainps, and, when he met me at
the Jordan, received a pledge that he would suffer
no harm for the tine being,—look now fora reasonable
pretext to punish him.”
(2) With these recommendations to his son con-
eerning the state and his friends and those whom he
knew to be deserving of punishment, David died at
the age of seventy; ἷ Wing reigned seven years and
six mouths ¢in Hebr on, over the tribe of Judah, and
thirty-three years in Jerusalem, over the entire
eountry. He was a most exeellent ? man and pos-
¢ Emended text; mss. “ you will altogether alienate His
kind watchfulness.”’
> Called Samnis in ὃ 207 ; bibl. Shimei.
€ 1 Kings has only 7 years for David's reign in Hebron;
the figure given by Josephus is found in 2 Sam. v. 5.
4 Or very brave,”
VOL. V 20 507
David’s
instructions
concerning
his enemies
and friends.
1 Kings ii, 5.
Death of
David,
1 Kings
10.
391
392
393
JOSEPHUS
“a » ~ ~ Ἁ [4 3 ~ f
ἣν ἔδει τῷ βασιλεῖ Kai τοσούτων ἐθνῶν σωτηρίαν
ἐγκεχειρισμένῳ προσεῖναι" ἀνδρεῖος γὰρ ἦν ὡς οὐκ
» 2 4 - « x ~ « , > ~
ἄλλος τις, ev δὲ τοῖς ὑπὲρ τῶν ὑπηκόων ἀγῶσι
πρῶτος ἐπὶ τοὺς κιιδύνους ὥρμα τῷ πονεῖν καὶ
μάχεσθαι παρακελευόμενος τοὺς στρατιώτας ἐπὶ
\ , 2 oe γν A , ¢
Tas παρατάζεις a οὐχὶ τῷ προστάττειν ὡς
δεσπότης, νοῆσαΐ τε καὶ συνιδεῖν καὶ περὶ τῶν
μελλόντων καὶ τῆς τῶν ἐνεστηκότων οἰκονομίας
ἱκανώτατος, σώφρων ἐπιεικὴς χρηστὸς πρὸς τοὺς
? ~ ς 4 f ’ Δ
ἐν συμφοραῖς ὑπάρχοντας, δίκαιος φιλάνθρωπος, ἃ
μόνοις ἐξαίρετα τοῖς" βασιλεῦσιν εἶναι προσῆκε,
\ ° 4 ~ ἤ >? , ¢
μηδὲν ὅλως παρὰ τοσοῦτο μέγεθος ἐξουσίας ἁμαρ-
\ aN 4 A Ἁ >? U a / A X
τὼν ἢ τὸ περὶ THY Οὐρία γυναῖκα. κατέλιπε δὲ καὶ
πλοῦτον ὅσον οὐκ ἄλλος βασιλεὺς ov’ “βραίων
οὔτ᾽ ἄλλων ἐθνῶν.
(3) ἔθαψε δὲ αὐτὸν ὁ παῖς Σολομὼν ἐν ‘Tepo-
7 “- ~ Μ 2 Ἀ ’
σολύμοις διαπρεπῶς τοῖς τε ἄλλοις οἷς περὶ κηδείαν
’ ᾿ ef A N ᾿. ~
νομίζεται βασιλικὴν ἅπασι Kat δὴ Kat πλοῦτον
αὐτῷ πολὺν καὶ ἀῴφθονον συνεκήδευσεν, ὧν τὴν
« >| ‘ ’,Ψ 34 » ς δί 3 ~ A θ
ὑπερβολὴν τεκμήραιτ᾽" ἂν τις ῥᾳδίως ἐκ τοῦ λεχθη-
~ ‘
σομένου" μετὰ yap χρόνον ἐτῶν χιλίων καὶ τρια-
κοσίων ‘Ypxavos ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς πολιορκούμενος ὑπ᾽
3 ~ ~ ~
Αντιόχου τοῦ [ὐσεβοῦς ἐπικληθέντος υἱοῦ δὲ
1 οὗτος ἄριστος. . . προσεῖναι haud dubie corrupta: οὕτως
ἀρίστῳ ἀνδρὶ γεγενημένῳ καὶ πᾶσαν ἀρετὴν ἔχοντι καὶ τοσούτων
ἐθνῶν σωτηρίαν ἐγκεχειρισμένῳ βασιλεῖ ἔδει προσεπαινέσαι καὶ τό
τε τῆς δυνάμεως αὐτοῦ εὐσθενὲς καὶ τὸ τῆς σωφροσύνης συνετόν RO,
2 πράξεις MSP Exc. Suidas.
3 ἐξαίρετα τοῖς] δικαιότατα RO,
568
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 390-393
sessed of every virtue which should be found in a
king entrusted with the safety of so many nations ; ?
there was no one like him for bravery, and, in the
contests fought on behalf of his subjects, he was the
first to rush into danger, encouraging his soldiers
against the opposing lines by his labours in the fight,
and not by commanding them like a master. He was
also most apt in perceiving and understanding the
course of future events and in dealing with the im-
mediate situation, prudent, mild, kind to those in
trouble, just and humane,—qualities which only the
greatest kings are expected to have; and, with so
great a measure of authority, never once did he do
wrong, except in the matter of Uriah’s wife. More-
over he left behind such wealth as no other king,
whether of the Hebrews or other nations, ever did.
(3) Then his son Solomon interred him in Jeru-
salem with al] the splendour customary at royal
funerals, and also buried with him a great abundance
of wealth, the vastness of which one may easily gather
from what is now to be related: after a period of
thirteen hundred years,? when Hyrcanus, the high
priest, was besieged by Antiochus, surnamed the
¢ The text (from ‘‘ He was a most excellent man’) is
probably corrupt. The variant reads “ In addition to his
having been so excellent a man, possessed of every virtue and
entrusted with the safety of so many nations, one must praise
him for the vigour of his (bodily) strength and his prudence
and intelligenee.”’
» The siege of Jerusalem, here referred to, took place in
135/134B.e. Josephus thus places David's death in 1435 ποὺς
which is almost 500 years earlier than the generally aceepted
date (c. 970 B.c.).
ἡ * ex E Niese: τεκμήρετ᾽ RK: τεκμαίρετ᾽ OS'P: τεκμαίροιτ᾽
1S?,
569
His
character
David's
burial.
1 Kings
Hs 10.
Later
history of
David’s
tomb.
99.
JOSEPHUS
Δημητρίου, βουλόμενος χρήματ᾽ αὐτῷ δοῦναι ὑπὲρ
τοῦ λῦσαι τὴν πολιορκίαν καὶ τὴν στρατιὰν ἀπ-
αγαγεῖν, καὶ ἀλλαχόθεν οὐκ εὐπορῶν, ἀνοίξας ἕνα
οἶκον τῶν ἐν τῷ Δαυίδου μνήματι καὶ βαστάσας
τρισχίλια τάλαντα μέρος ἔδωκεν ᾿Αντιόχῳ καὶ
διέλυσεν οὕτως τὴν πολιορκίαν, καθὼς καὶ ἐν
ἄλλοις δεδηλώκαμεν. μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο ἐτῶν πολλῶν
διαγενομένων πάλιν ὁ βασιλεὺς “Ἡρώδης ἕτερον
ἀνοίξας οἶκον ἀνείλετο χρήματα πολλά. ταῖς
μέντοι γε θήκαις τῶν βασιλέων οὐδεὶς αὐτῶν ἐπ-
ἐτυχεν᾽ ἦσαν γὰρ ὑπὸ τὴν γῆν μηχανικῶς κεκηδευ-
μέναι πρὸς τὸ μὴ φανεραὶ εἶναι τοῖς εἰς τὸ μνῆμα
εἰσιοῦσιν. ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν τούτων ἡμῖν τοσοῦτον
ἀπόχρη δεδηλῶσθαι.
“ This was Antiochus VIT. Euergetes, surnamed Sidetes,
a son of Demetrius I. Soter. Josephus calls him Antiochus
Soter in 4. xiii. 271. In the same book, § 244, his surname
570
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, 411; 393-394
Pious (Eusebés),2 the son of Demetrius, he wished to
give the latter money to raise the siege and withdraw
his army, and, as he had no other resource, he opened
one of the chambers in David’s tomb and carried off
three thousand talents, part of which he gave to
Antiochus and so put an end to the siege, as we have
elsewhere related.? And again, after an interval of
many years, King Herod opened another chamber
and took aw ay a large sum of money.® Neither of
them, however, came upon the coffins of the kings,
for these had been artfully buried under the earth
so that they could not be seen by anyone entering
the tomb. But concerning these matters let it
suffice us to have related this much.
of Pious is said to have been given him because of his “* extra-
ordinary piecty.’’ These surnames, Soter and Eusebes,
applied to Antiochus Sidetes by Josephus, are not found
elsewhere in ancient sources.
δ BJ. i. 61 (|| A. xiii. 249). Weill has overlooked this
earlier passage in his note.
Of A ayant.
BIBATON Η
(i. 1) Hept μὲν οὖν Δαυίδου καὶ τῆς ἀρετῆς
αὐτοῦ καὶ ὅσων ἀγαθῶν αἴτιος γενόμενος τοῖς
ὁμοφύλοις πολέμους τε καὶ μάχας. ὅσας κατορ-
θώσας γηραιὸς ἐτελεύτησεν, ἐν τῇ πρὸ ταύτης
2 βίβλῳ δεδηλώκαμεν. Σολομῶνος δὲ τοῦ παιδὸς
αὐτοῦ νέου τὴν ἡλικίαν ἔτι ὄντος τὴν βασιλείαν
παραλαβόντος, ὃν ἔτι ζῶν ἀπέφηνε τοῦ λαοῦ deo-
πότην κατὰ τὴν τοῦ θεοῦ βούλησιν, καθίσαντος ἐπὶ
τὸν θρόνον ὃ μὲν πᾶς ὄχλος ἐπευφήμησεν, οἷον
εἰκὸς ἐπ᾿ ἀρχομένῳ βασιλεῖ, τελευτῆσαι καλῶς
αὐτῷ τὰ πράγματα καὶ πρὸς γῆρας ἀφικέσθαι
λιπαρὸν καὶ πανεύδαιμον τὴν ἡγεμονίαν.
8 (9) ᾿Αδωνίας δέ, ὃς καὶ τοῦ πατρὸς ἔτι ζῶντος
ἐπεχείρησε τὴν ἀρχὴν κατασχεῖν, παρελθὼν πρὸς
τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως μητέρα Βερσάβην καὶ φιλο-
φρόν ως αὐτὴν ἀσπασάμενος, πυθομένης εἰ καὶ διὰ
χρείαν τινὰ πρὸς αὐτὴν ἀφῖκται καὶ δηλοῦν κε-
4 λευούσης ὡς ἡδέως παρεξομένης ἤρξατο λέγειν ὃ ὅτι
γινώσκει μὲν τὴν βασιλείαν καὶ αὐτὴ καὶ διὰ τὴν
ἡλικίαν καὶ διὰ τὴν τοῦ πλήθους προαίρεσιν οὖσαν
αὐτοῦ, μεταβάσης δὲ πρὸς Σολομῶνα τὸν υἱὸν
αὐτῇ κατὰ τὴν τοῦ θεοῦ γνώμην στέργει καὶ
@ In § 211 Josephus makes Solomon fourteen years old at
his accession, while some of the Ltxx mss. here add that he
was twelve, with which figure rabbinic tradition agrees.
572
BOOK VIII
(i. 1) Concerninc David and his prowess and _ the Solomon's
accession,
many benefits which he conferred upon his country- 1 Kings
men and how, after suecessfully eondueting many " 19
wars and battles, he died at an advaneed age, we have
written in the preceding book. Now when his son
Solomon, whom he had while yet alive, in aceordanee
with the will of God, proclaimed sole ruler of the
people, took over the kingship, being still a mere
youth,? and sat upon the throne, the entire multi-
tude, as is usual at the beginning of a king’s reign,
greeted him joyfully with the prayer that his affairs
might have a fortunate issue and that he might end
his rule in a rich and happy old age.?
(2) But Adodnias, who even in ‘his father’s lifetime Adonijan
had attempted to seize the royal power, went to the ae ea
king’s mother Bersabé ¢ and greeted her in a friendly (ABiEAO)
manner, and, when she inquired whether he had come as wife.
to her with any request and bade him make it known, ee
as she would gladly grant it, he began by saying that
she herself knew that the kingship belonged to him
both by reason of his age and the people’s preferenec,
but sinee, in aeeordanee with the wish of God, it had
gone to her son Solomon, he was willing and happy
oS ORG ce «Im a PICs 3 Old ape: *. 1s) an: -Honieric
phrase, ef. Od. xi. 136 γήρῳ ὑπὸ λιπαρῷ ἀρημένον.
© Bibl. Bath-sheba, cf. 4. vii. 130 note.
JOSEPHUS
ἀγαπᾷ τὴν ὑπ᾽ αὐτῷ δουλείαν καὶ τοῖς παροῦσιν
5 ἥδεται πράγμασιν. ἐδεῖτο δ᾽ οὖν διακονῆσαι πρὸς
τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτῷ καὶ πεῖσαι δοῦναι τὴν τῷ πατρὶ
συγκοιμωμένην πρὸς γάμον αὐτῷ ᾿λβισάκην" οὐ
γὰρ πλησιάσαι τὸν πατέρα διὰ τὸ γῆρας αὐτῇ,
6 μένειν δ᾽ ἔτι παρθένον. ἡ δὲ Περσάβη καὶ δια-
κονήσειν σπουδαίως ὑπέσχετο. καὶ καταπράξεσθαι'
τὸν γάμον dt ἀμφότερα, τοῦ τε βασιλέως αὐτῷ
χαρίσασθαί τι βουλησομένου καὶ δεησομένης αὐτῆς
λιπαρῶς. καὶ ὁ μὲν εὔελπις ἀπαλλάττεται περὶ
τοῦ γάμου, ἡ δὲ τοῦ Σολομῶνος μήτηρ εὐθὺς
ὥρμησεν ἐπὶ τὸν υἱὸν διαλεξομένη περὶ ὧν ᾿Αδωνίᾳ
7 δεηθέντι. κατεπηγγείλατο. καὶ προῦπαντήσαντος
αὐτῇ τοῦ παιδὸς καὶ περιπλακέντος, € ἐπεὶ παρήγαγεν
αὐτὴν εἰς τὸν οἶκον οὗ συνέβαινεν αὐτῷ κεῖσθαι τὸν
βασιλικὸν θρόνον, καθίσας ἐκέλευσεν ἕτερον ἐκ
δεξιῶν τεθῆναι τῇ μητρί. καθεσθεῖσα δ᾽ ἡ Βερσάβη
«(
μίαν, εἶπεν, ω παῖ, χάριν αἰτουμένῃ μοι
κατάνευσον καὶ μηδὲν ἐξ ἀρνήσεως δύσκολον μηδὲ
8 σκυθρωπὸν ἀπεργάσῃ.᾽᾿ τοῦ δὲ Σολομῶνος προσ-
τάττειν κελεύοντος (πάντα γὰρ ὅσιον εἶναι μητρὶ
παρέχειν) καὶ TL προσμεμψαμένου τὴν. ἀρχὴν ὅτι
μὴ μετ᾽ ἐλπίδος ἤδη βεβαίας τοῦ τυχεῖν ὧν ἀξιοῖ
ποιεῖται τοὺς λόγους ἀλλ᾽ ἄρνησιν ὑφορωμένη,
δοῦναι τὴν παρθένον αὐτὸν ᾿Αβισάκην ᾿Αδωνίᾳ
τ πρὸς γάμον παρεκάλει.
9 ) Λαβὼν δὲ πρὸς ὀργὴν ὁ βασιλεὺς τὸν λόγον
Ἐπ eae τ τὴν μητέρα μειζόνων ὀρέγεσθαι
1 ἥδεται πράγμασιν om. RO.
2 Dekker: καταπρίξασθαι codd. FE Zonaras.
α΄ ‘The last is an unseriptnral detail.
> Bibl. Abishag, ef. af. vil. 3£+ note.
574
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 4-9
to serve under him and was satisfied with the present
state of affairs.* He requested her, however, to in-
tereede for him with his brother and persuade him
to give him in marriage Abisaké,’ who had lain with
his father ; for, he said. his father by reason of his
age had not Had intercourse with her, and she still
remained a virgin. And Bersabé promised to inter-
cede for him zealously and to bring the marriage
about, both beeause the king would wish to do him a
favour and because she would earnestly entreat him.°
And so he departed with high hopes of the marriage,
while Solomon’s mother straightway hastened to her
son to tell him of the promise she had made Addnias
upon his request. And her son came forward to
meet her and embraced her, and when he had Jed her
to the ehamber where, at that time, his royal] throne
was, and had taken his seat upon it, he ordered
another throne to be placed for his mother at his
right hand. When Bersabé was seated she said, “ I
have, my son, one favour to ask ; grant me this and
do not act disagreeably or angrily by denying it.’
And, as Solomon bade her Comment him, aa he
said, it is a sacred duty to do everything for a πα ΝΜ
and added a word of reproach for the way she had
begun, in that she had not spoken with a sure hope
of obtaming what she requested but had been fearful
of being denied, 4 she asked him to give the virgin
Abisake to his brother Adonias in marriage.
(3) But the king took offence at her w ore and sent
his mother away, saying that Addnias was aiming at
¢ Bath-sheba’s reply is an amphfication of I Kings ii. 18,
“Well; I will speak for thee to the king.”
4 The foregoing is an amplification of 1 Kings ii. 20,
“Ask on, my mother, for I will not say thee nay.”
579
Solomon
orders Ben:
aiah (Ban-
10
1]
JOSEPHUS
ta ? A > ,ὔ Ἁ , “~ >
πραγμάτων εἰπὼν ᾿Αδωνίαν καὶ θαυμάζειν πῶς οὐ
παραχωρῆσαι καὶ τῆς βασιλείας ὡς πρεσβυτέρῳ
παρακαλεῖ, τὸν γάμον αὐτῷ τὸν ᾿Αβισάκης αἰτου-
ὔ ’ » A 3 ’ 3 \
μένη φίλους ἔχοντι δυνατοὺς ᾿Ιώαβον τὸν στρατηγὸν
καὶ ᾿Αβιάθαρον τὸν ἱερέα, μεταπεμψάμενος δὲ
Βαναίαν τὸν ἐπὶ τῶν σωματοφυλάκων ἀποκτεῖναι
, 3 ~ A > \ >| 4 ’;
προσέταξεν αὐτῷ τὸν ἀδελφὸν ᾿Αδωνίαν. καλέσας
ἣ Ἂ 3 ’ ᾿ Α € , ¢¢ i , 2} 4
δὲ τὸν ᾿Αβιάθαρον τὸν ἱερέα “‘ θανάτου μέν,᾽ εἶπε,
᾿ ῥύεταί σε τά τε ἄλλα ὅσα τῷ πατρί μου συνέκαμες
καὶ ἡ κιβωτός, ἣ ἣν σὺν αὐτῷ μετήνεγκας. ταύτην
δέ σοι τὴν τιμωρίαν ἐπιτίθημι ταξαμένῳ μετὰ
᾿Αδωνία καὶ τὰ ἐκείνου φρονήσαντι" μήτε ἐνθάδε
ἴσθι μήτε εἰς ὄψιν ἁπάντα τὴν ἐμήν, ἀλλ᾽ εἰς τὴν
πατρίδα πορευθεὶς ἐν τοῖς ἀγροῖς ζῆθι καὶ τοῦτον
ἄχρι τελευτῆς ἔχε τὸν ᾿Βίον ἁμαρτὼν τοῦ μηκέτ'
εἶναι “δικαίως ἐν ἀξίᾳ. καταλύεται μὲν οὖν ἀπὸ
τῆς ἱερατικῆς τιμῆς ὁ ᾿Ιθαμάρου οἶκος διὰ τὴν
προειρημένην. αἰτίαν, καθὼς καὶ τῷ ᾿Αβιαθάρου
πάππῳ προεῖπεν ὁ Beds "Hei, μετέβη δ᾽ εἰς τὸ
Φινεέσου γένος πρὸς Σ άδωκον. οἱ δὲ ἰδιωτεύ-
σαντες ἐκ τοῦ Φινεέσου “γένους μεθ᾽ ὃν καιρὸν εἰς
τὸν ᾿Ιθαμάρου οἶκον ἡ ἀρχιερωσύνη μετῆλθεν,
᾿Ηλεὶ π ὦὠτου ταύτην πα αλα ὄντος, σαν οὗτοι"
ἣν Tape Te)
ὁ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως ᾿]ησοῦ' υἱὸς Βοκκίας, τούτου δὲ
3
Ιώθαμος, ᾿Ιωθάμου δὲ Mapaiwios, Mapatafou
1 Ιωσήπου MSP Lat.
* Anathoth.
CPA ve S80 i= loam nel. ἢ:
ς Cf. A. v. 361-362 notes, vii. 110 note.
¢ With the following genealogy contrast that given in
Ag NE S61,
576
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 9-12
greater things, and that he wondered she did not aias) to
ask him, w hen seeking the marriage with Abisaké for Qaonijan,
Adonias, to yield up the kingdom “also to him, on the 1 Kings
ground that he was his elder brother and had powerful ἢ
friends in Joab the commander and Abiathar the
priest. Then, having sent for Banaias, who was in
charge of the bodyguard, he ordered him to kill his
brother Adonias. And he called Abiathar the priest
and said, ‘’ You owe your life to the hardships you Abiathar is
shared with my father and to the ark which you ΡΟ
brought over with him; but I impose the following a
punishment upon you for having gone over to} Kings
Addnias’s side and sympathized with him : you shall #. 27.
not remain here nor ever eome into my presence,
but go to your native place ἃ and live in the fields and
continue so to live until your death, for you have
sinned too greatly to remain justly in office any
longer.’’ And so the house of Ithamar was deprived
of the priestly privilege for the afore-mentioned
reason, just as God had foretold to Eli the grand-
father of Abiathar,®? and it was transferred to the
family of Phinees, to Sadok.¢ Now the members of Genealogy
the family of Phinees who lived as private persons οι
after the time when the high-priesthood passed over high priest.
to the house of Ithamar—of whom Eli was the first to τὶ 1 Chron,
receive it—were as follows:4 Bokkias® the son of Hie. v. 81)
the high priest Jesus,’ Jothamos 5 the son of Bokkias,
Maraidthos” the son of Jéthamos, Arophaios‘ the
¢ Bibl. Bukki, rxx Bwé, Bwxal,
f Var. Josephos ; bibl. Abishua, rxx ’ASecov. He is called
Abiezer in A. v. 362.
¢ Bibl. Uzzi (as Josephus writes in sf. v. 362), Luxx ’O¢el.
Josephus here omits Zerahiah the son of Uzzi.
λ΄ Bibl. Meraioth, xx Mapecj\, Μαραιώθ, Luc. ΔΙ αρεώθ.
‘ Bibl. Amariah, Lxx ᾿Α μαρειά.
S77
19
11
15
16
JOSEPHUS
δὲ ᾿Δροφαῖος, ᾿Αροφαίου δὲ ᾿Αχίτωβος, ᾿Αχιτώβου
δὲ Σάδωκος, ὃ ὃς πρῶτος ἐπὶ Δαυίδου τοῦ βασιλέως
ἀρχιερεὺς ἐγένετο.
2 ὔ , ς \ \ 3 ; > 4
(4) Ἰώαβος δὲ ὁ στρατηγὸς τὴν ἀναίρεσιν ἀκού-
σας "τὴν ᾿Αδωνία περιδεὴς ἐγένετο, φίλος γὰρ ἦν
αὐτῷ μᾶλλον ἢ ἢ τῷ βασιλεῖ Σολομῶνι, καὶ κίνδυνον
ἐκ τούτου διὰ τὴν πρὸς ἐκεῖνον εὔνοιαν οὐκ ἀ-
λόγως ὑποπτεύων καταφεύγει μὲν ἐπὶ τὸ θυσιαστή-
ριον, ἀσφάλειαν δὲ ἐνόμιζεν αὑτῷ ποριεῖν ἐκ τῆς
A Α Α > / “- 5 a ς A >
πρὸς τὸν θεὸν εὐσεβείας τοῦ βασιλέως. ὁ δὲ ἀπ-
αγγειλάντων αὐτῷ τὴν ᾿Ιωάβου γνώμην πέμψας
Bavaiay ἐκέλευσεν ἀναστήσαντα αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τὸ
δικαστήριον a ἄγειν ὡς ἀπολογησόμενον. ᾿Ιώαβος δὲ
οὐκ ἔφη καταλείψειν τὸ ἱερόν, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτοῦ τεθνήξε-
σθαι μᾶλλον ἢ ἐν ἑτέρῳ χωρίῳ. Bavatov δὲ τὴν
ἀπόκρισιν αὐτοῦ τῷ βασιλεῖ δηλώσαντος προσ-
, cS x \ 2 a \ Ar. 3 ~ 3
ἔταξεν ὁ Σολομὼν ἐκεῖ τὴν κεφαλὴν αὐτοῦ ἀπο-
“A A , A 7 “A Ἁ
τεμεῖν, καθὼς βούλεται, καὶ ταύτην λαβεῖν τὴν
δίκην ὑπὲρ τῶν δύο στρατηγῶν, ots 6 ᾿Ιώαβος
, 3 ~ ~
ἀνοσίως ἀπέκτεινε, θάψαι δ᾽ αὐτοῦ τὸ σῶμα, ὅπως
τὰ μὲν ἁμαρτήματα μηδέποτε καταλείπῃ τὸ γένος
τὸ ἐκείνου, τῆς δὲ ᾿Ιωάβου τελευτῆς αὐτός τε καὶ
0 πατὴρ ἀθῷοι τυγχάνωσι. καὶ Βαναίας μὲν τὰ
κελευσθέντα ποιήσας αὐτὸς ἀποδείκνυται στρατη-
γὸς πάσης τῆς δυνάμεως, Σάδωκον δὲ ποιεῖ μόνον
3 a [4 A > ‘ > 4 td Δ
ἀρχιερέα ὁ βασιλεὺς εἰς τὸν ᾿Αβιαθάρου τόπον, ὃν
μετεστήσατο.
3.10], Ahitub, τχν ᾿Αχειτώβ.
> Josephus, like some Lxx Mss. and Luc., read ‘‘ Solomon ’
for ‘“‘ Absalom”? in 1 Kings ii. 28, ‘for Joab had turned
after Adonijah, though he turned not after Absalom.”
¢ ἁνιστάναι has the technical meaning “ make a suppliant
leave a sanctuary.”
578
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES. VIII. 12-16
son of Maraidthos, Achitob* the son of Arophaios,
and Sadok the son of Achitéb, who was the first to
beeome high priest in the reign of David.
(+) Now when Joab the commander heard that Joab is also
Adinias had been put to death, he was greatly τα φυτοῦ by
afraid, for he was more friendly to him than to King 1 Kings
Solomon,? and, as he not unreasonably expected that 7
danger threatened him because of his goodwill to
Adonias, he fled for refuge to the altar, where he
imagined he would secure safety for himself because
of the king’s piety toward God. But when the king
was told of Joab’s plan, he sent Banaias with orders
to remove him ® and bring him to the judgement-hall
to make his defence.4 Joab, however, said that he
would not Jeave the temple but would die there
rather than in any other place. When Banaias re-
ported his answer to the king, Solomon ordered his
head to be cut off there, as Joab wished it,—this
being the penalty exaeted for the two generals whom
he had impiously slain—and his body to be buried, in
order that his sins might never leave his family (in
peace), while Solomon’ himself and his father should
be blameless for Joab’s death.¢ And so Banaias,
after having carried out these orders, was himself
appointed commander of the entire army, and the
king made Sadok sole high priest in place of Abiathar,
whom he had removed.
4 This detail is unscr iptural (cf. a similar addition in Jf,
v. 215). Scripture says, ““ Solomon sent Benaiah .. . say-
ing, Go, fall upon him.’ tabbinie tradition gives a long
account of Joab’s trial before Solomon, cf. Ginzberg, iv. 126.
According to Scripture, Solomon, while explicitly holding
his father and himself guiltless of the blood of those whom
Joab had slain, only implies that he is also blameless for
Joab's death, 1 Kings ii. $2, δ And the Lord shall return his
blood upon his own head, who fell upon two men,”’ ete.
579
17
18
19
20
JOSEPHUS
(5) Lovpovicw δὲ προσέταξεν οἰκίαν οἰκοδομή-
σαντι μένειν ἐν ᾿Ιεροσολύμοις αὐτῷ προσεδρεύοντι
καὶ μὴ διαβαίνειν τὸν χειμάρρουν Kedpava ἔχειν
ἐξουσίαν, παρακούσαντι δὲ τούτων" θάνατον ἔσεσθαι
τὸ πρόστιμον. τῷ δὲ μεγέθει τῆς ἀπειλῆς καὶ
ὅρκους αὐτῷ προσηνάγκασε ποιήσασθαι. Σου-
μούισος δὲ χαίρειν οἷς προσέταξεν αὐτῷ Σολομὼν
φήσας καὶ ταῦτα ποιήσειν προσομόσας ᾿καταλιπὼν
τὴν πατρίδα τὴν διατριβὴν ἐν τοῖς “]εροσολύμοις
ἐποιεῖτο. διελθόντων δὲ τριῶν ἐτῶν ἀκούσας δύο
δούλους ἀποδράντας αὐτὸν ἐν ἔ ττῃ τυγχάνοντας
ὥρμησεν ἐπὶ τοὺς οἰκέτας. ἐπανελθόντος δὲ μετ᾽
αὐτῶν ὁ βασιλεὺς αἰσθόμενος, ὡς καὶ τῶν ἐντολῶν
αὐτοῦ καταφρονήσαντος καὶ τὸ μεῖζον τῶν ὅρκων
τοῦ θεοῦ μηδεμίαν ποιησαμένου φροντίδα, χαλεπῶς
εἶχε καὶ καλέσας αὐτόν “᾿οὐ av,” φησίν, “᾿ ὥμοσας
μὴ καταλείψειν ἐμὲ μηδ᾽ ἐξελεύσεσθαί ποτ᾽ ἐκ
ταύτης τῆς πόλεως εἰς ἄλλην; οὔκουν ἀποδράσῃ
τὴν τῆς ἐπιορκίας δίκην, ἀλλὰ καὶ ταύτης καὶ ὧν
τὸν πατέρα μου παρὰ τὴν φυγὴν" ὕβρισας τιμω-
ρήσομαί σε πονηρὸν γενόμενον, ἵνα γνῷς ὅτι
κερδαίνουσιν οὐδὲν οἱ κακοὶ μὴ παρ᾽ αὐτὰ τἀδική-
ματα κολασθέντες, ἀλλὰ παντὶ τῷ χρόνῳ" ᾧ νομί-
ζουσιν ἀδεεῖς εἶναι μηδὲν πεπονθότες αὔξεται καὶ
γίνεται μείζων ἡ κόλασις αὐτοῖς ἧς ἂν παραυτίκα
1 Niese: τούτῳ codd.: τούτου Exc.
2 φύσιν RO.
3 ἀλλ᾽ ἀντὶ τοῦ χρόνον Niese.
¢ Josephus follows the Heb. in making Shimei’s story
come directly after the appointment of Benaiah and Zadok,
580
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 17-20
(5) 2As for Stimiisos,? he ordered him to build a 8himei
house and remain in Jerusalem in attendance upon sepia
him, and did not give him permission to cross the ΤῸ leaving
brook Kedron, saving that if he disobeyed the com- 1 Kings
mands, death would be the penalty. To the severity ἵ 30.
of this threat he added the obligation of taking an
oath. So Siimilisos, saying that hie was pleased math
Solomon’s commands, and “also swearing to obscrve
them, left his native place and made his home in
Jerusalem. But after three years had passed, upon
hearing that two of his slaves who had escaped from
him were in Gitta,? he set out after the men. And
when he returned with them, the king heard of it
and, holding that he had made light of his commands
and—what was worse—had shown no regard for the
oaths sworn to God, he was angered and having called
him, said, “‘ Did you not swear not to leave me nor ever
go out from this city to another? You shall not,
therefore, escape the penalty for your perjury, but
I shall punish you as a miscreant both for this crime
and for your insolence to my father at the time of
his flight, in order that you may know that evildoers
gain nothing by not being punished at the time of
their crimes, but during the whole time in which they
think themselves secure because they have suffered
nothing, their punishment increases and becomes
more severe than that which they would have paid at
The txx inserts, between vss. 35 and 36 of 1 Kings ii., a
long passage concerning Solomon’s marriage to Pharaoh’s
daughter (cf. Heb. iii. 1), his buildings and officers.
> Bibl. Shimei; for variants in Josephus cf. A. vii. 207,
388.
¢ The oath is mentioned at this point, 1 Kings ii. 37, in
the Lxx, but in the Heb. not until vs. 49,
4 Bibl. Gath.
581
2
_—
22
23
JOSEPHUS
πλημμελήσαντες ἔδοσαν. Kat Σουμούισον μὲν
κελευσθεὶς Βαναίας ἀπέκτεινεν.
(ii. 1) Ἤδη δὲ τὴν βασιλείαν βεβαίως ἔχων
Σολομὼν καὶ τῶν ἐχθρῶν κεκολασμένων ἄγεται
τὴν Φαραώθον τοῦ τῶν Αἰγυπτίων βασιλέως
θυγατέρα: καὶ κατασκευάσας τὰ τείχη τῶν ‘lepo-
σολύμων πολλῷ μείζω καὶ ὀχυρώτερα τῶν πρόσθεν
ὄντων διεῖπε τὰ πράγματα λοιπὸν ἐπὶ πολλῆς
εἰρήνης μηδ᾽ ὑπὸ τῆς νεότητος πρός τε δικαιοσύνην
καὶ φυλακὴν τῶν νόμων καὶ μνήμην ὧν ὁ πατὴρ
τελευτῶν ἐπέστειλε βλαπτόμενος, ἀλλὰ πάνθ᾽ ὅσα
οὗ τοῖς χρόνοις προβεβηκότες καὶ πρὸς τὸ φρονεῖν
ἀκμάζοντες μετὰ πολλῆς ἀκριβείας ἐπιτελῶν.
ἔγνω δ᾽ εἰς Γιβρῶνα' παραγενόμενος ἐπὶ τοῦ
χαλκοῦ θυσιαστηρίου τοῦ κατασκευασθέντος ὑπὸ
Mwvoéos θῦσαι τῷ θεῷ καὶ χίλια τὸν ἀριθμὸν
ὡλοκαύτωσεν ἱερεῖα. τοῦτο δὲ ποιήσας μεγάλως
ἔδοξε τὸν θεὸν τετιμηκέναι" φανεὶς γὰρ αὐτῷ κατὰ
τοὺς ὕπνους ἐκείνης τῆς νυκτὸς ἐκέλευσεν αἱρεῖσθαι
τίνας ἀντὶ τῆς εὐσεβείας παράσχῃ δωρεὰς αὐτῷ.
Σολομὼν δὲ τὰ κάλλιστα καὶ μέγιστα καὶ θεῷ
παρασχεῖν ἥδιστα καὶ λαβεῖν ἀνθρώπῳ συμφορώ-
τατα τὸν θεὸν ἤτησεν" οὐ γὰρ χρυσὸν οὐδ᾽ ἄργυρον
οὐδὲ τὸν ἄλλον πλοῦτον ὡς ἄνθρωπος καὶ νέος
ἠξίωσεν αὑτῷ “προσγενέσθαι (ταῦτα γὰρ σχεδὸν
νενόμισται παρὰ τοῖς πλείστοις μόνα σπουδῆς ἀξια
καὶ θεοῦ δῶρα εἶναι) ἀλλά “δός po,’ φησί,
1 Τ᾽αβαῶνα ex Lxx conj. edd.
4 The latter part of Solomon’s speech is an amplification.
> Tlere again Josephus follows the Heb. order, cf. 1 Kings
iii. 1 ff; in the txx the execution of Shimei is followed by
582
JEMISH ANTIQOITIES, VIII. 20=23
the very moment of their wrongdoing.2”’ Then
Banaias at the king’s command put Simiiisos to
death.
(ii. 1) °Solomon, having now firm possession of the Solomon's
kingdom, and his enemies having been chastised, Suche ep
married the daughter of Pharaothés the king of the. canes
Egyptians. He ice made the walls of TehusalenuL
much greater and stronger than they had been before,
and thereafter governed the state in perfect peace,
nor was he hindered by his yonth from dealing Justice
and observing the laws and remembering the in-
junctions of his dying father, but per formed all tasks
with as great serupulousness as do those of advanced
age aml mature wisdom. And he decided to go to 2 Chron.
Gibron © and sacrifice to God upon the bronze altar ἡ * *
built by Moses,? and he offered whole burnt-offerings
of a thousand victims. By having done _ this he
seemed greatly to have honoured God, for He ap-
peared to him that night in his sleep and bade him
choose what gifts He should confer upon him in return
for his piety . And Solomon asked for the most Solomon
si ν ‘ at Gibron
excellent and greatest gifts, most pleasing to God to (ebron)
eonfer and most beneficial for man to receive. for it #5ks God
for wisdonn
was not gold or silver or other form of wealth that 1 kings
he asked to be bestowed upon him, as a man and a" οι
young one might have done—such are considered by
most men as almiost the only things w orthy of regard
and as gifts of God—but he said, ‘ Give me, O
an account of Soloinon’s revenues and officers, corresponding
in part to the Heb. of iv. 20 fF.
ς (=Bibl. Hebron), cither a slip for, or a corruption of,
Tasaava, bibl. Gibeon.
4 The bronze altar, made by Bezalel, is mentioned in con-
nexion with the tabernacle of Moses at Gibeon in 2 Chron.
2 3 ie
VOL. Vv 2p 583
JOSEPHUS
‘cc , ᾿Ξ ἘΠ τως \ ἢ ) , eo ᾿"
δέσποτα, νοῦν ὑγιῆ καὶ φρόνησιν ἀγαθήν, οἷς ἂν
\ \ ? A \ \ , ee | ἢ ny
tov λαὸν τἀληθῆ Kal τὰ δίκαια λαβὼν' κρίνοιμι.
24 ’ὔ ef θ ~ >? 4 « θ A A / LAA
24 τούτοις ἥσθη τοῖς αἰτήμασιν ὁ θεὸς καὶ Ta TE ἄλλα
πάνθ᾽ ὧν οὐκ ἐμνήσθη παρὰ τὴν ἐκλογὴν δώσειν
fos \
ἐπηγγείλατο, πλοῦτον δόξαν νίκην πολεμίων, Kat
πρὸ πάντων σύνεσιν καὶ σοφίαν οἵαν οὐκ ἄλλος
3 , ” ” ᾽ὔ 1 ee Lee ~
τις ἀνθρώπων ἔσχεν οὔτε βασιλέων οὔτ᾽ ἰδιωτῶν"
᾽ Ά A ~ 3 ’ ? ~ 8 /
φυλάξειν δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἐκγόνοις αὐτοῦ τὴν βασιλείαν
ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ὑπισχνεῖτο χρόνον, ἂν δίκαιός τε ὧν
,
διαμένῃ καὶ πειθόμενος αὐτῷ καὶ τὸν πατέρα
25 μιμούμενος ἐν οἷς ἦν ἀριστος. ταῦτα τοῦ θεοῦ
Σολομὼν ἀκούσας ἀνεπήδησεν εὐθὺς ἐκ τῆς κοίτης
καὶ προσκυνήσας αὐτὸν ὑπέστρεψεν εἰς ‘lepo-
σόλυμα, καὶ πρὸ τῆς σκηνῆς μεγάλας ἐπιτελέσας
/
θυσίας κατευώχει TOUS ἰδίους" ἅπαντας.
26 (9) Ταύταις δὲ ταῖς ἡμέραις κρίσις ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν
ἤχθη δυσχερής, ἡ ἧς τὸ τέλος εὑρεῖν ἦν ἐπίπονον" τὸ
ὲ πρᾶγμα περὶ οὗ συνέβαινεν εἶναι τὴν δίκην
ἀναγκαῖον “ἡγησάμην δηλῶσαι, ἵνα τοῖς ἐντυγ-
χάνουσι τό τε δύσκολον τῆς κρίσεως γνώριμον
ὑπάρξῃ, καὶ τοιούτων μεταξὺ πραγμάτ των γενό-
μενοι λάβωσιν ὥσπερ ἐξ εἰκόνος τῆς τοῦ βασιλέως
ἀγχινοίας τὸ ῥᾳδίως ἀποφαίνεσθαι περὶ τῶν ζητου-
- a ¢e “-
27 μένων δυνηθῆναι. δύο γυναῖκες ἑταῖραι τὸν βίον
ἧκον ἐπ᾽ αὐτόν, ὧν ἡ ἀδικεῖσθαι δοκοῦσα πρώτη
, » {{ > ~ , >) > {{ εχ ~
λέγειν ἤρξατο: “᾿ οἰκῶ pév,” εἶπεν, “ ὦ βασιλεῦ,
AY 4 3 cA ’ 7 δ᾽ > 7
μετὰ ταύτης ἐν ἑνὶ δωματίῳ, συνέβη δ᾽ ἀμφοτέραις
ἡμῖν ἐπὶ μιᾶς ἡμέρας ἀποτεκεῖν κατὰ τὴν αὐτὴν
28 ν ” δέ τ τς δὲ e ᾽ ὃ λθ te
28 ὥραν ἄρρενα παιδία. τρίτης δὲ ἡμέρας διελθούσης
1 λαλῶν cod, Vat. ap. ΠιάΞξοῃ.
2 *Tovdaiors RO: om. Jat.
4
@ Var. theJews”: bibl. ‘ his servants.’
584
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VITI.
Lord, a sound mind and good understanding where-
with I may judge the ‘people, having tr uth and
justice in me.” With this prayer God was pleased,
and promised to give him, in addition to what he had
chosen, also the other things he had not mentioned,
wealth, honour and victory over his enemies and,
above all, intelligence and wisdom such as no other
man whether king or commoner had ever had. And
He also promised to preserve the kingdom for his
descendants a very long time, if he continued to be
righteous and to imitate his father in those things
wherein he was excellent. When Solomon heard
these words of God he at onee leaped from his bed
and did obeisance to Him; then he returned to
Jerusalem and, after offering great sacrifices before
the tabernacle, feasted all his househoald.@
(2) Now in these days a difficult case was brought
before him, for which it was troublesome to find a
solution. I have thought it necessary to explain
the matter about which the suit happened to be, in
order that my readers may haye an idea of the difh-
culty of the case and that those who are involved in
such mattcrs may take exaniple from the king’s
sagacity so as to be able to give a ready opinion on
questions at issue. Two women who lived as harlots
eame before him and she who seemed to be the
injured one first began to speak, saying, © = O King,
live with this woman in the same room,” and it so
happened that we both gave birth on the same day
and at the same hour ὃ ἐς male children. But on the
δ According to Scripture, the plaintiff's child was born
three days before the other woman’s, Probably, as Rappa-
port snggests, Josephus was confused by a phrase in the
preceding verse (1 Kings tit. 17), ἡ And 1 was delivered of a
child with her in the honse.”
585
God’s
promises
to bless
Solomon.
1 Kings
lit. 10.
The dispute
of two
bharlots
about their
infants,
1 Kings
iil. 16.
JOSEPHUS
ἐπικοιμηθεῖσα TH αὑτῆς παιδίω αὕτη τοῦτο μὲν
ἀποκτείνει, βαστάσασα δὲ τοὐμὸν ἐκ τῶν γονάτων
πρὸς αὑτὴν μεταφέρει καὶ τὸ νεκρὸν ἐμοῦ κοιμω-
29 μένης εἰς τὰς ἀγκάλας μου τίθησι. πρωΐ δὲ θηλὴν
ὀρέξαι βουλομένη τῷ παιδίῳ τὸ μὲν ἐμὸν οὐχ
εὗρον, τὸ δὲ ταύτης νεκρὸν ὁρῶ μοι παρακείμενον"
ἀκριβῶς γὰρ “κατανοήσασα, τοῦτο ἐπέγνων" ὅθεν
ἀπαιτῶ τὸν ἐμὸν υἱὸν καὶ οὐκ ἀπολαμβάνουσα
καταπέφευγα, δέσποτα, ἐπὶ τὴν παρὰ σοῦ βοή-
θειαν" τῷ' γὰρ εἶναι μόνας ἡμᾶς καὶ μηδένα τὸν
ἐλέγξαι δυνάμεν ov φοβεῖσθαι καταφρονοῦσα ἰσχυ-
80 ρῶς ἀρνουμένη παραμένει." Ταῦτ᾽ εἰπούσης ὁ
βασιλεὺς ἀνέκρινε THY ἑτέραν τί Tots εἰρημένοις
ἀντιλέγειν ἔχει. τῆς δὲ ἀρνουμένης τοῦτο πεποιὴ-
κέναι, τὸ δὲ παιδίον τὸ αὑτῆς ζῆν λεγούσης, τὸ δὲ
τῆς ἀντιδίκου τεθνηκέναι, μηδενὸς ἐπινοοῦντος τὴν
κρίσιν ἀλλ᾽ ὥσπερ ἐπ᾽ αἰνίγματι περὶ τὴν εὕρεσιν
αὐτοῦ πάντων τῇ διανοίᾳ τετυφλωμένων μόνος ὁ
31 βασιλεὺς ἐπενόησέ τι τοιοῦτον: κελεύσας κομι-
σθῆναι καὶ τὸ νεκρὸν καὶ τὸ ζῶν παιδίον μεταπέμ-
πεταί τινα τῶν σωματοφυλάκων καὶ σπασάμενον
ἐκέλευσε" τὴν μάχαιραν ἀμφότερα διχοτομῆσαι τὰ
παιδία, ὅπως ἑκάτεραι λάβωσιν ἀνὰ ἥμισυ τοῦ τε
39 le καὶ τοῦ τετελευτηκότος. ἐπὶ τούτῳ πᾶς
μὲν ὁ λαὸς λανθάνων ἐχλεύαζεν ὡς μειράκιον τὸν
βασιλέα, μεταξὺ δὲ τῆς μὲν ἀπαιτούσης καὶ ἀλη-
θοῦς μητρὸς ἀνακραγούσης τοῦτο μὴ ποιεῖν ἀλλὰ
παραδιδόναι τῇ ἑτέρᾳ τὸ παιδίον ὡς ἐκείνης, ἀρ-
1 Tudson: τὸ RMSP: τοῦ O. 2 προσέταξε MSVEL |
1
@ Scripture does not imply, as does Josephus, that Solomon}
waited for the others to find a solution.
Ὁ Josephus follows Jane. in saying that both the living
580
ΤΟΙΞΗ ANTIQUITIES, ΑἼ 38:99
third day this woman by sleeping on her ehild caused
its death, and she took my child from my lap and
earried it over to her side and then laid the dead
ehild in my arms as I slept. And in the morning
when I wished to give the breast to the ehild, I did
not find my son but I saw this woman's dead child
lying beside me, for 1 looked at it carefully and re-
eognized whose it was. I therefore demanded my
son back, and, as I have not obtained him, I have
eome to appeal to you, my lord, for help; for, eon-
temptuously relying on the fact that we were alone
and that she has no one to fear who ean eonviet her,
she stubbornly persists in her denial.” After she had
spoken the king asked the other woman what she had
to say in contradiction to these statements. And she
denied having done this thing, saying that it was her
ehild that was alive, while her adv ersary’s was the
dead one. And when no one eould see what judge- Solomon as
ment to give, but all were mentally blinded, as by a dee
riddle, in finding a solution, the king alone devised covers the
the following plan : @ he ordered both the dead and cee
the living child to be brought, and then sent for one iii. 24.
of the body cuard and ordered him to draw his sword
and eut both ehildren in half, in order that either
woman might take half of the dead child and half of
the living child. Thereupon all the people seeretly
made fan of the king as of a boy.° But meanwhile
the woman who had demanded the child and was its
true mother eried out that they should not do this but
should give the child over to the other woman as if
and the dead child were to be divided ; the Heb. and rtxx
mention only the division of the living child. Perhaps the
Lue. addition is, as Weill suggests, a reminiscence of the
procedure followed in another ΞΟ EXONS SO,
¢ Unscriptural detail.
587
JOSEPHUS
κεῖσθαι yap τῷ ζῆν αὐτὸ καὶ βλέπειν μόνον κἂν
ἀλλότριον δοκῇ, τῆς δ᾽ ἑτέρας ἑτοίμως ἐχούσης
διαιρούμενον ἰδεῖν τὸ παιδίον καὶ προσέτι βασανι-
33 σθῆναι καὶ αὐτὴν ἀξιούσης, ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐπιγνοὺς
τὰς ἑκατέρων “φωνὰς ἀπὸ τῆς ἀληθείας γεγενη-
μένας τῇ μὲν ἀνακραγούσῃ τὸ παιδίον προσέκρινε,
μητέρα γὰρ αὐτὴν ἀληθῶς εἶναι, τῆς δὲ ἄλλης
κατέγνω πονηρίαν τό τε ἴδιον ἀποκτεινάσης καὶ
τὸ τῆς φίλης σπουδαζούσης ἀπολλύμενον θεάσασθαι.
34 τοῦτο μέγα δεῖγμα καὶ τεκμήριον τῆς τοῦ βασιλέως
φρονήσεως καὶ σοφίας ἐνόμιζε τὸ πλῆθος, κἀξ
ἐκείνης τὸ λοιπὸν τῆς ἡμέρας ὡς θείαν ἔχοντι
διάνοιαν αὐτῷ προσεῖχον.
35 (3 ) Στρατηγοὶ ὃ αὐτῷ καὶ ἡγεμόνες ἦσαν τῆς
χώρας ἁπάσης οἵδε: τῆς μὲν ᾿Πφραίμου κληρουχίας
Οὐύὔρης: ἐπὶ δὲ τῆς Πιθιέμες" τοπαρχίας ἦν Διό-
κληρος" τὴν δὲ τῶν Δώρων. καὶ τὴν παραλίαν
᾿Αβινάδαβος εἶχεν ὑφ᾽ αὑτῷ" γεγαμηκὼς τὴν
36 Σολομῶνος θυγατέρα: τὸ δὲ μέγα πεδίον ἦν ὑπὸ
Βαναίᾳ τῷ ᾿Αχίλου παιδί, προσεπῆρχε" δὲ καὶ τῆς
ἄχρι ᾿Ιορδάνου πάσης: τὴν δὲ Γαλαδῖτιν καὶ Tav-
λανῖτιν ἕως τοῦ Λιβάνου ὄρους καὶ πόλεις ἑξήκοντα
1 βηθλεέμης SP: Bethlem Lat.: Βηθσέμες Bosius: Βαιθσέμες
Schotanus.
2 Dindorf: ὑπ᾽ αὐτῷ codd.
3 Hudson: προσυπῆρχε codd.
α That is, to prove her veracity ; the text may, however,
mcan that she wished her opponent to be tortured. The
phrase is an unscriptural detail.
Josephus here omits the list of Solomon’s court officers,
given in 1 Kings iv. 9 ff.
¢ Heb. Ben Wir (A.V. son of Hur), xx Bawp, v.l. Bev
vids "Qp.
588
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 32-36
it were hers, for she would be content to have it alive
and only look at it, even if it should seem to be
another's, while the other woman was prepared to see
jt divided and even asked that she herself be put
to torture. Thereupon the king, reeognizing that
the words of either were prompted by her true senti-
ments, adjudged the ehild to the one who cried out,
holding that she was really its mother, and con-
demned the other for her wickedness both in having
killed her own son and in being anxious to see her
friend’s child destroyed. This the multitude con-
sidered a great sign and proof of the king’s prudence
and wisdom, and from that day on hearkened to him
as to one possessed of a godlike understanding.
(3) ® Now his generals ‘and governors of the whole Solomon's
country were as follows: over the territory of ae
Ephraim was Urés®; and over the toparchy of } Kings
Bithiemes ὁ was Divkleeos és the district of Dor and de
the eoast were under Abinadab,f who had married
Solomon’s daughter’; the great plain” was under
Banaias * the son of Achilos,? who also governed all
the country as far as the Jordan ; all of Galaditis and
Gaulanitis * up to Mount Lebanon was governed by
4 Bibl. Beth-shemesh, txx θαιθσάμυς. Scripture adds three
other cities as belonging to this district.
4 Jleb. Ben Deger (A.V. son of Dekar), txx vids Δακάρ,
cod, Ὁ Ρῆχας, Lue. ᾿Ρῆχαβ. Josephus’s form, if not a corrup-
tion of the first Lxx form, may be a deliberate Hellenization
of the name.
7 So the Heb. and some Ltxx Mss.3; other Lxx Mss. ᾿Αμιναδάβ,
Josephus omits Πρ, the governor of Aruboth, Sechoh
and Hfepher, vs. 10. @ Caled Taphath in Seripture.
Including Taanach, Megiddo and Beth-shean.
Bibl. Baana, υχχ Βαανά, “cod. B Ιακχά, Lue. Baxd.
Bibl. Ahilud, Lxx ᾿Αχιλούθ, cod. 1} ᾿Αχειμάχ, Luc. ᾿Αχιάβ,
Bibl. Gilead and Argob in Bashan,
φΦ- Ὁ. “.
589
JOSEPHUS
΄ \ > 7 », e > e 4 /
μεγάλας καὶ ὀχυρωτάτας ἔχων ὑφ᾽ αὑτὸν TaBapys
ὁ τείπεν, ᾿Αχινάδαβος δὲ τῆς PadAatas ὅλης ἄχρι
Σιδῶνος ἐπετρόπευε συνοικῶν καὶ αὐτὸς θυγατρὶ
91 MoAopa@vos Baoipa τοὔνομα’ τὴν δὲ περὶ ‘Any’
παραλίαν εἶχε Bavaxatns: Σαφάτης δὲ τὸ *Ita-
βύριον' ὄρος καὶ ἱκαρμήλιον καὶ τὴν κάτω [αλιλαίαν
ἄχρι τοῦ ποταμοῦ ᾿Ιορδάνου χώραν" πᾶσαν ἐπετέ-
τραπτο" Vovupovis δὲ τὴν ἰενιαμίτιδος κληρουχίαν
ἐγκεχείριστο" PaBapys δὲ εἶχε τὴν πέραν τοῦ
᾿Ιορδάνου χώραν: ἐπὶ δὲ τούτων εἷς πάλιν ἄρχων
38 ἀποδέδεικτο. θαυμαστὴν δ᾽ ἐπίδοσιν ἔλαβεν ὅ τε
τῶν Ἑβραίων λαὸς καὶ ἡ ᾿Ιούδα φυλὴ πρὸς γεωρ-
γίαν τραπέντων καὶ τὴν τῆς γῆς ἐπιμέλειαν" εἰρήνης
γὰρ ἀπολαύοντες καὶ πολέμοις καὶ ταραχαῖς μὴ
περισπώμενοι καὶ προσέτι τῆς ποθεινοτ τάτης ἐλευ-
θερίας ἀκρατῶς ἐμφορούμενοι mpos Το συναύξειν
ἕκαστος τὰ οἰκεῖα καὶ ποιεῖν ἄξια : πλείονος ὑ ὑπῆρχεν.
39 AG) Ἦσαν δὲ καὶ ἕτεροι τῷ βασιλεῖ ἡγεμόνες,
οἱ τῆς τε Σύρων γῆς καὶ τῶν ἀλλοφύλων, ἥτις
ἣν ἀπ᾽ LKddpatou ποταμοῦ διήκουσα μέχρι τῆς
1 περὶ Anny Δῖ : ἸΤεριαλκῇ WO: ἸΠετριακὴν SP: circa arcae
civitatem Lat.: περὶ ᾿Αρκὴν Naber.
2 + ἐπὶ (δὲ) τούτων (τούτῳ) codd. 3 τῷ Niese.
* Heb. Ben Geber (A.V. son of Geber), 1xx υἱὸς Γάβερ,
Lue. Γάμερ.
δ Josephus here combines two verses, 1 Kings iv. 14, 15,
which mention two separate eg ‘14. Ahinadah,
the son of Iddo, had Mahanaim. 5. Ahimaaz was in
Naphtali; he also took Basmath ἘΞ Ιασεμμάθ), the
daughter of Solomon, to wife.”’
¢ Bibl. Asher and Aloth; this was west of Naphtali, in
the neighbourhood of Tyre.
ἀ Bibl. Baanah, rxx Baava, v.l. Bavaias.
¢ Bibl. Jehoshaphat, cxx Ἰωσαφάτ, Josephus follows the
590
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 36-39
Gabarés,? who had under him sixty great and strongly
fortified cities ; Achinadab administered all of Galilee
as far as Sidon, and he was also married to a daughter
of Solomon, named Basima ὃ ; the eoast about Aké ¢
was under Banakatés ¢ ; to ὁ Saphatés ὁ was entrusted
Mount Itabyrion # and Mount Carmel and all of
lower Galilee as far as the river Jordan’ ; Siimiiis ἢ
was given the territory of Benjamin to rule ; Gabarés?
had the eountry across the Jordan. anid. one more
was appointed as ruler over these? Now a wonderful
inerease was obtained by the people of the Hebrews
and the tribe of Judah when they turned to hus-
bandry and the cultivation of the soil, for, as they
enjoyed peace and were undistracted by wars and
disturbanees and also enjoyed to the fullest most
desirable freedom, they devoted themselves, eaeh
one to increasing his holdings and making cen more
a
The king also had other governors, who ruled The requisé
the ae of the Sy rians and the non-Israelites, extend- Hons for
Solomon's
ing from the 10 uphrates ἢ river to Egypt, and col- table.
Heb. in mentioning Jehoshaphat directly after Baanah, while
the Lxx inserts two verses mentioning Shimei in Benjamin
and Geber in Gilead. f Bibl. Tabor.
9 Scripture does not specify, saying only * in Issachar.”’
A Bib). Shimei, oxx Σεμεεί, Luc. Σαμαά.
* Bibl. Geber, exx ΤΠ άβερ.
Σ ἘΠΕ. (vs. 19 end), ‘Sand one governor (nesib) was in
the land’ (A.V. and he Ge. Geber, was the only officer
which was in the land’’), Lxx καὶ Νασὲῴφ els ἐν γῇ ᾿Ιούδᾳ
(Luc. ἐν τῇ γη). The Biblical text is obscure and probably
corrupt. Josephus’s *‘ appointed’? seems to be based on the
Vargnm.,
k Yleb. “from the river of the land of the Vhilistines,
which must be corrected, as is done in 2 Chron. ix. 26, to
‘from the river (te. the Euphrates, the river par excellence)
to the land of the Philistines,’ ete.
53
591
JOSEPHUS
, 3 ~ ~
Αἰγυπτίων, ἐπῆρχον ἐκλέγοντες αὐτῷ φόρους παρὰ
40 τῶν ἐθνῶν. συνετέλουν δὲ καὶ τῇ τραπέζῃ καθ᾽
ἡμέραν καὶ τῷ δείπνῳ τοῦ βασιλέως σεμιδάλεως
>
μὲν κόρους τριάκοντα, ἀλεύρου δ᾽ ἑξήκοντα, σιτι-
4 ‘ ‘ / A ὔ , Ww
στοὺς δὲ Boas δέκα καὶ νομάδας Boas εἴκοσι, σιτι-
στοὺς δὲ ἄρνας ἑκατόν. ταῦτα πάντα πάρεξ τῶν
>] ι] » 3 f / \ / Α ~
am ἄγρας, ἐλάφων λέγω καὶ βουβάλων Kat τῶν
πετεινῶν καὶ ἰχθύων, ἐκομίζετο καθ᾽ ἡμέραν τῷ
41 βασιλεῖ παρὰ τῶν ἀλλοφύλων. τοσοῦτον δὲ πλῆ-
> ys, “". “
θος ἦν ἁρμάτων Σολομῶνι, ὡς τέσσαρας εἶναι
μυριάδας φατνῶν τῶν ὑποζευγνυμένων ἵππων"
χωρὶς δὲ τούτων ἦσαν ἱππεῖς δισχίλιοι καὶ μύριοι,
ὧν οἱ μὲν ἡμίσεις τῷ βασιλεῖ προσήδρευον ἐν
¢ Fd « \ \ A ‘ \
TepocoAvpots, ot δὲ λοιποὶ κατὰ tas βασιλικὰς
> -
διεσπαρμένοι κώμας ἐν αὐταῖς κατέμενον. ὁ δ᾽
αὐτὸς ἡγεμὼν ὁ τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως δαπάνην πεπι-
στευμένος καὶ τοῖς ἵπποις ἐχορήγει τὰ ἐπιτήδεια
, ΔΑ [2 3 / /
συγκομίζων εἰς ὃν ὁ βασιλεὺς διέτριβε τόπον.
42 (5) Τοσαύτη δ᾽ ἦν ἣν ὁ θεὸς παρέσχε Σιολομῶνι
2 ’
φρόνησιν καὶ σοφίαν, ὡς τούς τε ἀρχαίους ὑπερ-
, > , \ Q\ ‘ ἢ ἢ a
βάλλειν ἀνθρώπους Kat μηδὲ τοὺς Atyumtious, ot
πάντων συνέσει διενεγκεῖν λέγονται, συγκρινομέ-
, > 2 / > A \ ~
vous λείπεσθαι παρ᾽ ὀλίγον, ἀλλὰ Kat πλεῖστον
9 ,ὔ “~ ~ / "ἢ ? ‘4
ἀφεστηκότας τῆς τοῦ βασιλέως φρονήσεως ἐλέγ-
43 χεσθαι. ὑπερῆρε δὲ καὶ διήνεγκε σοφίᾳ καὶ τῶν
κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρὸν δόξαν ἐχόντων παρὰ τοῖς
Ἕβραίοις ἐπὶ δεινότητι, ὧν οὐ παρελεύσομαι τὰ
« The kor, also called homer, was equivalent to about
370 litres or 11 bushels.
592
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIIL. 39-43
lected tribute for him from the nations. They also 1 Kings
eontributed daily to the king’s table for his dinner (lice ey
thirty sors % of fine flour, sixty of meal, ten fatted
oxen and twenty pastured oxen anda Handred fatted®
lambs,—all these, in addition to wild game, that is,
deer and antelopes and birds and fish, were daily
brought to the king by the foreigners. And Solomon
had so great a Ἐπ 5, {ἘΞ of chariots that there were
forty thousand stalls for the yoked horses.° Beside
these he had twelve thousand horsemen, half of
whom attended the king in Jerusalem, while the rest
were seattered about the royal villages and dwelt in
them. And the same officer who was entrusted with
the king’s expenses also furnished supplies for the
horses, bringing them to the place where the king
resided.4
(5) Now so great was the prudence and wisdom Solomon's
which God granted Solomon that he surpassed the ohm.
aneients,® and even the Egyptians, who are said to Dee
exeel all men in understanding, were not only, when (Heb. v. 9).
compared with him, a little inferior but proved to fall
far short of the king in sagacity. Tle also surpassed
and excelled in w Caen those who in his own time had
a reputation for cleverness among the Hebrews, and
whose names I shall not omit ; they were Athanos /
ὃ Unseriptural detail.
¢ Recent excavations at Megiddo have uncovered stables
of the Solomonic period, built to accommodate some 300
horses, cf. Olmstead, /istory of Palestine and Syria, pp. 5.1 ΜῈ
4 Scripture, 1 Kings iv. 28 (Heb. v. 8), does not make clear
whether these provisions were brought to the place where the
king resided or where the varions officers were.
¢ So the Lxx, translating Heb. dené yedem *‘ sons of the
east’’; the variant is readily understandable since the root
gdm also means “ ancient.”
f Bibl. Ethan, xx lacdav, Luc. Aldap.
593
44
46
JOSEPHUS
ὀνόματα: ἦσαν δὲ “A@avos καὶ Αἱμανὸς καὶ Χάλ-
κεος καὶ Δάρδανος vtot Πμάωνος. συνετάξατο
δὲ καὶ βιβλία περὶ δῶν καὶ μελῶν πέντε πρὸς
τοῖς χιλίοις καὶ παραβολῶν καὶ εἰκόνων βίβλους
τρισχιλίας" καθ᾽ ἕκαστον γὰρ εἶδος δένδρου παρα-
βολὴν εἶπεν ἀπὸ ὑσσώπου ἕως κέδρου, τὸν αὐτὸν
δὲ τρόπον καὶ περὶ κτηνῶν καὶ τῶν ἐπιγείων
ἁπάντων ζῴων καὶ τῶν νηκτῶν καὶ TOV ἀερίων:
οὐδεμίαν γὰρ' φύσιν ἡγνόησεν οὐδὲ παρῆλθεν
ἀνεξέταστον, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν πάσαις ἐφιλοσόφησε καὶ τὴν
ἐπιστήμην τῶν ἐν αὐταῖς ἰδιωμάτων ἄκραν ἐπεδεί-
Eato. παρέσχε δ᾽ αὐτῷ μαθεῖν ὁ θεὸς καὶ τὴν
κατὰ τῶν δαιμόνων τέχνην εἰς ὠφέλειαν καὶ θερα-
πείαν τοῖς ἀνθρώποις: ἐπῳδάς τε συνταξάμενος
αἷς παρηγορεῖται τὰ νοσήματα καὶ τρόπους ἐξ-
ορκώσεων κατέλιπει’, οἷς οἱ ἐνδούμενοι τὰ δαι-
μόνια ὡς μηκέτ᾽ ἐπανελθεῖν ἐκδιώκουσι." καὶ αὕτη
μέχρι νῦν παρ᾽ ἡμῖν 7 θεραπεία πλεῖστον ἰσχύει:
ἱστόρησα γάρ τινα ᾿Ελεάζαρον τῶν ὁμοφύλων
Οὐεσπασιανοῦ παρόντος καὶ τῶν υἱῶν αὐτοῦ καὶ
χιλιάρχων καὶ ἄλλου στρατιωτικοῦ πλήθους τοὺς
ὑπὸ τῶν δαιμονίων λαμβανομένους ἀπολύοντα τού-
των. ὁ δὲ τρόπος τῆς θεραπείας τοιοῦτος ἦν'
1 + τούτων MSP.
2 of ἐνδούμενοι RO: ἐνδούμενοι MP: ἐνδούμενα E Lat.:
ἐναδόμενα ὃ.
ἃ. ἐκδιώξουσι ROE.
α Bibl. Weman, αχχ Δίνάν, "Hudv, Lue. Αἰμάν.
® Bibl. Chaleol, uxx Χαλκάδ, Χαλκάλ, Luc. Χαλκάχ.
¢ Bibl. Darda, uxx Δαραλά, Δαρδά, Lire. Δαρδαέ. Reitzen-
stein, Poimandres, p. 163, sees here a reference to the Dar-
danos often mentioned in Graeco-Egyptian magical texts
as the founder of the mysteries of the Mother Goddess.
508
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 13-46
and Haimanos 5 and Chalkeos ἢ and Dardanos,*® sons
of Ilémaon.? He also composed a thousand and five His ὲ
ἸΓΟΥΘΓΌΒ,
books of odes and songs, and three thousand books of i Kingsiv. 32
parables and similitudes’ for he spoke a parable (tx* ἰν. a
about every kind of tree from the hyssop to the eedar,
and in like manner about birds and all kinds of ter-
restrial creatures and those that swim and those that
fly. There was no form of nature with which he was
not acquainted or which he passed over without
examining, but he studied them all philosophically
and revealed the most complete knowledge of their
several properties. And God granted him know- His clara
agains
ledge of the art used against denon for the benefit gemons.
and healing of men. He also composed incantations
by which illnesses are relieved, and left behind forms
of exoreisms with which those possessed by demons
drive them out, never to return.? And this kind of
cure is of very great power among us to this day, for
I have seen a certain Kleazar,” a countryman of mince,
in the presence of Vespasian, his sons, tribunes and a
number of other soldiers, free men possessed by
demons, and this was the manner of the cure: he
@ Bibl. Mahol, pxx MaotvA, Man.
€ So the Heb.; txx 5000. Both texts, however, refer to
the number of songs, not the number of books of songs.
Here too Scripture gives the number of parables, not
the number of books of parables.
¢ Though Scripture says nothing of Solomon’s power over
demons and skill in healing, both Jewish and Christian
as well as Muslim tradition contain many legends on these
subjects, some of therm to be found in the -frabian Nights.
* Perhaps, as Weill suggests, he was an Essence, for this
scet possessed books of medieine attributed to Solomon, CS,
Ginzberg vi. 291 note 48, “the recognized authorities of
rabbinic Judaism condeinn the use of the conjuring books
ascribed to Solomon, whereas the early Church held them
in high esteem.”
595
JOSEPHUS
47 προσφέρων ταῖς ῥισὶ τοῦ δαιμονιζομένου τὸν δακτύ-
λιον ἔχοντα ὑπὸ τῇ σφραγῖδι ῥίζαν ἐξ ὧν ὑπέδειξε
Σολομὼν ἔπειτα ἐξεῖλκεν ὀσφρομένῳ διὰ τῶν
μυκτήρων τὸ δαιμόνιον, καὶ πεσόντος εὐθὺς
τἀνθρώπου μηκέτ᾽ εἰς αὐτὸν ἐπανήξειν' ὥρκου
Σολομῶνός τε μεμνημένος καὶ τὰς ἐπῳδὰς ἃς
48 συνέθηκεν ἐκεῖνος ἐπιλέγων. βουλόμενος δὲ πεῖσαι
καὶ παραστῆσαι τοῖς παρατυγχάνουσιν ὁ ᾿Ελεά-
ζαρος ὅτι ταύτην ἔχει τὴν ἰσχύν, ἐτίθει μικρὸν
ἔμπροσθεν ἤτοι “ποτήριον πλῆρες ὕδατος ἢ ποδό-
νιπτρον καὶ τῷ δαιμονίῳ προσέταττεν ἐξιόντι
τἀνθρώπου ταῦτ᾽ ἀνατρέψαι καὶ παρασχεῖν ἐπι-
γνῶναι τοῖς ὁρῶσιν ὅτι καταλέλοιπε τὸν ἄνθρωπον.
γενομένου" δὲ τούτ ου σαφὴς ἡ Σολομῶνος καθ-
ίστατο σύνεσις καὶ σοφία du ἣν, ἵνα γνῶσιν ἅπαν-
τες αὐτοῦ τὸ μεγαλεῖον τῆς φύσεως καὶ τὸ θεοφιλὲς
καὶ λάθῃ μηδένα τῶν ὑπὸ τὸν ἥλιον ἡ τοῦ βασιλέως
περὶ πᾶν εἶδος ἀρετῆς ὑπερβολή, περὶ τούτων
εἰπεῖν προήχθημεν.
δὺ (0) ae δὲ τῶν Τυρίων βασιλεὺς Εἴρωμος ἀκού-
σας ὅτι Σολομὼν τὴν τοῦ πατρὸς διεδέξατο βα-
σιλείαν ὑπερήσθη (φίλος γὰρ ἐτύγχανε τῷ Δαυίδῃ)
καὶ πέμψας πρὸς αὐτὸν ἠσπάζετό τε καὶ συν-
ἔχαιρεν ἐπὶ τοῖς παροῦσιν ἀγαθοῖς. ἀποστέλλει δὲ
πρὸς αὐτὸν Σολομὼν γράμματα δηλοῦντα τάδε'
61 “᾿ βασιλεὺς Σολομὼν [Σἰρώμῳ βασιλεῖ. ἴσθι μου
τὸν πατέρα βουληθέντα κατασκευάσαι τῷ θεῷ
ναὸν ὑπὸ τῶν πολέμων καὶ τῶν συνεχῶν στρατειῶν
κεκωλυμένον: οὐ γὰρ ἐπαύσατο πρότερον τοὺς
ἐχθροὺς καταστρεφόμενος πρὶν ἢ πάντας αὐτοὺς
l CraveNOciy MSPE.
2 Niese: γινομένου codd.
=
4¢
595
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VILL 47-51
put to the nose of the possessed man a ring whieh
had under its seal one of the roots® prescribed by
Solomon, and then, as the man smelled it, drew out
the demon through his nostrils, and, when the man
at onee fell down, adjured the demon never to come
back into him, speaking Solomon’s name and reciting
the incantations which he had composed. Then,
wishing to convinee the bystanders and prove to them
that he had this power, Eleazar placed a eup or foot-
basin full of water a little way off and commanded
the demon, as it went out of the man, to overturn it
and make known to the spectators that he had left
the man. And when this was done, the understand-
ing and wisdom of Solomon were elearly revealed, on
account of which we have been indueed to speak of
these things, in order that all men may know the
greatness of his nature and how God favoured him,
and that no one under the sun may be ignorant of
the τῶν surpassing virtue of every kind.
Now when Eirdinos,? the king of the Tyrians,
hen that Solomon had eneccedcd to his father’s
kingdom, he was overjoyed, for he was a friend of
David, and sent him greetings and congratulations
on his present good fortune. Then Solomon wrote a
letter τ return, the eontents of which were as
follows: ¢ “ King Solomon to King Kirdmos. Know
that my ». wished to build a temple to God but
was prevented by wars and continual expeditions, for
he did not leave off subduing his enemies until he
ἍΤ, Reinach plausibly conjectures that this was the baaras
plant described in J.J. vii. 150 ff
o Bibl ahr, δ οἱ. vile δ note;
¢ Cf, Ap. i. 111 note and the text of the letters, given
by the Jewish Alexandrian writer Eupolemos ap. Eusebius,
470}
Praep. Evang. ix. 80 ἢ,
597
iliram
(Eiromos),
King of
Tyre, sends
greetings to
Solomon.
] Kings v. }
(Heb. v. 15)
Ι
JOSEPHUS |
δ φόρων ὑποτελεῖς πεποιηκέναι. ἐγὼ δὲ χάριν οἷδε |
τῷ θεῷ τῆς παρούσης εἰρήνης καὶ διὰ ταύτην
εὐσχολῶν οἰκοδομῆσαι τῷ θεῷ βούλομαι τὸν οἶκον'
καὶ γὰρ ὑπ᾽ ἐμοῦ τοῦτον ἔσεσθαι τῷ πατρί μου
προεῖπεν ὁ θεός. διὸ παρακαλῶ σε συμπέμψαι"
τινὰς τοῖς ἐμοῖς εἰς Λίβανον τὸ ὄρος κόψοντας ξύλα'
πρὸς γὰρ τομὴν ὕλης ἐ ἐπιστημονέστερον ἔχουσι τῶν.
ἡμετέρων οἱ Σιδώνιοι. μισθὸν δ᾽ év av ὁρίσῃς
ἐγὼ τοῖς ὑλουργοῖς παρέξω.
53 (7) ᾿Αναγνοὺς δὲ τὴν ἐπιστολὴν Εἴρωμος καὶ τοῖς
ἐπεσταλμένοις ἡσθεὶς ἀντιγράφει τῷ Σολομῶνι"
‘ βασιλεὺς Εἴρωμος βασιλεῖ Σολομῶνι. τὸν μὲν
θεὸν εὐλογεῖν ἄξιον ὅτι σοι τὴν πατρῴαν 7 παρέδωκεν
ἡγεμονίαν ἀνδρὶ σοφῷ καὶ πᾶσαν ἀρετὴν ἔχοντι,
ἐγὼ δὲ τούτοις ἡδόμενος ἅπαντα ὑπουργήσω τὰ
δ1 ἐπεσταλμένα" τεμὼν γὰρ ξύλα πολλὰ καὶ μεγάλα
κέδρου τε καὶ κυπαρίσσου διὰ τῶν ἐμῶν κατα-
πέμψω ἐπὶ θάλασσαν καὶ κελεύσω τοὺς ἐμοὺς
σχεδίαν πηξαμένους εἰς ὃν av βουληθῇς τόπον τῆς
σαυτοῦ χώρας πλεύσαντας ἀποθέσθαι: ἔπειθ᾽ οἱ σοὶ
διακομίσουσιν εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα. ὅπως δὲ καὶ σὺ
παράσχῃς ἡμῖν ἀντὶ τούτων σῖτον, οὗ διὰ τὸ
νῆσον οἰκεῖν δεόμεθα, φρόντισον.᾽ :
55 (8) Διαμένει δὲ ἄχρι τῆς τήμερον Ta τῶν ἐπι-
στολῶν τούτων ἀντίγραφα οὐκ ἐν τοῖς ἡμετέροις
μόνον σωζόμενα βιβλίοις ἀλλὰ καὶ παρὰ Τυρίοις,
ὥστ᾽ εἴ τις ἐθελήσειε τὸ ἀκριβὲς μαθεῖν, δεηθεὶς
τῶν ἐπὶ τοῦ Γυρίων γραμματοφυλακείου δημοσίων
εὕροι συμφωνοῦντ᾽ ἂν" τοῖς εἰρημένοις ὑφ᾽ ἡμῶν
δὺ τὰ παρ᾽ ἐκείνοις. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν διεξῆλθον βου-
1 ἐποίησεν MSP.
2 Niese: τῶν codd. 3 ἂν add. Niese.
598
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 52-56
had foreed all of them to pay tribute. But I give
thanks to God for the peace I now enjoy, and as on
that account 1 am at leisure, I wish to build a house
to God, for He indeed foretold to my father that this
would be made by me. I therefore request you to
send some men along with mine to Mount Lebanon to
cut timber, for the Sidonians are more skilful in
eutting timber than are our men. And whatever
wage you may fix, I will give it to the woodeutters.”’
Ω͂ ) When Kirdmos read this letter, he was pleased Hiram
with the request contained in it, and wrote back to yap Ὁ
Solomon, “ King Eirémos to King Solomon. It is ἘΣ
proper to praise God for having given to you, who temple.
are a wise man endowed with every virtue, your (Hep aH
father’s roval power. As for me, 1 am very glad o “
this and I will assist you in all the things mentioned
in your letter. I will have my men eae down many
ereat cedars and eypresses α and send them down to
ihe sea, and will order my servants to put together a
raft and sail and deliver them at whatever place in
your country you may choose, and then your men shall
earry them to Jerusalem. And take eare, on your
part, to furnish us in return for them with grain, of
which we are in need beeause we live on an island.”’ ¥
(8) To this day there remain copies of these letters, p ocorva.
preserved not only in our books but also by the tion of the
Tyrians, so that if anyone wished to learn the exact ¢orespond
truth, he would, by inquiring of the public offieials 1 τε πν πμὰ
in eharge of the Tyrian arehives, find that their’
reeords are in agreement with what we have said.¢
These things I have given in detail because I wish
@ τχχ πεύκινα “ pines’’s Heb. berdés, which is elsewhere
in the Lxx translated as κυπάρισσος “ cypress.’
ὁ Or “ peninsula’? (νῆσος means both), which Tyre really
was. The detail is unscriptural. ὃς LOO dL:
VOL. ¥ 7.0) 00
οι
.]
δὸ
59
JOSEREUS
λόμενος γνῶναι τοὺς ἐντευξομένους ὅτι μηδὲν
"ἄλλον ἔξω τῆς ἀληθείας “λέγομεν, μηδὲ πιθανοῖς
τισι καὶ πρὸς ἀπάτην καὶ τέρψιν ἐπαγωγοῖς τὴν
ἱστορίαν διαλαμβάνοντες τὴν μὲν ἐξέτασιν φεύγειν
πειρώμεθα, πιστεύεσθαι δ᾽ εὐθὺς ἀξιοῦμεν, οὐδὲ"
συγκεχωρημένον ἡμῖν κατεξανισταμένοις τοῦ πρέ-
ποντος τῇ πραγματείᾳ" ἀθῴοις ὑπάρχειν, ἀλλὰ
μηδεμιᾶς ἀποδοχῆς τυγχάνειν παρακαλοῦντες, ἂν
μὴ μετὰ ἀποδείξεως καὶ τεκμηρίων ἰσχυρῶν
ἐμφανίζειν δυνώμεθα τὴν ἀλήθειαν.
(9) Ὃ δὲ βασιλεὺς Σολομὼν ὡς ἐκομίσθη τὰ
παρὰ τοῦ Τυρίων βασιλέως γράμματα τήν τε
προθυμίαν αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν εὔνοιαν ἐπήνεσε, καὶ οἷς
ἠξίωσε τούτοις αὐτὸν ἠμείψατο, σίτου μὲν αὐτῷ
oe ἔτος πέμψας δισμυρίους κόρους Kal τοσούτους
ἐλαίου βάτους": ὁ δὲ βάτος δύναται ξέστας ἐβδο-
μήκοντα δύο" τὸ δ᾽ αὐτὸ μέτρον καὶ οἴνου παρ-
εἶχεν. 7 μὲν οὖν Εἰρώμου φιλία καὶ Σολομῶνος
ἀπὸ τούτων ἔτι μᾶλλον ηὔξησε καὶ διαμενεῖν"
ὥμοσαν εἰς ἅπαν. ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ἐπέταξε παντὶ
τῷ λαῷ φόρον ἐργάτας τρισμυρίους, οἷς ἀπονον
τὴν ἐργασίαν κατέστησε μερίσας αὐτὴν συνετῶς"
A /
μυρίους γὰρ ἐποίησε κόπτοντας ἐπὶ μῆνα ἕνα ἐν
τῷ Λιβάνῳ ὄρει δύο δὲ μῆνας ἀναπαύεσθαι παρα-
γενομένους ἐπὶ τὰ οἰκεῖα, μέχρις οὗ" πάλιν οἱ
δισμύριοι τὴν ἐργασίαν ἀναπληρώσωσι κατὰ τὸν
ὡρισμένον χρόνον" ἔπειθ᾽ οὕτως συνέβαινε τοῖς
πρώτοις μυρίοις διὰ τετάρτου μηνὸς ἀπαντᾶν ἐπὶ
1 ὡς οὐδὲ Naber. 2 Niese: τῆς πραγματείας codd.
3 βάδοις MSPE.
4 +4 χωρῆσαι MSP Theodoretus (vid.).
δ Niese: διαμένειν codd. ; 6 ἂν Naber.
7 ἀναπληρώσουσι con). Niese.
600
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 56-59
my readers to know that we have said nothing more
than what i is true, and have not, by inserting into the
history various plausible and seductive passages
meant to deceive and entertain, attempted to evade
critical inquiry, asking to be instantly believed ; nor
should we be indulgently held blameless if we depart
from what is proper to a historical narrative ; on the
contrary, we ask that no hearing be given us unless
we are able to establish the truth with demonstra-
tions and convincing evidence.
(9) Now King Solomon, on receiving the letter Solomons
from the king of the Tyrians, commended his zeal and ieee
goodwill, and gave him in return the supplies he had ine v.12
requested, sending him yearly twenty thousand sors ας ΠΤ
of grain and as many? baths of oil—the bath con-
taining seventy-two sexrtarii (xestai).© He also fur-
nished the same measure of wine. And so the friend-
ship of Eiromos and Solomon increased through these
things, and they swore that it should continue for
ever. And the king imposed on all the people a Division of
levy of thirty thousand workmen, whose labour he Ha aa
made less ditheult by dividing it wisely among them, (Heb. v. 27).
for he had ten thousand eut timber for a month on
Mount Lebanon and then return to their homes and
rest for two months until the other twenty thousand
had finished their work in the appointed time.
Thus it would then be the turn of the first ten thousand
to return to their work in the fourth month. The
¢ Cf. § 40 note.
’ So rxx; Heb. has “90 baths ’’ instead of 20,000 ; both
texts in the parallel passage, 2 Chron. ii. 10, add ‘ 20,000
kors of barley.”
ς The bath was equivalent to about 36 litres or 9 gallons ;
it contained 72 logs, which are thus equated by Josephus
with sectares.
601
JOSEPHUS
TO ἔργον. ἐγεγόνει δ᾽ ἐπίτροπος τοῦ φόρου τούτου
᾿Αδώραμος. ἦσαν δ᾽ ἐκ τῶν παροίκων ous
Δαυίδης καταλελοίπει τῶν μὲν παρακομιζόντων
τὴν λιθίαν καὶ τὴν ἄλλην ὕλην ἑ ἑπτὰ μυριάδες, τῶν
δὲ "λατομούντων ὀκτάκις μύριοι, τούτων δ᾽ ἐπι-
00 στάται τρισχίλιοι καὶ τριακόσιοι. προστετάχει δὲ
λίθους μὲν αὐτοῖς τέμνειν μεγάλους εἰς τοὺς τοῦ
ναοῦ θεμελίους, ἁρμόσαντας δὲ πρῶτον καὶ συν-
δήσαντας ἐν τῷ ὄρει κατακομίζειν οὕτως εἰς τὴν
πόλιν. ἐγίνετο δὲ ταῦτ᾽ οὐ παρὰ τῶν οἰκοδόμων
τῶν ἐγχωρίων μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὧν ὁ Eipwpos
ἔπεμψε τεχνιτῶν.
61 (iii. 1) Τῆς δ᾽ οἰκοδομίας τοῦ ναοῦ Σολομὼν
ἤρξατο τέταρτον ἔτος ἤδη τῆς βασιλείας ἔχων
μηνὶ δευτέρῳ, ὃν Μακεδόνες “μὲν ᾿Αρτεμίσιον
καλοῦσιν “Ἑβραῖοι δὲ ‘lap, μετὰ ἔτη πεντακόσια
καὶ ἐνενήκοντα καὶ δύο τῆς am Αἰγύπτου τῶν
᾿Ισραηλιτῶν ἐξόδου ετὰ δὲ χίλια καὶ εἴκοσι ἔτ
pan ve x η
THS ‘ABpapov εἰς τὴν Xavavatav ἐκ τῆς λίεσο-
ποταμίας ἀφίξεως, ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς ἐπομβρίας μετὰ
62 χίλια καὶ τετρακόσια καὶ τεσσαράκοντα' ἀπὸ δὲ
τοῦ πρώτου γεννηθέντος ᾿Αδάμου e€ ἕως οὗ τὸν ναὸν
φκοδόμησε Σολομών, διεληλύθει τὰ πάντα ἔτη
τρισχίλια καὶ ἑκατὸν καὶ δύο. καθ᾽ ὃν δὲ ὁ ναὸς
« Bibl. Adoniram, cf. «1. vii. 293 note.
>» So Heb. ; 1txx 3600, v.l. 3500, Luc. 3700. Both Heb.
and Lxx have § 3600 in 2 Chron. ii. 18. Cf. A. vii. 335 note.
¢ Josephus gives the later Hebrew name (lyyar) of the
month= April-May. Scripture here uses the old Canaanite
name, Ziw (A.V. Zif).
4 Heb. and Lue. 480, xx 440. Josephus’s figure agrees
with that given in 4d. vil. 68 (cf. note ad loc.), but differs
from his chronology in A. xx. 230 and Ap. ii. 19.
602
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII.
offieer in charge of this levy was Adéramos.? And of
the aliens whom David had left, there were seventy
thousand to earry stone and other material, and
eighty thousand stone-cutters, and over them were
three thousand three hundred ὃ overseers. Now he
had ordered them to hew large stones for the founda-
tions of the temple and, after fitting them and bind-
ing them together on the mountain, to bring them
down in this way to the city. And this was dee not
only by the native builders but also by the artisans
whom Firdmos had sent.
(iii. 1) Solomon began the building of the temple Chronology
in the fourth year of his reign, in the second month. maple
which the Macedonians call Artemisios and_ the 1 Kings vi.L
Hebrews far,’ five hundred and ninety-two years
after the Israelites’ exodus from Egypt,? one thousand
and twenty years after the coming of Abraham to
Canaan from Mesopotamia,’ one thousand four hun-
dred and forty years after the deluge 7; and from the
ereation of Adam the first man to the time when
Solomon built the temple there elapsed altogether
three thousand one hundred and two years.’ And
¢ In A. ti. 318 (= Ex. xii. 40) Josephus dates Abraham’s
coming to Canaan 430 years before the exodus, i.e. 1022
years before the building of the temple.
7 Aceording to this reckoning, 420 years (1440-1020)
elapsed between the deluge and Abraham’s coming to
Canaan, but in Ant. i. 148 ff. the interval is to be reckoned as
1067 years.
5 According to Ant. i. 82 the deluge came 2262 years
after Adam’s ereation; if to this we add 1440 years, given
above as the interval between the deluge and the building
of the temple, we get 3702 instead of 3102 years between
Adam’s creation and the building of the temple. For an
explanation of these chronological discrepancies cf. Ant.
i. 82 note.
603
JOSEPHUS
ἤρξατο οἰκοδομεῖσθαι χρόνον, κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον ἔτος
On THS ἐν Τύρῳ βασιλείας ἑνδέκατον ἐνειστήκει
ἰρώμῳ, ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς" οἰκίσεως" εἰς τὴν οἰκοδομίαν
τοῦ ναοῦ διεγεγόνει χρόνος ἐτῶν τεσσαράκοντα
καὶ διακοσίων.
63. (2) βάλλεται “μὲν οὖν τῷ ναῷ θεμελίους ὁ
βασιλεὺς ἐπὶ μήκιστον Τῆς γῆς βάθος ὕλης λίθων
ἰσχυρᾶς καὶ πρὸς χρόνον ἀντέχειν δυναμένης, οἵ
τῇ τε γῇ συμφυέντες ἔμελλον ἔδαφος καὶ ἔρεισμα
τῆς ἐποικοδομηθησομέι' 7s° κατασκευῆς ἔσεσθαι
καὶ διὰ τὴν κάτωθεν ἰ ἰσχὺν οἴσειν ἀπόνως μέγεθός
τε τῶν ἐπικεισομένων. καὶ κάλλους πολυτέλειαν,
ἡ βάρος ἔμελλεν οὐχ ἧττον εἶναι τῶν ἄλλων ὅσα
πρὸς ὕψος καὶ πρὸς ὄγκον κόσμου τε χάριν καὶ
64 μεγαλουργίας ἐπενοεῖτο. ἀνήγαγε δ᾽ αὐτὸν ἄχρι
τῆς ὀροφῆς ἐκ λευκοῦ λίθου πεποιημένον. τὸ μὲν
οὖν ὕψος ἢ ἦν ἑξήκοντα πηχῶν, τῶν δ᾽ αὐτῶν καὶ τὸ
μῆκος, εὖρος δ᾽ εἴκοσι. κατὰ τούτου δὲ ἄλλος ἦν
ἐγηγερμένος ἴσος τοῖς “μέτροις, ὥστε εἶναι τὸ πᾶν
ὕψος τῷ ναῷ πηχῶν ἑκατὸν καὶ εἴκοσι" τέτραπτο
65 δὲ πρὸς τὴν ἀνατολήν. τὸ δὲ προνάιον αὐτοῦ
προύστησαν' ἐπὶ πήχεις μὲν εἴκοσι τὸ μῆκος πρὸς
τὸ εὖρος τοῦ οἴκου τεταμένον, ἔχον δὲ πλάτος
πήχεις δέκα εἰς ὕψος δὲ ἀνεγηγερμένον πηχῶν
1 ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς ed. pr. Lat.: τῆς δὲ codd.
2 ex Lat. Bekker: οἰκήσεως codd.
3 ἐἑποικοδομησομένης ROME.
ἃ προύστησεν Naber. 5 τεταγμένον MSP.
¢ Twelfth, according to fp. i. 126.
> Justinus, in his Epitome of ‘Trogus Pompeius, xviii. 3. 5,
says that Tyre was founded a year before the fall of Troy.
This, in turn, is dated by the Parian marble (ef. Cambridge
604
*
JEWISH. ANTIQUITIES... VIII.62=65
at the time when the temple began to be built—in
that same year, Eirdmos was alr eady i in the eleventh @
year of his reign at Tyre ; from the founding (of this
city) to the building of the temple there was an
interval of two hundred and forty years.?
(2) And so the king had the foundations for the Foundations
temple laid very very deep i in the ground, the materia ΒΟ
being strong stones capable of resisting the wear of ! ἘΠῚ ἢ ἐν
ἌΜΜΟΣ Ww ae would grow to the soil and ie a base and ted. v.31).
support for the structure to be erected upon them,
and which, because of their strength from below,
would without difficulty bear the great mass resting
on them and the precious ornaments, the weight of
which would be no less than that of the other parts
designed for height and massiveness and for graceful
beauty and magnificence as Wee He built it up Dimensions
to the roof of white marble ;4 its height was sixty ὁ Pani
cubits, its length was the same/ and its breadth was } Sea
twenty cubits. Upon it was erected another story ea
of equal proportions, so that the total height of the
temple was a hundred and twenty cubits ; Ὁ it faced
toward the east. Then they placed a porch i in front
of it, twenty cubits in length, extending the width of
the building? and ten cubits wide, and rising to a
alncient History, i. 178) in the year corresponding to 1209-
W205: tC;
¢ In the foregoing description Josephus has greatly ampli-
fied Scripture.
9 tnscriptural detail.
Heb, thirty, xx twenty-five (7.7. = Heb.).
f2S0-Llebss: axx forty 0"... = laens),
9 This detail shows a confused understanding of 1 Kings
vi. 3 and the parallel passage, 2 Chiron, iii. 4, which speak
of the porch before the temple, 120 cubits high according
to 2 Chron. Josephus proceeds, in the next sentence, to
describe this same porch.
605
66
67
68
JOSEPHUS
ἑκατὸν καὶ εἴκοσι. περιῳκοδόμησε δὲ τὸν ναὸν
ἐν κύκλῳ τριάκοντα βραχέσιν οἴκοις, ot συνοχή
τε τοῦ παντὸς ἔμελλον ἔσεσθαι διὰ πυκνότητα καὶ
πλῆθος ἔξωθεν περικείμενοι, καὶ δὴ καὶ τὰς
εἰσόδους αὐτοῖς δι᾽ ἀλλήλων κατεσκεύασεν. ἕκα-
στος δὲ τῶν οἴκων τούτων εὖρος μὲν εἶχε πέντε
πήχεις, μῆκος; δὲ τοὺς αὐτούς, ὕψος δὲ εἴκοσιν.
ἐπῳκοδόμηντο δὲ τούτοις ἄνωθεν ἕτεροι οἶκοι καὶ
πάλιν ἄλλοι κατ᾽ αὐτῶν ἴσοι καὶ τοῖς μέτροις καὶ
τῷ ἀριθμῷ, ὡς τὸ πᾶν ὕψος αὐτοὺς λαβεῖν τῷ
κάτωθεν οἴκῳ παραπλήσιον" ὁ γὰρ ὑπερῷος οὐκ ἦν
περιῳκοδομημένος. ὄροφος δὲ αὐτοῖς ͵ἐπεβέβλητο
κέδρου" καὶ τοῖς μὲν οἴκοις ἰδιος ἢ ἦν οὗτος ἑκάστῳ
πρὸς τοὺς πλησίον οὐ συνάπτων, τοῖς δ᾽ ἄλλοις
ὑπῆρχεν ἡ στέγη κοινὴ δι᾿ ἀλλήλων δεδομημένη
μηκίσταις δοκοῖς καὶ διηκούσαις ἃ ἁπάντων, ὡς τοὺς
μέσους τοίχους ὑπὸ τῶν αὐτῶν συγκρατουμένους
ξύλων ἐρρωμενεστέρους διὰ τοῦτο γίνεσθαι. τὴν
δὲ ὑπὸ τὰς δοκοὺς στέγην τῆς αὐτῆς ὕλης ἐβάλετο
πᾶσαν ἐξεσμένην εἰς φατνώματα καὶ προσκόλλησιν
χρυσοῦ. τοὺς δὲ τοίχους κεδρίναις διαλαβὼν
σανίσι χρυσὸν αὐταῖς ἐνετόρευσεν, ᾧστε στίλβειν
1 Niese: μήκους codd. Καὶ Lat.
4 Scripture does not state how many chambers there were.
This number may be derived from the description of Ezekiel’s
temple, Ezek. xl. 17, or, as Weill thinks, may have been
reckoned by Josephus on the basis of the length of three
sides of the temple (140 cubits), divided by the width of
each chamber (5 cubits); this gives 28 chambers, and with
the addition of 2 chambers at the corners 30 chambers
altogether.
> Unseriptural detail.
¢ The height of the chambers is not given in Scripture.
606
JEAV IESE AN TIO ΓΙ. ὙΠῸ. Ga26s
height of a hundred and twenty cubits. And all The side-
around the temple he built thirty * small chambers Tene. 5
which, surrounding it on the outside, were to hold it (xx vi. 10)
together by their compactness and number. He also
made entrances in them, leading from one to the
other.? Each of these chambers was five cubits in
breadth, the same in length, and twenty cubits in
height.¢ And above these were built other chambers
and again still others above them, equal in proportion
and Aumberé so that they reached a combined height
equivalent to that of the lower building, the upper
story not having chambers built Eeound: it. 2ind-a
roof of cedar was put over the edifice. But the
chambers each had a separate roof not joined to the
next, while the rest of the building had a common
roof constructed of very long beams crossing one
another and reaching all sides,’ so that the middle
walls, being held together by the same pieces of
timber, were thereby made str onger. And under the
beams he laid a ceiling of the same material, which
was all smoothly div ided into panels and ov erlaid with
gold. The walls he covered at intervals with cedar
boards, which he embossed with gold, so that the
Josephus apparently divides 60 cubits, the height of the
temple, by 3 (the number of stories of chambers).
4 Josephus omits to state that these rows of side chambers
projected from the temple wall in step fashion, cach story
extending one cubit beyond the story below, cf. I Kings vi. 5.
¢ The text is difhcult ; in part it seems to refer to brackets
running diagonally from the horizontal ceiling timbers to
the vertical timbers of the walls. Josephus apparently takes
Heb. yasia (A.V. “ chambers ’’) in 1 Kings vi. 10 in the
sense of “ bracing timbers,’ ef. Luxx ἐνδέσμους ** bondings.”’
! Which middie walls are meant is far from clear. Pos-
sibly Josephus means the walls as they were before being
covercd with cedar and gold.
607
JOSEPHUS
΄ \ ᾿ A , ‘ ΝΜ
ἅπαντα τὸν ναὸν καὶ περιλάμπεσθαι τὰς ὄψεις
~ > , € \ ~ ᾽ “- “» ~
τῶν εἰσιόντων ὑπὸ τῆς αὐγῆς τοῦ χρυσοῦ παν-
69 ταχόθεν φερομένης.: ἡ δ᾽ ὅλη τοῦ ναοῦ οἰκοδομία
\ \ 4 3 , > , 3 /
κατὰ πολλὴν τέχνην ἐκ λίθων ἀκροτόμων ἐγένετο
συντεθέντων ἁρμονίως πάνυ καὶ λείως, ὡς μήτε
4 Vd ” ἃ 3 / “-
σφύρας μήτε ἄλλου τινὸς ἐργαλείου τεκτονικοῦ
“- ~ 3 , ~ > A “
τοῖς κατανοοῦσιν ἐργασίαν δηλοῦσθαι, ἀλλὰ δίχα
~ ~ A
τῆς τούτων χρήσεως πᾶσαν ἡρμόσθαι τὴν ὕλην
προσφυῶς, ὡς ἑκούσιον τὴν ἁρμονίαν αὐτῆς δοκεῖν
70 μᾶλλον ἢ τῆς τῶν ἐργαλείων ἀνάγκης. ἐφιλο-
71
72
, \ ¢ A » 3 A [ ~
τέχνησε δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς ἄνοδον ets τὸν ὑπερῷον
A ~ » ~ 4
οἶκον διὰ τοῦ εὔρους τοῦ τοίχου: οὐ γὰρ εἶχε θύραν
~ 3 ~ > ?
μεγάλην κατὰ τῆς ἀνατολῆς ws εἶχεν ὁ κάτωθεν
> 3 > 3 ~ ~ Ss ww ‘
οἶκος, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ τῶν πλευρῶν ἦσαν εἴσοδοι διὰ
~ , ~ / A \ \ Ἁ
μικρῶν πάνυ θυρῶν. διέλαβε δὲ τὸν ναὸν καὶ
ἔνδοθεν καὶ ἔξωθεν ξύλοις κεδρίνοις ἁλύσεσι
é / 3 > 3 ,
παχείαις συνδεδεμένοις, ὥστε ἀντ᾽ ὀχυρωμάτων
ε ~
καὶ ῥώμης TOUTO" εἶναι.
(3) Διελὼν δὲ τὸν ναὸν εἰς δύο τὸν μὲν ἔνδοθεν
, ~ 2 A \
οἶκον εἴκοσι πηχῶν ἐποίησεν ἀδυτον," τὸν δὲ τεσ-
σαράκοντα πηχῶν ἅγιον ναὸν ἀπέδειξεν. ἐκτεμὼν
δὲ τὸν μέσον τοῖχον θύρας ἐπέστησε κεδρίνας
χρυσὸν αὐταῖς πολὺν ἐνεργασάμενος καὶ τορεΐίαν
, , \ [4 id ᾽
ποικίλην. κατεπέτασε δὲ ταύτας ὕφεσιν εὐανθε-
f 3 € 4 \ [4 Ἁ ,
στάτοις ἐξ ὑακίνθου καὶ πορφύρας Kal κόκκου
, 3 A > ‘ Ἁ 7
πεποιημένοις, οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ βύσσου λαμπρο-
1 φαινομένης Naber.
2 rotr’ αὐτοῖς Naber. 3 4 εἶναι SP,
608
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 68-72
whole temple gleamed and dazzled the eyes of those
who entered by the radianee of the gold which met
them on every side. And the whole construction of The
the temple was carried out with great skill by means 1 Kings v7 :
of stones cut fine and laid together so neatly and (x vt. 12).
smoothly that to the beholder there appeared no
sign of the use of mallets or other work-tools, but all
the material seemed to have fitted itself together
naturally without the use of these things, so that their
fitting together seemed to have eome about of itself
rather than through the force of tools.* And the king The
contrived a stairw ay to the upper story through the se ῇ
thickness of the wall, for it had no great door on the (-xx vi. 13)
east as the lower building had, but it had entrances
through very small doors on ae sides. He also over-
laid the temple both inside and outside with cedar
boards fastened together with thick chains, so as to 2 Chron.
serve as support and strength. ΠΕ:
(3) And he divided the temple into two parts, and The Moly
made the inner space ὃ of twenty cubits an adytum,° ἘῸΝ
while the rest, tonty cubits long, he designated. as the at ee
Holy Temple.4 Then he eae through the middle τὰ 17).
wall ὁ and set doors of cedar in it, w orking into them
much gold and intricate carving. And he curtained 2 Chron. iti
these with a cloth brightly coloured in hyacinth blue **
and purple and searlet, which was, moreover, made
¢ A very free paraphrase of | Kings vi. 7 ‘‘ And the
house, when it was in building, was built of stone made
ready before it was bronght thither, so that there was neither
hammer nor axe nor any tool of iron heard in the house
while it was in building.”
> At the western end of the temple. _
¢ Heb. debir or qodes qoddsim (A.V. “ oracle ’’ or *‘ most
holy place ’’), Lxx δαβείρ or ἅγιον τῶν ἁγίων.
4 Heb. hekal (A.V. “ temple ᾽᾽), Uxx ναός.
¢ The wall dividing the adytuin from the temple.
609
i3
74
75
76
JOSEPHUS
τάτης Kal μαλακωτάτης. ἀνέθηκε δ᾽ εἰς TO ἄδυτον
εἴκοσι πηχῶν τὸ εὖρος τῶν δ᾽ αὐτῶν καὶ τὸ μῆκος
δύο Χερουβεῖς ὁλοχρύσους πηχῶν ἑκατέραν τὸ
ὕψος πέντε, δύο δ᾽ ἦσαν ἑκατέρᾳ πτέρυγες ἐπὶ
πέντε πήχεις ἐκτεταμέναι. διὸ καὶ οὐ μακράν!
ἀπ᾿ ἀλλήλων αὐτὰς ἀνέστησεν, ἵνα τῶν πτερύγων
τῇ μὲν ἅπτωνται τοῦ κατὰ νότον κειμένου τοίχου
τοῦ ἀδύτου, τῇ δὲ κατὰ βορέαν, αἱ δ᾽ ἄλλαι
πτέρυγες αὑταῖς συνάπτουσαι τεθείσῃ μεταξὺ
αὐτῶν τῇ κιβωτῷ σκέπη τυγχάνωσι. τὰς δὲ
Χερουβεῖς οὐδεὶς ὁποῖαί τινες ἦσαν" εἰπεῖν οὐδ᾽
εἰκάσαι δύναται. κατέστρωσε δὲ καὶ τοῦ ναοῦ τὸ
ἔδαφος ἐλάσμασι χρυσοῦ, ἐπέθηκε δὲ καὶ τῷ
πυλῶνι τοῦ ναοῦ θύρας πρὸς τὸ ὕψος τοῦ τοίχου
συμμεμετρημένας εὖρος ἐχούσας πηχῶν εἴκοσι,
καὶ ταύτας κατεκόλλησε χρυσῷ. συνελόντι δ᾽
εἰπεῖν, οὐδὲν εἴασε τοῦ ναοῦ μέρος οὔτε ἔξωθεν
οὔτε ΡῈ Β ὃ μὴ χρυσὸς ἦν. κατεπέτασε δὲ καὶ
ταύτας τὰς θύρας ὁμοίως ταῖς" ἐνδοτέρω κατα-
πετάσμασιν. ἡ δὲ τοῦ προναΐου πύλη τούτων
οὐδὲν εἶχε.
(4) Μεταπέμπεται δ᾽ ἐκ Τύρου Σολομὼν παρὰ
Εἰρ ρώμου τεχνίτην Χείρωμον" ὄνομα μητρὸς μὲν
ὄντα Νεφθαλίτιδος τὸ γένος (ἐκ γὰρ ταύτης
1 οὐ μακρὰν ed. pr.: μακρὰν οὐκ codd. Εἰ,
2 εἰσὶν RO.
3 Dindorf: τοῖς eodd.
4 Χείραμον MSP: Chirom Lat.
4 Josephus closely follows the wording of the txx in
2 Chron. (1 Kings omits the curtain) but fails to mention the
figures of cherubim woven in the curtain. On this reluctance
to dwell on them cf. next note but one.
610
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VITF. 15-
of the most gleaming and softest linen.* In the The
adytum, which was twenty cubits in length and the i Kings vi
same in breadth, he set up two cherubim of solid gold, 38 (Uxx vi.
each five ® cubits i in height and each having two wings sa
with a spread of five cubits ; ; for that reason he set
them up not far from each other, in order that they
mioht with one of their wings touch the southern wall
of the adytum, and with the other the northern wall,
while their inner wings joined each other so as to
form a covering for the ark, which was placed between
them. As for the cherubim themselves, no one can
say or imagine what they looked like.* And he also
paved the floor of the temple with plates of gold, and
to the gate of the temple set doors in proportion to
the height of the walls, in breadth twenty cubits,? and
these he inlaid with gold. In a word, he left no part
of the temple, whether on the outside or on the
inside, which was not gold. These doors he also
overhung with curtains in the same way as those
within.© But the entrance of the porch had none of
these.
(4) And Solomon summoned from Tyre, from The Tyrian
Eirdmos’s court, a craftsman named Cheirémos,? who ¢Ti!tsman,
ΕΠ Π ΓΔ Πὶ
was of Naphthalite descent on his mother’s side—for ones
08).
> Bibl. ten.
‘ In this statement Rappaport sees an attempt to smooth
over the theologieal difficulties involved in Solomon’s
‘apparent disregard of the prohibition in the decalogue
against the making of images
4 Unsceriptural detail. Reinach compares Ezek. xli. 2
¢ According to Scripture they were earved and embossed
with gold, but had no enrtain.
7 Heb. here, 1 Kings vii. 1 ff., gives a description of
Solomon’s palace, which Josephus, like the txx, postpones,
cf. §§ 130 ff.
“ Bibl, Hiram (Heb. //irdm), oxx Χειράμ,
611
77
78
79
JOSEPHUS
ὑπῆρχε τῆς φυλῆς) πατρὸς δὲ Οὐρίου γένος Ἴσραη-
λίτου. οὗτος ἅπαντος μὲν ἐπιστημόνως εἶχει
ἔργου, μάλιστα δὲ τεχνίτης ἦν χρυσὸν ἐργάζεσθαι
καὶ ἄργυρον καὶ χαλκόν, ὑφ᾽ οὗ δὴ καὶ πάντα κατὰ
τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως βούλησιν τὰ περὶ τὸν ναὸν
ἐμηχανήθη." κατεσκεύασε δὲ ὁ Χείρωμος οὗτος
καὶ στύλους δύο χαλκοῦς ἔσωθεν τὸ πάχος" τεσ-
σάρων δακτύλων. ἦν δὲ τὸ μὲν ὕψος τοῖς κίοσιν
ὀκτωκαίδεκα πήχεων, ἡ δὲ περίμετρος δέκα καὶ
δύο πηχῶν' χωνευτὸν δ᾽ ἐφ᾽ ἑκατέρᾳ κεφαλῇ
κρίνον ἐφειστήκει τὸ ὕψος ἐπὶ πέντε πήχεις
ἐγηγερμένον, ᾧ περιέκειτο δίκτυον ἐλάτῃ χαλκέᾳ
περιπεπλεγμένον καλύπτον τὰ κρίνα. τούτου δὲ
TPT VTS κατὰ διστιχίαν καὶ ῥοιαὶ διακόσιαι.
,
τούτων τῶν κιόνων τὸν μὲν ἕτερον κατὰ τὴν
δεξιὰν ἔστησε τοῦ προπυλαίου παραστάδα καλέσας
αὐτὸν ᾿Ιαχείν, τὸν δ᾽ ἕτερον κατὰ τὸ ἀριστερὸν
ὀνομάσας αὐτὸν ᾿Αβαίζ.3
(5) ᾿Εχώνευσε δὲ καὶ θάλασσαν χαλκῆν εἰς
ἡμισφαίριον ἐσχηματισμένην᾽ ἐκλήθη δὲ τὸ χαλ-
κούργημα θάλασσα διὰ τὸ μέγεθος: ἦν γὰρ ὁ
1 ἐξεμηχανήθη MSP.
2 + cum canalibus cavatione Lat.
3 Batt MS: Bats P: Baez Lat.
α Bibl. “his father was a man of Tyre’’; Josephus’s |
“ Urias ἢ is generally explained as a corruption of the Lxx |
Τύριος 3 possibly it is due to confusion with Uri, rxx Ovpelas,
the father of Bezaleel the artificer of the bronze altar men-
tioned in 2<Chromsals- 6, 97). 8 22 note.
>» Josephus is evidently harmonizing the contradiction
between this passage in 2 Kings and 2 Chron. ii. 14, where
Hiram’s mother is said to be “ of the daughters of Dan,”
by making Hiram’s father an Israelite, presumably a Danite;
while rabbinic tradition assumes that Hiram was a Naphthalite
612
OE, OO “παππποιιν στιν ναονσπννσνδοναννννασνιν νον. κ΄... ,ὦὃἢἤ,΄. ,,.
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 76-79
she was of that tribe—and whose father was Urias, an 1 Kings se
Israelite by race.2 This man was skilled in all kinds Tea ἮΝ
of work, but was especially expert in working gold,
silver and bronze,¢ and it was he who constructed all
the things about the temple, in accordance with the
king’s will. This Cheirdmos also made two pillars of The pillars,
bronze which was four fingers in thickness,@ the height Boaz. 6
of the columns being cighteen cubits and their cireum- ἢ κεν Yi
ference twelve ὁ cubits ; and on the capital of each 3).
rested a lily formed of cast metal, rising to a height of
five cubits, about which was a network intertwined
with bronze palm-buds, which covered the lilies.
And from this depended two hundred pomegranates
in two rows. One of these columns he placed as a
doorpost* on the right of the gateway, calling it
Jachein,? while the other, on the left, he named
Abaiz.*
(5) He also cast a bronze ‘ sea ᾿᾿ in the shape of a The bronze
hemisphere ; this bronze vessel was called a 8568) Kings Vii
because of its size,’ for the laver was ten cubits in in vii.
ao
—
on his father’s side and a Danite on his mother’s side, cf.
Ginzberg vi. 295 note 61.
¢ Gold and silver, as well as other materials, are mentioned
in 2 Chron. ; 1 Kings speaks only of bronze (A.V. “ brass tf
4 So rxx; Heb. omits. The thickness refers to the shell
of the hollow columns.
* 50: dich: -1xx: fourteen:
fOr perhaps ‘tin the vestibule.”’ παραστάς signifies the
square pillar or pilaster in the front wall of a temple and,
by extension, the vestibule or entrance to the temple.
¢ Bibl. Jachin (Heb. Yakin), uxx ᾿Ἰαχούμ, v.l. ᾿Ιαχούν, Luc.
᾿Ἰακούμ.
h Bibl. Boaz, υχχ Badal, v.l. Boot, Lue. Βαάξ. In 2 Chron.
iii. 17 Lxx translates the Heb. names (lit. “ he sets up ”’ and
“in him is strength ’’) by κατόρθωσις ** setting up” and ἰσχύς
** strength.”
‘ The real reason for this peculiar name is unknown to us.
015
JOSEPHUS
λουτὴρ τὴν διάμετρον πηχῶν δέκα καὶ ἐπὶ παλαι-
στιαῖον πάχος κεχωνευμένος. ὑπερήρειστο' δὲ
\ ‘ ~
κατὰ TO μεσαίτατον τοῦ κύτους σπείρᾳ περι-
80 αγομένῃ εἰς ἕλικας δέκα: ἦν δὲ τὴν διάμετρον
8]
83
πήχεως, περιειστήκεσαν δὲ περὶ αὐτὴν μόσχοι
δώδεκα πρὸς τὰ κλίματα τῶν τεσσάρων ἀνέμων
ἀποβλέποντες καθ᾽ ἕκαστον αὐτῶν τρεῖς εἰς" τὰ
ὀπίσθια νενευκότες, ὥστ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἐπικαθέζεσθαι
τὸ ἡμισφαίριον κατὰ περιαγωγὴν ἔνδον ἀπονεῦον .ὃ
ἐδέχετο δὲ ἡ θάλασσα βάτους τρισχιλίους.
(6) ᾿ΣΠ ποίησε δὲ καὶ λουτήρων δέκα βάσεις
χαλκᾶς τετραγώνους ." τούτων ἑκάστη μῆκος a
γόνει πηχῶν πέντε πλάτος τεσσάρων ὕψος €
συνεκέκλειστο" d€ TO ἔργον κατὰ μέρος ἜΞΕΘΙΝ
,ὔ Ἁ
μένον οὕτως" τέσσαρες ἦσαν κιονίσκοι κατὰ γωνίαν
ἑστῶτες τετράγωνοι, τὰ πλευρὰ τῆς βάσεως ἐξ
ἑκατέρου “μέρους ἐν αὑτοῖς ἔχοντες ἐξηρμοσμένα.
: ἦν δὲ ταῦτα τριχῇ διῃρημένα" ἑκάστην δὲ χώραν
ὅρος" emeixev εἰς ὑπόβασιν κατεσκευασμένος,"
ep ns° ἐτετόρευτο πῇ μὲν λέων πῇ δὲ ταῦρος καὶ
ἀετός, ἐπὶ δὲ τῶν κιονίσκων ὁμοίως ἐξείργαστο
τοῖς κατὰ τὰ πλευρὰ τετορευμένοις. τὸ δὲ πᾶν
ἔργον ἐπὶ τεσσάρων αἰωρούμενον τροχῶν εἱστήκει.
1 Dindorf: ὑπήρειστο RO: ὑπηρεῖτο P: ὑπήρητο ὃ: ὑπήρει M.
2 éow MSP.
3 ἐπινεῦον MSP.
4 ex Lat. Ernesti: τετραγώνων codd.
δ; συνεκέκλειτο MP: συνεκέκλιτο RO.
6 NI: ὄρος rell. 7 κατεσκευασμένον MSP.
8 Niese: ois codd.: ais Hudson.
a Chol Kings Vises, and under the brim of it round
about there were colocynths ” (Heb. peqa im, A.V. ‘* knops,”
LXX ὑποστηρίγματα “ props,” Targum “ egg-shapes ”) ** com-
passing it, ten cubits’ (A.V.,, like ‘the rxx, “ten if, ἃ οὐδ᾽).
014
JEAVISH SeerIQUITIES, Vill? 70399
diameter and was east to the thickness of a palm’s
breadth. The vessel was supported underneath at
its centre by a rounded base which curved around in
ten volutes and was one eubit in diameter.? And
round about the sea there stood twelve calves facing
the four quarters of the winds, three in each direc-
tion, and with their hinder parts sloping down so that
the hemisphere might rest upon them, narrowing
inwards all around. The sea could hold three
thousand baths.®
(6) He also made ten square bronze bases for
lavers, each of which was five ὁ cubits in length, four
cubits in breadth and six 4 in height. And the work,
which in every part was earved in relief, was enclosed ¢
as follows: there were four square little columns at
each eorner, each of which held two intersecting sides
of the base fitted into it; these sides were divided
into three fields’ and in each of these spaces was a
dividing strip extending to the sub-base’; in the
space itself was carved in relief here a lion, there a bull
and an eagle,” while the little columns were worked in
relief in the same way as the sides of the base. And
so the whole thing stood, raised upon four wheels.
δ So 2 Chron. iv. 5; 1 Kings, 2000. On the bath cf,
§ 57 note.
¢ So Lrxx; Heb. four.
4 So uxx: deb, three,
¢ Cf, Lxx συγκλειστὸν αὐτοῖς translating Heb. misgercth
lihem “ they had bands ” (? A.V. ‘ borders ᾽ἢ.
f Apparently, horizontal fields.
9 Josephus’s text and the Scriptural text, | Kings vii. 28,
are both rather difhienlt to understand.
δ 17}. chernbim. Vossibly, as Rappaport suggests,
Josephus is influenced by the deseription, in Ezckiel’s vision,
Ezck. i. 10, of the angelic beings with the faces of an cagle,
lion and ox,
τον QR O15
The lavers
and their
bases.
1 Kings vii.
Ὅν CLA Sik
14).
84
86
87
JOSEPHUS
χωνευτοὶ δ᾽ ἦσαν οὗτοι, πλήμνας καὶ avTuyas
πήχεως καὶ ἡμίσους ἔχοντες τὴν διάμετρον.
ἐθαύμασεν ἄν τις τὰς ἀψῖδας τῶν τροχῶν θεασά-
μενος, ὅπως συντετορευμέναι καὶ τοῖς πλευροῖς τῶν
βάσεων προσηνωμέναι ἁρμονίως ταῖς ἀντυξιν
ἐνέκειντο" ἦσαν δ᾽ ὅμως οὕτως ἔχουσαι. τὰς δὲ
γωνίας ἄνωθεν συνέκλειον ὦμοι χειρῶν ἀνατετα-
μένων, οἷς ἐπεκάθητο σπεῖρα κατὰ κοῖλον ἐπι-
κειμένη τὸν λουτῆρα ταῖς χερσὶν ἐπαναπαυόμενον
ἀετοῦ καὶ λέοντος αὑτοῖς ἐφηρμοσμένων, ὡς
σύμφυτα ταῦτ᾽ εἶναι δοκεῖν τοῖς ὁρῶσι. μεταξὺ
δὲ τούτων φοίνικες ἦσαν τετορευμένοι. τοιαύτη
μὲν ἡ κατασκευὴ τῶν δέκα' βάσεων ὑπῆρχε. προσ-
εξείργαστο δὲ καὶ χυτρογαύλους" δέκα λουτῆρας
στρογγύλους χαλκοῦς, ὧν ἕκαστος ἐχώρει τεσ-
σαράκοντα χόας" τὸ γὰρ ὕψος εἶχε τεσσάρων
πηχῶν καὶ τοσούτοις ἀπ᾽ ἀλλήλων αὐτοῖς δι-
ειστήκει τὰ χείλη. τίθησι δὲ τοὺς λουτῆρας τού-
Tous ἐπὶ τῶν δέκα βάσεων τῶν κληθεισῶν Me-
χωνώθ." πέντε δὲ λουτῆρας ἵστησιν ἐξ ἀριστεροῦ
μέρους τοῦ ναοῦ, τέτραπτο δὲ τοῦτο κατὰ βορέαν
ἄνεμοι;, καὶ τοσούτους ἐκ τοῦ δεξιοῦ πρὸς νότον
ἀφορῶντας εἰς τὴν ἀνατολήν: κατὰ δ᾽ αὐτὸ καὶ
τὴν θάλασσαν ἔθηκε. πληρώσας δὲ ὕδατος τὴν
1 δώδεκα SP hic et mox infra.
2 Theodoretus: κυθρογαύλους MSP: κυτροκαύλους RO.
3 Mexevod RO: Moecenoth Lat.
4 avis usually means the felly or rim of a wheel, but
sometimes the wheel itself. Here Josephus is evidently
describing a solid wheel with sides or plates of bronze, and
not one with spokes as is usually understood of the bibl. text.
> Meaning of the Greek doubtful. Scripture says that they
616
JENVISH. ANTIQUES. ΕΠ], 83:87
These also were cast in metal, and had hubs and rims
a cubit and a half in diameter. One would marvel
to see how cunningly the drums? of the wheels,
which were carved in relief of the same design,® and
united with the sides of the bases, were fitted into
the rims. But none the less they did so. And to
the upper part of the corners were attached projec-
tions 5 in the form of outstretched hands, on which
was supported a spiral moulding ὦ placed around the
bottom of the laver, and the laver rested on the paws
of an cagle ὁ and a lion which were so well fitted to-
gether that to one looking at them they seemed to be
one natural growth. Between these were pahn-trees
carved in relief. Such, then, was the construction
of the ten bases. And in addition he also wrought
ten round basins or lavers of bronze, each of which
held forty choers,? for they were four cubits in height
and the diameter of their rims was the same distance.”
And he placed these lavers on the ten bases called
Mechénoth.t Five of the lavers he placed on the left
side of the temple, which was the side toward the
north, and the same number on the south-east. In
the same part he also placed the Sea. And, having ξ Chron. tv
were carved in the same way as a chariot (A.V. “ chariot —
wheel ”’).
¢ Lit. ‘shoulders ᾿ς so also the txx literally translates
Heb. ketéphoth (A.V. “ undersetters ᾽᾽).
4 Bibl. ** round eompass.”’
¢ Bibl. eherubim, cf. § 82 note.
J Josephus uses the uxx word for Heb. kiyydroth.
9 So the txx; Heb. bath. The Attic chous is equal to
about ἢ gallon, whereas the beth is equal to abont 9 gallons.
Josephus himself tells us, in “fl. iii, 197, that the hin
(4 bath) is equal to 2 Attic choeis, i.e. one bath is equal to
12 choeis, whieh is eorrect.
δ This last is an unscriptural detail,
6 Ttlere Josephus uses the Lexx transliteration.
88
89
90
JOSEPHUS
μὲν θάλασσαν ἀπέδειξεν εἰς TO νίπτειν τοὺς εἰς TOV
ναὸν εἰσιόντας ἱερεῖς ἐν αὐτῇ τὰς χεῖρας καὶ τοὺς
πόδας μέλλοντας ἀναβαίνειν ἐπὶ τὸν βωμόν, τοὺς
δὲ λουτῆρας εἰς τὸ καθαίρειν τὰ ἐντὸς τῶν ὁλο-
καυτουμένων ζῴων καὶ τοὺς πόδας αὐτῶν.
τὴ Κατεσκεύασε δὲ καὶ θυσιαστήριον χάλκεον
τὰν πηχῶν τὸ μῆκος καὶ τοσούτων τὸ εὖρος τὸ
ὕψος δέκα πρὸς τὰς ὁλοκαυτώσεις. ἐποίησε
Ἢ αὐτοῦ καὶ τὰ σκεύη πάντα χάλκεα ποδιστῆρας
καὶ ἀναλημπτῆρας: οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ πρὸς τούτοις
Χείρωμος καὶ λέβητας καὶ ἅρπαγας καὶ πᾶν σκεῦος
ἐδημιούργησεν ἐκ χαλκοῦ τὴν αὐγὴν ὁμοίου χρυσῷ
καὶ τὸ κάλλος" τραπεζῶν τε πλῆθος ἀνέθηκεν ὁ
βασιλεύς, καὶ μίαν μὲν μεγάλην χρυσέαν, ἐφ᾽ ἧς
ἐτίθεσαν τοὺς ἄρτους τοῦ θεοῦ, καὶ ταύτῃ παρα-
πλησίας μυρίας πρὸς αὐταῖς ἑτέρῳ τρόπῳ γεγενη-
μένας, ἐφ᾽ ὧν ἐπέκειτο τὰ σκεύη φιάλαι τε καὶ
σπονδεῖα χρύσεα μὲν δισμύρια ἀργύρεα δὲ τετρα-
κισμύρια. καὶ λυχνίας, δὲ μυρίας ἐποίησε κατὰ
τὴν Μωυσέος προσταγήν, Ἐξ ὧν μίαν ἀνέθηκεν εἰς
τὸν ναόν, ἵνα καίηται καθ᾽ ἡμέραν ἀκολούθως τῷ
νόμῳ, καὶ τράπεζαν “μίαν ἐπικειμένην ἄρτους πρὸς
τὸ βόρειον τοῦ ναοῦ μέρος ἀντικρὺ Tis λυχνίας"
ταύτην γὰρ κατὰ νότον ἔστησεν, ὁ δὲ χρύσεος
α Scripture does not state for what offerings the altar was
made.
e~Thiram.
¢ ‘The Greek word is the same as that used in Lxx 2 Chron. ;
Heb, siroth (A.V. “ pots ’’). In 1 Kings rxx has \ésyras.
4 lere too Josephus uses the same word as in Lxx
2 Chron.; Heb. ydim (A.V. “ shovels’’). In 1 Kings txx
has depudorpes ** tongs.” ;
Again the Greek word is the same as in Lxx 2 Chron. ;
O18
JEWISHIL ANTIQUITIES, VIIL. 87-90
filled the Sea with water, he set it apart for the
priests to wash their hands and feet in when they
entered the temple and were about to go up to the
altar, while the lavers were for cleansing the entrails
and feet of the animals used as whole burnt-offerings.
(7) He also made a bronze altar, twenty cubits in
length and the same in breadth and ten enbits in The bronze
: : altar.
height, for the whole burnt-offerings.* And_ he ὃ 2 chron...
made the vessels for it, tripods 5 and ladles,? all of
bronze. Moreover, beside these, Cheiromos fashioned
basins ὁ and hooks and all other vessels of bronze, in
brightness and beauty like gold.t The king also set The table of
shew bread.
up a great number of tables,’ ineluding one large ON πτορὸ γῇ.
of gold on whieh they placed the loaves A of Cod. and 30) 9 Chron,
countless others besides, very much like this one but ἵν, 8.
made in a different style, upon which were placed
the vessels, shallow bowls and libation-eups, twenty
thousand of gold and forty thousand of silver.t He
also made ten thousand lampstands,? in accordance The lamp-
with the commandment of Moses, one of which he ine ἯΝ
set up in the temple to burn all day in obedience to 49 (xx vii.
the law, and placed one table, with loaves laid on it, geen
on the north side of the temple over against the lamp-
stand, for this he set on the south side, while the
tw
e
Heb. has mizlagath ἢ forks,’? a corruption of mizraqéth
(A.V. “ basons *’) which is rendered φιάλας by txx in 1 Kings.
- Bible of polished: (uxx *" pure’) bronze” (A.V. of
bright }rass ᾽᾽).
9 ‘There were ten, aceording to 2 Chron.; 1 Kings mentions
only one table of gold.
» Bibl. shewbread.
* These numbers are invente -d by Josephus. Scripture
speaks of “ exceeding many.
7 The ‘re were only ten, according to Seripture, 1 Kings
vii. 49, “ five on the right side and five on the left, before the
oracle.”’
619
99:
92
9:
JOSEPFLUS
βωμὸς μέσος αὐτῶν ἔκειτο. ταῦτα πάντα εἶχεν
ὁ τῶν τεσσαράκοντα πηχῶν οἶκος πρὸ τοῦ κατα-
πετάσματος τοῦ ἀδύτου: ἐν τούτῳ δὲ ἡ κιβωτὸς
ἔμελλε κεῖσθαι.
(8) Οἰνοχόας δ᾽ ὁ βασιλεὺς μυριάδας ὀκτὼ κατ-
εσκεύασε καὶ φιαλῶν χρυσέων δέκα ἀργυρέας δὲ
διπλασίονας. πινάκων δὲ χρυσέων εἰς τὸ προσ-
φέρει. ἐν αὐτοῖς πεφυραμένην σεμίδαλιν τῷ
βωμῷ μυριάδας ὀκτώ, τούτων δ᾽ ἀργυροῦς δι-
πλασίονας. κρατῆρας δος: ἐνεφύρων τὴν σεμί-
δαλιν μετ᾽ ἐλαίου χρυσέους μὲν ἑξακισμυρίους,
ἀργυρέους δὲ δὶς τοσούτους. τὰ μέτρα δὲ τοῖς
Μωυσείοις" λεγομένοις δὲ εἶν καὶ ἀσσαρῶνες"
παραπλήσια, χρυσᾷ μὲν δισμύρια ἀργύρεα δὲ
διπλασίονα. θυμιατήρια δὲ χρυσᾶ ἐν οἷς ἐκομίζετο
τὸ θυμίαμα εἰς τὸν ναὸν δισμύρια" ὁμοίως ἄλλα
υμιατήρια οἷς ἐκόμιζον ἀπὸ τοῦ μεγάλου βωμοῦ
πῦρ ἐπὶ τὸν μικρὸν βωμὸν τὸν ἐν τῷ ναῷ πεν-
τακισμύρια. στολὰς δὲ ἱερατικὰς τοῖς ἀρχιερεῦσι
σὺν ποδήρεσιν ἐπωμίσι καὶ λογίῳ καὶ λίθοις χιλίας"
ἡ δὲ στεφάνη, εἰς ἣν τὸν θεὸν Μωυσῆς ἔγραψε,
μία mW καὶ διέμεινεν ἄχρι τῆσδε τῆς ἡμέρας: τὰς
δὲ ἱερατικὰς στολὰς ἐκ ὕσσου κατεσκεύασε καὶ
ζώνας πορφυρᾶς εἰς ἕκαστον μυρίας. καὶ σαλ-
πίγγων κατὰ Δίωυσέος ἐντολὴν μυριάδας εἴκοσι,
καὶ στολῶν τοῖς ὑμνῳδοῖς Ληουιτῶν ἐκ Béeoau
μυριάδας εἴκοσι: Kal Ta ὄργανα Ta μουσικὰ Kal
πρὸς τὴν ὑμνῳδίαν ἐξηυρημένα, a καλεῖται vaBAas
1 ex Lat. Niese: λίωυσήου RO(M): λίωυσέως SP.
9
2 cod. Vat. ap. Hudson Lat.: ἐσσάρωνες Ri ἐσσαρῶνες O:
ἐσσαρώναις SP.
620
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 90-94
golden altar stood between them. All these things
were contained in the hall of forty cubits before the
eurtain of the adytum ; and in that the ark was to
rest;
(8)? The king also made eighty thousand pitchers
and a hanced: thousand shallow bowls of gold and
a double number of silver; cighty thousand golden
platters on which to earry the mixed fine flour for the
altar, and a double number of silver ; sixty thousand
golden bowls in whieh they mixed the fine flour with
ἢ: and twice as many of silver; of the measures
whieh resembled those of ἯΙ ΕΟ called hin ἢ and
assar6n,© there were twenty thousand of gold, and a
double number of silver ; of golden eensers in which
they earried the incense into the temple there were
tw enty thousand. Similarly, of other censers in
which they carried fire from the great altar to the
small altar in the temple there were fifty thousand.
Of the priestly vestments for the high priests, in-
cluding long robes, upper garments, oracle? and
precious stones, he made a thousand ; but the crown
on which Moses had inseribed God’s name was
unique and has remained to this day ; of the (simple)
priests’ vestments he made ten thousand of linen
and purple girdles for each. And he made two
hundred thousand trumpets, in aceordance with the
commandment of Moses, and two hundred thousand
robes of linen for the Levite singers; and of the
musical instruments devised for singing psalms, which
¢ All the numbers given in the following account of the
teniple os a are invented by Josephus,
PCP AML OT,
an OF Ὁ a ii 29 note, 142 note.
@ Cf. Ἰη 163018;
‘The pitchers
and bowls.
The censera.
The priestly
vestments.
The musical]
Instru-
ments.
96
97
JOSEPHUS
καὶ κιυύρας, ἐξ ἠλέκτρου κατεσκεύασε τετρακισ-
μύρια.
(9) Ταῦτα πάντα ὁ Σολομὼν εἰς τὴν τοῦ θεοῦ
τιμὴν πολυτελῶς καὶ μεγαλοπρεπῶς κατεσκεύασε
μηδενὸς φεισάμενος ἀλλὰ πάσῃ φιλοτιμίᾳ περὶ τὸν
τοῦ ναοῦ κόσμον χρησάμενος, ἃ καὶ κατέθηκεν ἐν
τοῖς θησαυροῖς τοῦ θεοῦ. περιέβαλε δὲ τοῦ ναοῦ
κύκλῳ γείσιον' μὲν κατὰ τὴν ἐπιχώριον γλῶτταν
θριγκὸν᾽ δὲ παρ᾽ “Ἕλλησι λεγόμενον εἰς τρεῖς
πήχεις ἀναγαγὼν τὸ ὕψος, εἴρξοντα μὲν τοὺς πολ-
λοὺς τῆς εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν εἰσόδου, μόνοις δὲ ἀνειμένην
αὐτὴν τοῖς ἱερεῦσι σημανοῦντα. τούτου δ᾽ ἔξωθεν
ἱερὸν ὠκοδόμησεν ἐν τετραγώνου" σχήματι στοὰς
ἐγείρας μεγάλας καὶ πλατείας καὶ πύλαις ὑψηλαῖς
ἀνεῳγμένας, ὧν ἑκάστη πρὸς ἕκαστον τῶν ἀνέμων
ἐτέτραπτο χρυσέαις κλειομένη θύραις. εἰς τοῦτο
τοῦ λαοῦ πάντες οἱ διαφέροντες ἁγνείᾳ καὶ παρα-
τηρήσει τῶν νομίμων εἰσήεσαν. θαυμαστὸν δὲ καὶ
λόγου παντὸς ἀπέφηνε μεῖζον, ὡς" δὲ εἰπεῖν καὶ
τῆς ὄψεως, τὸ τούτων ἔξωθεν ἱερόν: μεγάλας γὰρ
ἐγχώσας φάραγγας, ἃς διὰ βάθος ἄπειρον οὐδὲ
1 γεῖσον MSP: γεισὸν EK: vison Lat.
2 rpryxyov RO: θριγγὸν EB.
3 ex Lat. Niese: τετραγώνῳ codd. FE.
1 μεῖζον ws Hudson: μειζόνως codd.: μεῖζον E.
« Cf. A. vii. 306 notes.
> A compound of gold and silver.
¢ The following unscriptural account of the temple courts
cte. is probably based on Josephus’s knowledge of the temple
of Herod, cf. A. xy: θη Bd. vy. 18-441,
¢ Apparently this corresponds to the γείσιον separating
the Priests’ Court front the Israelites’ Court in Herod’s
temple, BJ. v. 290 ; this latter wall, however, was only one
eubit high. Perhaps the height of the imagined wall in
622
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 94-97
are called nablai and kiayraz,? he made forty thousand
of electrum.?
(9) © All these things Solomon prepared with great The temple
expense and inagnificence to the glory of God, sparing Gone
no cost, but acting with the utmost munifieence in precincts’)
adorning the temple, and he deposited them in the 51 (uxx vii.
treasuries of God. He also surrounded the temple 203? Go"
with a parapet called geison © in the native tongue © 1 Kings vil.
: , ᾿ : 9 (LEX Vii.
and thrinkos’ by the Greeks, which he raised to a 4g),
height of three cubits; it was to keep the multitude
from entering the saered precinet 9 and to signify
that entry was permitted only to the priests. Out-
side of this he built another sacred precinet” in the
form of a quadrangle and erected great and wide
porticoes which were entered by high gates, each of
which faced one of the four quarters and was closed
by golden doors. Into this precinet all the people
who were distinguished by purity and their observ-
ance of the laws might enter. But wonderful and
surpassing all deseription, and even, one might say,
all sight, was the (third) sacred precinet* which he
made outside of these, for he filled up with earth great
valleys, into which because of their immense depth
Solomon’s temple has some connexion with the stone barrier
(ὄρύφακτος λίθινος) of three cubits high separating the outer
eourt from the inner court, mentioned in BJ. vy. 193. This
is called sérég in the Mishnah, Wéiddoth it. 3.
¢ ‘That γείσιον is a Syriac word, as Weill explains, seems
to me very doubtful. It looks like a diminutive of γεῖσον
GODT:
Po Coping.”
9 This corresponds to the Priests’ Court in [Terod’s temple.
* Corresponding to the Israelites’ Court in Herod’s temple.
* This correspouds to the Women’s Court in Herod’s
temple. With the following account of the filling in of the
SILC Cfo dake VOLO EAL,
623
JOSEPHUCS
ἀπόνως ἐννεύσαντας ἦν ἰδεῖν, καὶ ἀναβιβάσας εἷς
τετρακοσίους πήχεις τὸ ὕψος ας τῇ κορυφῇ
τοῦ ὄρους ep ἡ ἧς ὁ ναὸς φκοδόμητο κατεσκεύασε:
καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ὕπαιθρον ὃν τὸ ἔξωθεν ἱερὸν ἴσον
98 ὑπῆρχε τῷ ναῶ. περιλαμβάνει δ᾽ αὐτὸ καὶ
στοαῖς διπλαῖς μὲν τὴν κατασκενήν, λίθου δ᾽
αὐτοφυοῦς τὸ ὕψος κίοσιν ἐπερηρεισμέναις" ὁροφαὶ
δ᾽ αὐταῖς ἦσαν eK κέδρου φατνώμασιν ἀνεξεσμέναι.
τὰς δὲ θύρας τῷ ἱερῷ τούτῳ πάσας ἐπέστησεν
ἐξ ἀργύρου.
09 (iv. 1) Τὰ μὲν οὖν ἔργα ταῦτα καὶ τὰ μεγέθη
καὶ κάλλη τῶν τε οἰκοδομημάτων καὶ τῶν εἰς τὸν
ναὸν ἀναθημάτων Σολομὼν ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐν ἔτεσιν
ἑπτὰ συντελέσας καὶ πλούτου καὶ προθυμίας
ἐπίδειξιν ποιησάμενος, ὥστε ἃ av τις ἰδὼν
ἐνόμισε μόλις ev? τῷ παντὶ κατασκευασθῆναι
χρόνῳ, ταῦτα ἐν οὕτως ὀλίγῳ πρὸς τὸ μέγεθος
συγκρινομένω" τοῦ ναοῦ συμπερανθῆναι, γράψας
τοῖς ἡγεμόσι καὶ τοῖς πρεσβυτέροις τῶν “EBpaiwy
ἐκέλευσεν ἅπαντα τὸν λαὸν συναγαγεῖν εἰς ἱΙεροσό-
λυμα ὀψόμενόν τε τὸν ναὸν καὶ μετακομιοῦντα τὴν
100 τοῦ θεοῦ κιβωτὸν εἰς αὐτόν. καὶ περιαγγελθείσης
τῆς εἰς τὰ “Ιεροσόλυμα πᾶσιν ἀφίξεως ἑβδόμῳ μηνὶ
μόλις συνίασιν, ὑπὸ μὲν τῶν ἐπιχωρίων Θισρί,"
ἀπο Oe Fon Manesova: “Ὑπερβερεταίῳ λεγομένῳ.
1 ὥστε ἃ ἂν Bekker: ὡς ἂν codd.
2 μόλις ἐν con). Niese (μόλις ἂν in edit.): ὡς ἐν RO: ἐν MSP.
3 Cocceji: συγκρινόμενα codd.
4 ex Lat. Hudson: ᾿Αθύρει RO: θοίρι M: Gopi SP:
Θυρί Κα,
4 Josephus follows the order of 2 Chron. and Heb. | Kings
which mention the assembly right after the account of the
temple vessels (on Josephus’s omission at this point of the
624
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 97-100
one could not without diffieulty look down, and bring-
ing them up to a height of four hundred cubits he
made them level with the top of the mountain on
whieh the temple was built ; in this way the outer
preeinet, which was open to the sky, was on a level
with the temple. And he surrounded it with double
porticoes supported by high columns of native stone,
and they had roofs of cedar which were smoothly
finished in panels. And all the doors whieh he made
for this saered precinet were of silver.
(iv. 1) These works, then, and these great and
beautiful buildings and offerings for the temple King
Solomon eompleted in seven years, making sueh
display both of wealth and zeal that the work whieh
any beholder would think could hardly have been
eonstrueted in the whole course of time was finished
in a space of time that was very short when compared
with the magnitude of the temple. He then wrote ὦ
to the leaders and elders of the Hebrews and ordered
them to assemble all the people at Jerusalem in order
to see the temple and join in bringing the ark into it.
And although the summons to Jerusalem was sent
around to alle it was hardly by the seventh month
that they eame together, which month is ealled
Thisri® by the natives and Hypcrberetaios by the
building of Solomon’s palace cf. § 76 note), while Lxx 1 Kings
introduces the passage on the assembly by the words, “* And
it came to pass that after Solomon had finished building
the house of the Lord and his own house, after twenty
vears (7 years for the temple +183 years for the palace), that
King Solomon assembled, ete.”
’ Conj. from Latin: mss. thyri, Thotre— forms which are
corruptions probably arising from confusion of Thésré with
the Greco-Egyptian month -lthyris.. Josephus gives the later
- Heb. name ‘Tishri, while Seripture uses the old Canaanite
name Ethanim, rxx ᾿Αθαμείν, v.l. ᾿Αθανείμ.
625
The people
assemble at
Jerusalem
to view the
temple.
; Kings viii
i: 2 Chiron.
We Ge
10]
102
103
104
JOSEPHUS
> \ ~
συνέδραμε ὃ εἰς τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον καὶ ὃ τῆς σκηνο-
πηγίας καιρὸς ἑορτῆς σφόδρα παρὰ τοῖς Ἑβραίοις
ἁγιωτάτης καὶ μεγίστης. αστάσαντες οὖν τὴν
κιβωτὸν καὶ τὴν oxy, ἣν Μωυσῆς ἐπήξατο, καὶ
πάντα τὰ πρὸς τὴν διακονίαν τῶν θυσιῶν τοῦ θεοῦ
~ 4 A
σκεύη μετεκόμιζον εἰς τὸν ναόν. προῆγον δὲ μετὰ
~ [χὰ A
θυσιῶν αὐτός τε ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ ὁ λαὸς ἅπας Kat
¢ ~ - ~ € ,
οἱ Ληουῖται σπονδαῖς τε καὶ πολλῶν ἱερείων
αἵματι τὴν ὁδὸν καταντλοῦντες καὶ θυμιῶντες
ἀπειρόν τι θυμιαμάτων πλῆθος, ὡς ἅπαντα τὸν
, “ 4
πέριξ ἀέρα πεπληρωμένον καὶ τοῖς πορρωτάτω
4 ~ A , ᾽
τυγχάνουσιν ἡδὺν ἀπαντᾶν, καὶ γνωρίζειν ἐπι-
/ ~ A > > ,
δημίαν θεοῦ καὶ κατοικισμὸν κατ᾽ ἀνθρωπίνην
~ 4
δόξαν εἰς “γεοδόμητον αὐτῷ καὶ καθιερωμένον
χωρίον" καὶ γὰρ οὐδ᾽ ὑμνοῦντες οὐδὲ χορεύοντες
ἕως οὗ πρὸς τὸν ναὸν ἦλθον ἔκαμον. τούτῳ μὲν
οὖν τῷ τρόπῳ τὴν κιβωτὸν μετήνεγκαν. ὡς δ᾽
> \ » > A > a ” \ \ »
εἰς τὸ ἀδυτον αὐτὴν εἰσενεγκεῖν ἔδει, τὸ μὲν ἄλλο
“- ς ς A
πλῆθος μετέστη, μόνοι δὲ κομίσαντες οἱ ἱερεῖς
A ~ , Eg “~ / € A A
μεταξὺ τῶν δύο Χερουβεῖν κατέθεσαν" at δὲ τοὺς
᾿ \ ¢ > \
ταρσοὺς συμπλέξασαι (καὶ yap οὕτως ἦσαν ὑπὸ
~ / 4 λ
τοῦ τεχνίτου κατεσκευασμέναι!), τὴν κιβωτὸν ὡς
ὑπὸ σκηνῇ τινι καὶ θόλῳ κατεσκέπασαν. εἶχε
A € 2 ‘ 3 A id . “᾿ 7 ‘4 ’ὔ
δὲ ἡ κιβωτὸς οὐδὲν ἕτερον ἢ δύο λιθίνας πλάκας,
a \ / é ‘ ς \ ~ ~ Al
at TOUS δέκα λόγους τοὺς ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ Mavoet
λαληθέντας ev Σιναίῳ ὄρει ἐγγεγραμμένους αὑταῖς
ἔσωζον. τὴν δὲ λυχνίαν, καὶ τὴν τράπεζαν καὶ
τὸν βωμὸν τὸν γρύσεον ἔστησαν ἐν τῷ ναῷ πρὸ
1 Niese: ΔΙωυσῆ codd.: Mose Lat.
¢ Which falls on the fifteenth of Tishri. Seripture speaks
only of “the festival,’ Heb. hag (A.V. “ feast ’’), but this
626
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 100-104
Maeecdonians. At this same time happened to fall
the festival of Tabernacles,* whieh is eonsidered
especially saered and important by the Hebrews.
So, then, they lifted up the ark and the tabernacle
which Moses had set up, and all the vessels for the
service of the sacrifices to God, and carried them
into the temple. And before it went the king him- 3,
self and all the people and the Levites, with saer rifices,
drenching the ground with libations and the blood of
numerous vietims, and burning so vast a quantity of
ineense that all the air around was filled with it and
carried its sweetness to those who were at a great
distance ; this was a sign of God’s being present and
dwelling—according to human belief—in the plaecc
which had been newly built and eonseerated to Him.
And indeed they did not weary of singing hymns or
daneing until they reached the temple.? πη: then,
was the way in whieh they conveyed the ark. But
when it was time to bring it into the adytum, the
rest of the people went away, and only the priests
carried it and set it down between the two eherubin.
These, which were interlocked by the tips of their
wings—so they had been made by the eraftsman—
Severed the ark as under a kind of tent or dome.
And the ark held nothing but the two stone tablets
whieh preserved the ten commandments spoken by
God to Moses on Mount Sinai inseribed upon them.
But the lampstand and the table and the golden altar
they placed in the temple before the adytum in the
word in Josephus’s time was used particularly of the festival
of Tabernacles.
Ὁ Scripture does not mention incense. The singing (but
not dancing) is mentioned only in 2 Chron. and seems to
have followed the deposition of the ark in the sanctuary.
627
The ark is
brought
into the
temple.
1 Kings vi
JOSEPHUS
a SOP ‘ \ > ι , a ‘ ’
Του ἀδύτου Κατα TOUS αὐτοὺυς TOTOVUS, OUS Καὶ ΤΟΤΕ
- “- Ἁ
ἐν τῇ σκηνῇ κείμενοι κατεῖχον, καὶ τὰς καθ-
105 ημερινὰς θυσίας ἀνέφερον. τὸ δὲ θυσιαστήριον τὸ
100
107
108
χάλκεον ἵστησι πρὸ τοῦ ναοῦ ἀντικρὺ τῆς θύρας,
A
ws ἀνοιχθείσης αὐτὸ κατὰ πρόσωπον εἶναι καὶ
4 , A A ~ ~
βλέπεσθαι tas ἱερουργίας καὶ τὴν τῶν θυσιῶν
A A A ᾽; lA ᾽
πολυτέλειαν. τὰ δὲ λοιπὰ σκεύη πάντα συναλίσας
ἔνδον εἰς τὸν ναὸν κατέθετο.
3 \ \ ~ A
(2) ᾿Επεὶ δὲ πάντα διακοσμήσαντες οἱ ἱερεῖς τὰ
A A ~ é
περὶ τὴν κιβωτὸν ἐξῆλθον, advw πίλημα νεφέλης
3 @ ~ ~
οὐ σκληρὸν οὐδ᾽ οἷον wpa χειμῶνος ὑετοῦ γέμον
A
ἵσταται κεχυμένον δὲ καὶ κεκραμένον εἰς TOV ναὸν
9 A ~ ~ A
εἰσερρύη, Kal Tats μὲν ὄψεσι τῶν ἱερέων ὡς μηδὲ
~ 3 , 3 ’ὔ “. A ᾽ ~
καθορᾶν ἀλλήλους ἐπεσκότει, Tats δὲ διανοίαις ταῖς
ἁπάντων φαντασίαν καὶ δόξαν παρεῖχεν ὡς τοῦ
~ 4
θεοῦ κατεληλυθότος εἰς TO ἱερὸν Kal κατεσκηνωκό-
τος ἡδέως ἐν αὐτῷ. καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐπὶ ταύτης εἶχον
¢ A ~ 3 ’ ς A A A ys A 3
αὑτοὺς τῆς ἐννοίας: ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς Σολομὼν ἐξ-
᾽ » 4 ¢ a 4 ¢
εγερθείς (ἔτυχε yap καθεζόμενος) ἐποιήσατο λόγους
πρὸς τὸν θεόν, οὗς τῇ θείᾳ φύσει πρέποντας ὑπ-
4 \ ~ ” 1 9 ~ ὔ ({{ A 4 }}ὔ
ελάμβανε καὶ καλῶς ἔχειν' αὐτῷ λέγειν" “aot γάρ,
᾿ κὰ
εἶπεν, “᾿ οἶκον μὲν αἰώνιον, ὦ δέσποτα, κἀξ ὧν
~ A ,
σαυτῷ εἰργάσω γεγονότα τὸν οὐρανὸν οἴδαμεν
καὶ ἀέρα καὶ γῆν καὶ θάλασσαν, δι’ ὧν ἁπάντων
~ ’
οὐδὲ τούτοις “ἀρκούμενος κεχώρηκας, τοῦτον δέ
5) > 3
σοι κατεσκεύακα TOV ναὸν ἐπώνυμον, ὡς ἂν ἀπ
αὐτοῦ σοι τὰς εὐχὰς θύοντες καὶ καλλιεροῦντες
ἀναπέμπωμεν εἰς τὸν ἀέρα καὶ πεπεισμένοι δια-
1 Cod. Vat. ap. Hudson: εἶχεν rell.
628
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 104-108
same positions which they had formerly occupied
when standing in the tabernacle, and then they
offered up the daily sacrifices. And the bronze altar
he set up before the temple opposite the door, so
that when this was opened the altar was before the
eyes (of those within the temple), and the saered
ministrations and the splendour of the sacrifices
might be seen.* And all the other vessels he col-
leeted and deposited within the temple.
(2) And when the priests had set in order all that
concerned the ark, and had gone out, there suddenly
appeared a thiek cloud, not threatening nor like a
swollen rain-eloud in the winter season, but diffused
and temperate,’ which streamed into the temple and 10
so darkened the sight of the priests that they eould
not see one another ; ; and it produced in the minds
of all of them an impression and belief that God had
deseended into the temple and had gladly made His
abode there. And while they were oeeupied with
anced to be
seated—and addressed God in words whieh he eon-
sidered suitable to the divine nature and fitting for
him to speak. “ That Thou, O Lord,” he said, ἡ “hast
an eternal dwelling in those things which Thou didst
ereate for Thy eat we know—in ἧς heaven and air
and earth and sea, through all of which Thou movest
and yet art not contained by them. But [ have built
this temple to Thy name so that from it we may,
when sacrificing and seeking good omens, send up our
prayers into the air to Thee, and may ever be per-
α The foregoing details concerning the arrangement of
the temple furniture are added by Josephus.
> An amplification of the brict scriptural phrase
(lit. “‘ the ’’) cloud filled the house.”
‘and a
629
The divine
manifesta-
tion in the
adytum ;
Solomon's
prayer.
1 Kings viii.
Cf. 23, 27.
109
110
111]
JOSEPHUS
τελοίημεν ὅτι πάρει καὶ μακρὰν οὐκ ἀφέστηκα-""
τῷ μὲν γὰρ πάντ᾽ ἐφορᾶν καὶ πάντ᾽ ἀκούειν οὐδὲ
νῦν ὅπου σοι θέμις οἰκῶν" ἀπολείπεις τοῦ πᾶσιν
ἔγγιστα εἶναι, μᾶλλον ὁ ἑκάστῳ καὶ βουλευομένῳ
καὶ διὰ νυκτὸς καὶ ἡμέρας συμπάρει." “ταῦ τ᾿
ἐπιθειάσας πρὸς τὸν θεὸν ἀπέστρεψεν εἰς τὸ πλῆθος
τοὺς λόγους, ἐμφανίζων τοῦ θεοῦ τὴν δύναμιν
αὐτοῖς καὶ τὴν πρόνοιαν, ὅτι Δαυίδῃ τῷ πατρὶ
περὶ τῶν μελλόντων ἅπαντα καθὼς ἀποβέβηκεν
ἤδη τὰ πολλὰ καὶ γενήσεται τὰ λείποντα δηλώσειε,
καὶ ὡς αὐτὸς ἐπιθείη τὸ ὄνομ᾽ αὐτῷ μήπω γέγεν-
νημένῳ καὶ τίς μέλλοι καλεῖσθαι προείποι καὶ ὅτι
τὸν ναὸν οὗτος οἰκοδομήσει αὐτῷ, βασιλεὺς μετὰ
τὴν τοῦ πατρὸς τελευτὴν γενόμενος" ἃ βλέποντας
κατὰ τὴν ἐκείνου προφητείαν ἐπιτελῆ τὸν θεὸν
εὐλογεῖν ἠξίου καὶ περὶ μηδενὸς ἀπογινώσκειν ὧν
ὑπέσχηται πρὸς εὐδαιμονίαν ὡς οὐκ ἐσομένου,
πιστεύοντας ἐκ τῶν ἤδη βλεπομένων.
(9) Ταῦτα διαλεχθεὶς πρὸς τὸν ὄχλον ὃ βασιλεὺς
ἀφορᾷ πάλιν εἰς τὸν ναὸν καὶ τὴν δεξιὰν εἰς τὸν
οὐρανὸν ἀνασχών “ἔργοις μέν, εἶπεν, “οὐ
δυνατὸν ἀυ"θρώποις ἀποδοῦναι θεῷ χάριν ὑπὲρ ὧν
εὖ πεπόνθασιν: ἀπροσδεὲς γὰρ τὸ θεῖον ἁπάντων
καὶ κρεῖττον τοιαύτης ἀμοιβῆς: ᾧ δὲ τῶν ἄλλων
1 + οὐ δὲ σαυτῷ ROM: + a tuis sedibus Lat.: τῶν σεαυτοῦ
con}. Coceeji. 2 Ernesti: οἰκεῖν codd. Lat.
3 ex Lat. Ernesti: ὠκοδομήσειεν ROM : οἰκοδομήσειεν SP.
4 ex yxx Niese: ὄχλοι codd.
@ Eduard Norden, Agnostos Theos, Ὁ. 19 note 2, comments
ou_the Stoic colouring of the last phrase. Josephus does,
indecd, often nse Stoic terminology in deseribing the divine
attributes, and the present text of Seripture is well suited
for such amplification. For a special treatment of this
630
j
)
|
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 108-11]
suaded that Thou art present and not far removed.
For, as Thou seest all things and hearest all things,
Thou dost not, even when dwelling here where is Thy
rightful place, leave off being very near to all men, but
rather art present with everyone who asks for guid-
ance, both by night and by day.” After this solemn
appeal to God he turned to address the multitude and
made elear to them the power and providence of God
in that most of the future events which He had re- ὦ
vealed to David, his father, had actually come to pass,
and the rest would also come about, and how God
Himself had given him his name even before he was
born, and had foretold what he was to be called and
that none but he should build Him a temple, on be-
coming king after his father’s death. And now that
they saw the fulfilment of these things in aecordance
with David’s prophecics, he asked them to praise
God and not despair of anything He had promised
for their happiness, as if it were not to be. but to
have faith because of what they had already scen.
(3) When the king had thus spoken to the crowd,
he looked again tow vard the temple and, raising his
right hand 8 up to heaven,? said, “ Not by deeds is it
possible for men to return thanks to God for the
benefits they have received, for the Deity stands in
need of nothing ὦ and is above any sueh reeoinpense.
subject cf. A. Schlatter, “ἢ Wie sprach Josefus von Gott?” in
Beitriige zur Férderung christlicher Theologie, xv. 1, 1910.
ὑ Bibl.‘ spread his hands.”’
¢ mended text; mss.“ to the multitude.”
4 ἁπροσδεής is a Stoic attribute of God. lor instances of
similar borrowings in Jewish Greek writings see Τὺ, Mareus,
Ὁ Divine Names and Attributes in Hellenistic Jewish Litera-
ture” in Proceedings of the American cleademy for Jewish
Research, 1931-1932.
VOL. V 2s 05]
Solomon
blesses the
people,
1 Kings viii.
4.
Solomon’s
prayer,
1 Kings viii.
2 Curon,
Viel;
11.
119
114
JOSEPHUS
ζῴων ὑπὸ σοῦ, δέσποτα, κρείττονες yeyovaper’,
τούτῳ τὴν σὴν εὐλογεῖν μεγαλειότητα καὶ περὶ
τῶν ὑπηργμένων εἰς τὸν ἡμέτερον οἶκον καὶ τὸν
EBpatwy λαὸν εὐχαριστεῖν ἀνάγκη. τίνι γὰρ
ἄλλῳ μᾶλλον ἱλάσασθαι μηνίοντα καὶ δυσμεναί-
νοντα εὐμενῆ δεξιοῦσθαι ἀξιώτερον' ἐστιν ἡμῖν 7
φωνῇ, ἣν ἐξ ἀέρος τε ἔχομεν καὶ δι᾿ αὐτοῦ πάλιν
ἀνιοῦσαν οἴδαμεν; χάριν οὖν ἔχειν δι᾿ αὐτῆς ὁμο-
λογῶ σοι περί τε τοῦ πατρὸς πρῶτον, ὃν ἐξ
ἀφανοῦς εἰς τοσαύτην ἀνήγαγες δόξαν, ἔπειθ᾽ ὑπὲρ
ἐμαυτοῦ πάντα μέχρι τῆς παρούσης ἡμέρας ἃ
προεῖπας πεποιηκότι, δέομαί τε τοῦ λοιποῦ χορη-
γεῖν ὅσα θεῷ δύναμις ἀνθρώποις ὑπὸ σοῦ τετιμη-
μένοις, καὶ τὸν οἶκον τὸν ἡμέτερον αὔξειν εἰς ἅπαν,
ὡς καθωμολόγησας Aavidn τῷ πατρί μου καὶ
ζῶντι καὶ παρὰ τὴν τελευτήν, ὅτι παρ' ἡμῖν ἡ
βασιλεία μενεῖ καὶ τὸ ἐκείνου γένος αὐτὴν δια-
δοχαῖς ἀμείψει μυρίαις. ταῦτ᾽ οὖν ἡμῖν ἐπάρκεσον
καὶ παισὶ" τοῖς ἐμοῖς ἀρετὴν ἡ σὺ χαίρεις παράσχου.
πρὸς δὲ" τούτοις ἱκετεύω καὶ μοῖράν τινα τοῦ σοῦ
πνεύματος εἰς τὸν ναὸν ἀποικίσαι, ὡς ἂν καὶ ἐπὶ
γῆς ἡμῖν εἶναι δοκῇς. σοὶ μὲν γὰρ μικρὸν οἰκη-
τήριον καὶ τὸ πᾶν οὐρανοῦ καὶ τῶν κατὰ τοῦτον
ὄντων κύτος, οὐχ ὅτι γε οὗτος ὃ τυχὼν ναός, ἀλλὰ
φυλάσσειν τε ἀπόρθητον ἐκ πολεμίων ὡς ἴδιον εἰς
ἅπαν καὶ προνοεῖν ὡς οἰκείου κτήματος παρακαλῶ.
115 κἂν ἁμαρτών ποτε 6 λαὸς ἔπειτα πληγῇ τινι
1 δεξιοῦσθαι ἀξιώτερον Cocceji: δεξιώτερον codd.
3 πᾶσι ROM. 3 Bekker: δὴ codd.
632
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 111-115
But with that (gift of speech), O Lord, through which
we have been made by Thee superior to other
creatures, we eannot but praise Thy greatness and
give thanks for Thy kindnesses to our house and the
Hebrew people, for with what other thing is it more
fitting for us to appease Thee when wrathful, and,
when ill disposed, to make Thee gracious than with
our voiee, which we have from the air, and know to
aseend again through this element?? And so, with
my voiee I render thanks to Thee, first for my father’s
sake, whom Thou didst raise from obscurity to such
great glory, and next on my own behalf, for whom
unto the present day Thou hast done all that Thou
didst foretell. And I beseech Thee henceforth to
grant whatever God has power to bestow on men
esteemed by Thee, and to inerease our house for
ever, as Thou didst promise David, my father, both in
his lifetime and when he was near death, saying that
the kingship should remain among us and that his
deseendants should transmit it to numberless suec-
eessors. These things, therefore, do Thou grant us,
and to my sons give that virtue in which Thou de-
lightest. Beside these things I entreat Thee also to
send some portion of Thy spirit to dwell in the temple,
that Thou mayest seem to us to be on earth as well.
lor to Thee even the whole vault of heaven and all its
host is but a small habitation—how mueh less this
poor temple! Nonetheless I pray Thee to guard it
for ever from saeking by our enemies, as Thine own
temple, and to watch over it as Thine own possession.
And if ever the people sin and then beeause of their
4 This portion of Solomon’s prayer is amplified by
Josephus, while in the following he condenses the scriptural
text.
633
110
117
118
110
JOSEPHUS
κακῶται' διὰ τὴν ἁμαρτίαν ἐκ σοῦ, γῆς ἀκαρπίᾳ
καὶ φθορᾷ λοιμιικῇ ἢ τινι τούτων τῶν παθημάτων,
οἷς σὺ τοὺς παραβάντας τι τῶν ὁσίων μετέρχῃ,
καὶ καταφεύγῃ πᾶς ἀθροισθεὶς ἐπὶ τὸν ναὸν
ἱκετεύων σε καὶ σωθῆναι δεόμενος, ἐπήκοος αὐτοῦ
γενόμενος ὡς ἔνδον ὧν ἐλεήσῃς καὶ τῶν συμφορῶν
ἀπαλλάξῃς. ταύτην δὲ οὐχ ᾿βραίοις μόνον δέομαι
παρὰ σοῦ τὴν βοήθειαν εἶναι σφαλεῖσιν, ἀλλὰ κἂν
ἀπὸ περάτων τῆς οἰκουμένης τινὲς ἀφίκωνται κἂν
ὁποθενδηποτοῦν προστρεπόμενοι καὶ τυχεῖν τινος
ἀγαθοῦ λιπαροῦντες, δὸς αὐτοῖς ἐκήκοος γενόμενος.
οὕτως γὰρ ἂν μάθοιεν πάντες ὅτι σὺ μὲν αὐτὸς
ἐβουλήθης παρ᾽ ἡμῖν κατασκευασθῆναί σοι τὸν
οἶκον, ἡμεῖς δ᾽ οὐκ ἀπάνθρωποι τὴν φύσιν ἐσμὲν
οὐδ᾽ ἀλλοτρίως πρὸς τοὺς οὐχ ὁμοφύλους ἔχομεν,
ἀλλὰ πᾶσι κοινὴν τὴν ἀπὸ σοῦ βοήθειαν καὶ τὴν
τῶν ἀγαθῶν ὁ ὄνησιν ὑπάρχειν ἠθελήσαμεν.᾽᾿
(4 ) Eure ταῦτα καὶ ῥίψας αὑτὸν ἐπὶ τὴν γῆν
καὶ ἐπὶ πολλὴν ὥραν προσκυνήσας, ἀναστὰς θυσίας
τῷ βωμῷ προσῆγε καὶ γεμίσας τῶν ὁλοκλήρων
ἱερείων ἐναργέστατα τὸν θεὸν ἡδέως “ἔγνω τὴν
θυσίαν προσδεχόμενον" πῦρ γὰρ ἐξ ἀέρος δια-
δραμὸν καὶ πάντων ὁρώντων ἐπὶ τὸν βωμὸν ᾷξαν
ἅπασαν τὴν θυσίαν ἀνήρπασε καὶ κατεδαίσατο.
ταύτης δὲ τῆς ἐπιφανείας γενομένης ὁ μὲν λαὸς
δήλωσιν εἶναι τοῦτ᾽ εἰκάσας τῆς ἐν τῷ ναῷ τοῦ
θεοῦ διατριβῆς ἐσομένης καὶ ἡσθεὶς προσεκύνει
1 Conj. Thackeray: κακῷ codd.: pessima Lat.
® Coceeji: οὐκ M: om. rell.
3 βωμῷ προσῆγε MSE (Zonaras): θεῷ προσῆγε P: θεῷ
προσήνεγκε RO: in templo obiulit Lat.
« Emended text.
» This last is an apologetic variation of Scripture, 1 Kings
O34
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 115-119
sin are smitten? by some evil from Thee, by unfruit-
fulness of the soil or a destructive pestilence or any
sueh afflietion with which Thou visitest those who
transgress any of the sacred laws, and if they all
gather to take refuge in the temple, entreating Thee
and praying to be saved, then do Thou hearken to
them as though Thou wert within, and pity them and
deliver them from their misfortunes. And this help
I ask of Thee not alone for the Hebrews who may
fall into error, but also if any eome even from the
ends of the earth or from wherever it may be and
turn to Thee, imploring to receive some kindness, do
Thou hearken and give it them. For so would all
men know that Thou Thyself didst desire that this
house should be built for Thee in our land, and also
that we are not inhumane by nature nor unfriendly
to those who are not of our country, but wish that all
men equally should receive aid from Thee and enjoy
Thy blessings.” ὃ
(4) Havine spoken in these words, he threw him-
The
sacrifices
self upon the ground and did obcisance for a long are miracn-
tinie ; then he arose and brought saerifices to the
altar, and, when he had heaped it with whole vie-
tims, he knew that God was gladly aecepting the
saerifice, for a fire darted out of the air and, in the
sight of all the people, leaped upon the altar and,
seizing on the sacrifice, consumed it all. When this
divine manifestation oceurred, all the people sup-
posed it to be a sign that God would thereafter dwell
in the teinple, and with joy they fell upon the ground
viii. 43 Ὁ, “ that all people of the earth may know thy name
to reverence thee as do thy people Israel.”
¢ Josephus here follows the order in 2 Chron. ; in 1 Kings
(vill. 54-61) Solomon blesses the people before offering
sacrifice,
635
lously
consumed.
2 Chron. vii,
1.
JOSEPHUS
‘ > ON -
πεσὼν ἐπὶ τούὐύδαφος, ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς εὐλογεῖν τε
uv A Ἁ ~ =
ἤρξατο Kat τὸ πλῆθος ταὐτὸ ποιεῖν' παρώρμα
’ A f ~ ~ ~
δείγματα prev ἔχοντας ἤδη τῆς TOD θεοῦ πρὸς αὐτοὺς
᾽ ~ >
120 εὐμενείας, εὐχομένους δὲ τοιαῦτα ἀποβαίνειν ἀεὶ
A 2 , a“
τὰ παρ᾽ ἐκείνου, Kal τὴν διάνοιαν αὐτοῖς καθαρὰν
3 A \
ἀπὸ πάσης φυλάττεσθαι κακίας ἐν δικαιοσύνῃ καὶ
θρησκείᾳ καὶ τῷ τὰς ἐντολὰς τηρεῖν ἃς διὰ
Mwuoéos αὐτοῖς ἔδωκεν 6 θεὸς διαμένουσιν".
» \ 4 ” \ ¢ , w
ἔσεσθαι yap οὕτως εὔδαιμον τὸ “EBpatwy ἔθνος
121 καὶ παντὸς ἀνθρώπων γένους μακαριώτερον. παρ-
εκάλει τε μνημονεύειν ὡς οἷς ἐκτήσατο τὰ παρ-
’ > \ ; δ. Ἃ \ , “ 3 \
ὄντα ἀγαθὰ τούτοις αὐτὰ καὶ βέβαια efew*® καὶ
΄7 “
μείζω καὶ πλείω καταστήσειν": οὐ γὰρ λαβεῖν αὐτὰ
7 > ? 7 \ 4 3 A Ἁ
μόνον δι᾿ εὐσέβειαν καὶ δικαιοσύνην, ἀλλὰ καὶ
καθέξειν διὰ ταῦτα προσῆκεν ὑπολαμβάνειν" εἶναι
δὲ τοῖς ἀνθρώποις οὐχ οὕτως μέγα τὸ κτήσασθαί
τι τῶν οὐχ ὑπαρχόντων, ὡς τὸ σῶσαι τὰ πορι-
7 A A « - 3 ? 3 ~
σθέντα καὶ μηδὲν ἁμαρτεῖν ets βλάβην αὐτῶν.
1909 (86) ‘O μὲν οὖν βασιλεὺς διαλεχθεὶς ταῦτα πρὸς
\ “- 7 \ > ’ 7 ;
τὸ πλῆθος διαλύει τὴν ἐκκλησίαν τελέσας θυσίας
~ A ,
ὑπέρ τε αὑτοῦ Kal πάντων ‘EBpatwy, ὡς μόσχους
“ ’ὔ \
μὲν καταθῦσαι μυρίους Kat δισχιλίους, προβάτων
Ἁ ~
123 δὲ μυριάδας δώδεκα. τὸν yap ναὸν τότε πρῶτον
ἔγευσεν ἱερουργημάτων καὶ κατευωχήθησαν ἐν
~ \ \ ~
αὐτῷ πάντες σὺν γυναιξὶν “EBpator καὶ τέκνοις,
ἔτι δὲ καὶ τὴν σκηνοπηγίαν καλουμένην ἑορτὴν
~ oo — \ ~
πρὸ τοῦ ναοῦ λαμπρῶς καὶ μεγαλοπρεπῶς ἐπὶ dis
1 EF Lat.: εἰπεῖν codd.
2 Dindorf: διαμενούσης P: διαμενούσας rell.
8 ἕξρυσι ed. pr. 4 καταστήσουσιν MSP.
636
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 119-123
and did obeisance. But the king began to bless 1 Kings vill
God and urged the multitude to do the like, seeing is
that they now had tokens of God’s goodwill toward
them, and to pray that such would be His treatment
of them always and that their minds might be kept
pure from all evil as they continued in righteousness
and worship and in observance of the commandments
which God had given them through Moses ; for thus
would the Hebrew nation be happy and the most
blessed of all the races of men. And he exhorted
them to remember that in the same way in whieh
they had acquired their present blessings they would
also preserve them surely and would make them
greater and more numerous. For, he said, they
ought to realize that not only had they received them
because of their piety and righteousness, but that
they would also maintain them through these same
qualities, and that it is not so great a thing for men
to acquire something which they have not had before
as to preserve what is given them and be guilty of
nothing which may harm it.?
(5) And so, when the king had thus addressed the The
multitude, he dismissed the assembly after offering Sena
sacrifices both for himself and for the Hebrews with {on of
abernacles
the slaughter of twelve thousand ® calves and one 1 Kings viii.
hundred and twenty thousand sheep, for this was the ὅ5
first time that he gave the temple a portion © of
victims, and all the Hebrews with their women and
children feasted therein. Moreover the festival
called the Setting up of Booths (Tabernacles) was
splendidly and magnificently cclebrated before the
4 Solomon’s speech is somewhat amplified.
& Bint,-22;000,
° Lit. “ gave the temple a taste.”’
637
12
190
126
4
~I
JOSEPHUS
ἑπτὰ ἡμέρας ἤγαγεν ὁ βασιλεὺς σὺν ἅπαντι τῷ
λαῷ κατευωχούμενος.
(6) ᾿Επεὶ δ᾽ εἶχεν αὐτοῖς ἀποχρώντως ταῦτα καὶ
μηδὲν ἐνέδει τῇ περὶ τὸν θεὸν εὐσεβείᾳ, πρὸς
αὑτοὺς ἕκαστοι τοῦ βασιλέως ἀπολύσαντος ἀπήεσαν
εὐχαριστήσαντες τῷ βασιλεῖ τῆς τε περὶ αὐτοὺς
προνοίας καὶ ὧν ἐπεδείξατο ἔργων, καὶ εὐξάμενοι
τῷ θεῷ παρασχεῖν αὐτοῖς εἰς πολὺν χρόνον
Σολομῶνα βασιλέα, τὴν πορείαν ἐποιοῦντο μετὰ
χαρᾶς καὶ παιδιᾶς ὕμνους εἰς τὸν θεὸν ἄδοντες, ὡς
ὑπὸ τῆς ἡδονῆς ἀπόνως τὴν ὁδὸν τὴν ἐπὶ τὰ οἰκεῖα
πάντας ἀνύσαι. καὶ οἱ μὲν τὴν κιβωτὸν εἰς τὸν
ναὸν εἰσαγαγόντες καὶ τὸ μέγεθος καὶ τὸ κάλλος
ἱστορήσαντες αὐτοῦ, καὶ θυσιῶν én’ αὐτῷ μεγάλων
καὶ ἑορτῶν μεταλαβόντες, εἰς τὰς αὑτῶν' ἕκαστοι
πόλεις ὑπέστρεψαν. ὄναρ δ᾽ ἐπιφανὲν τῷ βασιλεῖ
κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους ἐσήμαινεν αὐτῷ τῆς εὐχῆς
ἐπήκοον τὸν θεὸν γεγονέναι, καὶ ὅτι φυλάξει τε
τὸν ναὸν καὶ διὰ παντὸς ἐν αὐτῷ μενεῖ τῶν
ἐκγόνων αὐτοῦ" καὶ τῆς ἁπάσης πληθύος τὰ
δίκαια ποιούσης, αὐτὸν δὲ πρῶτον ἐμμένοντα ταῖς
τοῦ πατρὸς ὑποθήκαις ἔλεγεν εἰς ὕψος καὶ μέγεθος
εὐδαιμονίας ἀνοίσειν ἄπειρον καὶ βασιλεύσειν ἀεὶ
τῆς χώρας τοὺς ἐκ τοῦ γένους αὐτοῦ καὶ τῆς ᾿Ιούδα
φυλῆς" προδόντα μέντοι τὰ ἐπιτηδεύματα καὶ λήθην
αὐτῶν ποιησάμενον καὶ Eevixovds θεοὺς θρησκεύειν
μεταβαλόμενον' πρόρριζον ἐκκόψειν καὶ μήτε τοῦ
γένους τι λείψανον αὐτῶν" ἐάσειν μήτε τὸν τῶν
1 Hudson: αὐτῶν codd.
? Ernesti: μένοι codd. 3 +4. καὶ αὐτοῦ E.
4 Bekker: μεταβαλλόμενον codd.
Ὁ αὐτοῦ Zonaras Lat.: αὐτὸν conj. Niese (αὐτῶν in edit.).
638
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 123-127
temple for twice seven days 2 by the king, who feasted
together with all the people.
(6) And when they had had enough of these things God again
ears to
and had omitted nothing that was required by piety Solomon
toward God, the king dismissed them and they went
in a dream.
1 Kings vili
away, each to his home; and, giving thanks to the 66.
king for his care of them and for the display he had
made, and praying to God to grant them Solomon as
king for a long time, they set out on their way with
joyfulness and mirth and singing hymns to God, so
that by reason of their delight they all aeeomplished
the journey homeward without fatigue. And those
who had brought the ark into the temple and beheld
its size and beauty and partaken of the great saeri-
fiees and the feasts there, returned, cach to his own
eity. But to the king a dream appeared in his sleep,
whieh revealed to him that God had hearkened to
his prayer ὃ and that He would preserve the temple
and would abide in it for ever, if his deseendants and
all the people aeted righteously ; as for the king him-
self, God said that if he abided by his father’s coun-
sels, He would fitst raise him to a height and great-
ness of happiness beyond measure, and that those of
his own line should for ever rule the eountry and the
tribe of Judah. If, however, he should be faithless
to his task and forget it and turn to the worship of
foreign gods, He would eut him off root and braneh
and would not suffer any of their line to survive nor
α΄ So Heb. and several txx mss.; Cod. B of txx has
seven days.” The festival of Tabernacles lasted only
seven days and was followed by a ‘closing festival ”
(‘asereth), cf. A. iii, Q44 ff.
> Bibl. “ the Lord appeared to Solomon a second time.”
OS
ea
128
129
130
131]
JOSEPHUS
᾿Ισραηλιτῶν λαὸν ἀπαθῆ παρόψεσθαι, πολέμοις
δ᾽ αὐτοὺς καὶ κακοῖς ἐξαφανίσειν μυρίοις, κἀκ τῆς
γῆς ἣν τοῖς πατράσιν αὐτῶν ἔδωκεν ἐκβαλὼν ἐπή-
λυδας ἀλλοτρίας καταστήσειν, τὸν δὲ ναὸν τὸν νῦν
οἰκοδομηθέντα καταπρησθησόμενον τοῖς ἐχθροῖς
παραδώσειν καὶ διαρπαγησόμενον, κατασκάψειν
δὲ καὶ τὴν πόλιν χερσὶ τῶν πολεμίων καὶ ποιήσειν
μύθων ἄξια τὰ παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς κακὰ καὶ πολλῆς δι᾿
ὑπερβολὴν μεγέθους ἀπιστίας, ὡς τοὺς “προσοίκους
ἀκούοντας τὴν συμφορὰν θαυμάζειν καὶ τὴν αἰτίαν
πολυπραγμονεῖν, du ἣν οὕτως ἐμισήθησαν “Ἑβραῖοι
τῷ θεῷ, πρότερον εἰς δόξαν καὶ πλοῦτον ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ
παραχθέντες, καὶ παρὰ τῶν ὑπολειπομένων ἀκούειν
ἐξομολογουμένων τὰς ἁμαρτίας αὐτῶν καὶ τὰς
τῶν πατρίων νομίμων παραβάσεις. ταῦτα μὲν
οὖν αὐτῷ τὸν θεὸν εἰπεῖν κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους ἀνα-
γέγραπται.
(ν. .) Μετὰ δὲ τὴν τοῦ ναοῦ κατασκευὴν ἐν
ἔτεσιν ἑπτὰ καθὼς προειρήκαμεν γενομένην τὴν τῶν
βασιλείων οἰκοδομὴν" κατεβάλετο, ἣν ἔτεσι τρισὶ
καὶ δέκα μόγις ἀπήρτισεν' οὐ yap τὸν αὐτὸν
ἐσπουδάζετο “τρόπον ὅνπερ καὶ τὸ ἱερόν, ἀλλὰ τὸ
μὲν καίπερ ὃν μέγα καὶ θαυμαστῆς ἐργασίας καὶ
παραδόξου τετυχηκός, ἔτι καὶ θεοῦ συνεργοῦντος,
εἰς ὃν ἐγίνετο, τοῖς προειρημένοις ἔτεσιν ἔλαβε
πέρας" τὰ δὲ βασίλεια πολὺ" τῆς ἀξίας τοῦ ναοῦ
καταδεέστερα τυγχάνοντα τῷ μήτε τὴν ὕλην ἐκ
1 οἰκοδομίαν MSPE. 2 πολύ re RO: πολύ τι Niese.
¢ Bibl. “‘ this house . . . will I cast out of my sight.”’
δ In Scripture the building of the palace is described
directly after that of the temple, and the second appearance
of God follows upon the completion of both buildings.
640
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 197-131
allow the people of Israel to go unharmed, but would
utterly destroy them with wars and countless afHie-
tions and, after driving them out of the land whieh
He had given to their fathers, would make them
aliens in a strange land, and the temple, which had
only now been built, He would give over to their
enemies to burn down and saek,? and would also raze
their eity to the ground by the hand of their enemies,
and would make the evils that should fall on them
like stories which men tell, beyond belief because
of their surpassing magnitude, so that when their
neighbours heard of their misfortune they would
wonder at it and would curiously inquire why the
Hebrews were now so hated by God by whom they
had formerly been raised to glory and wealth, and
from the survivors they would hear the reason as
these eonfessed their sins and their transgressions
against the laws of their fathers. These things, then,
it is written in Scripture, God spoke to him in his
sleep.
(v. 1) ἢ After the building of the temple, which, as The
we have said before,® took seven years, he laid the
building of
Solomon’s
foundations of the palace buildings, which he hardly palace.
completed in thirteen years, for it was not built with
1 Kings vii,
1 (LXX
the same industry as the temple had been; the vii. 3s).
latter, though it was so great and of a workmanship
so wonderful and surpassing belief, was nevertheless
finished in the fore-mentioned number of years, sinee
God, for whom it was built, also assisted in the work.4¢
But the palace, which was much inferior in dignity to
the temple because the materials had not been pre-
e599.
4 For rabbinic legends about the miraculous building of
the temple see Ginzberg iv. 155.
6-41
JOSEPHUS
τοσούτου χρόνου Kal τῆς αὐτῆς ἡτοιμάσθαι φιλο-
τιμίας καὶ βασιλεῦσιν οἰκητήριον ἀλλὰ μὴ θεῷ
132 γίνεσθαι, βράδιον ἠνύσθη. καὶ αὐτὰ μὲν οὖν ἀξια
133
134
λόγου καὶ κατὰ τὴν εὐδαιμονίαν τῆς ‘EK Bpatwy
χώρας καὶ τοῦ βασιλέως φκοδομήθη, τὴν δὲ ὅλην
αὐτῶν διάταξιν καὶ τὴν διάθεσιν εἰπεῖν ἀναγκαῖον,
ἵν᾿ οὕτως ἐκ τούτου στοχάζεσθαι καὶ συνορᾶν
ἔχωσι τὸ μέγεθος ot τῇ γραφῇ μέλλοντες ἐν-
τυγχάνειν.
(2) Οἶκος ἦν μέγας καὶ καλὸς πολλοῖς στύλοις
ἐρηρεισμένος, ὃν εἰς τὰς κρίσεις καὶ τὴν τῶν πραγ-
μάτων διάγνωσιν πλῆθος ὑποδέξασθαι καὶ χωρῆσαι
σύνοδον ἀνθρώπων ἐπὶ δίκας συνεληλυθότων κατ-
εσκεύασεν, ἑκατὸν μὲν πηχῶν τὸ μῆκος εὖρος δὲ
πεντήκοντα τὸ δ᾽ ὕψος τριάκοντα, κίοσι μὲν
τετραγώνοις ἀνειλημμένον ἐκ κέδρου πᾶσιν, ἐσ-
τεγασμένον δὲ Kopibiws, ἰσομέτροις δὲ φλιαῖς
καὶ θυρώμασι τριγλύφοις ἀσφαλῆ τε ὁμοῦ καὶ
κεκαλλωπισμένον. ἕτερος δὲ οἶκος ἣν ἐν μέσῳ
κατὰ ὅλου τοῦ πλάτους τεταγμένος τετράγωνος"
εὖρος πηχῶν τριάκοντα, “ἄντικρυς ἔχων vaov"
παχέσι στύλοις ἀνατεταμένον’ ἦν δὲ ἐν αὐτῷ
1 τετράγωνος om. RO Lat. 2 στοὰν Weill.
@ Unseriptural details.
®’ Called, in Seripture, “‘the house of the forest of
Lebanon.”
¢ ‘This unseriptural detail is, of course, an anachronism.
ὦ Both the Heb. and txx of 1 Nings vii. 5 are obscure,
partly because Heb, sagqeph may mean either Ὁ beam ” (so
the ‘Farguin translates) or ‘‘ window ” (lit. ‘‘ transparency ”’).
The word θυρώματα used by Josephus is found in the txx,
where it translates Heb. mehezah which seems to mean
“window,” but θυρώματα may also mean ‘‘ door.”’ It seems
042
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 131-134
pared so long before nor with the same expense,? and
beeause it was a dwelling for kings and not for God,
was more slowly completed. Yet it too was worthy
of note, and was built in a manner suitable to the
prosperity of the Hebrews’ country and their king ;
but we must deseribe its whole plan and arrangement,
in order that those who will read this work may from
this deseription form an idea and have some notion
of its size.
(2) There was a great and beautiful hall,’ sup-
ported by many pillars, whieh he built to admit a
great number of people to Judgements and decisions
of state eases and to provide room for gatherings of
men who opposed eaeh other in trials*; it was a
hundred eubits in length, fifty in breadth and thirty
in height, and was held up by square columns all of
cedar. - it was roofed in Corinthian © style and was
at the same time strengthened and ornamented with
pilasters of the same size and three-grooved panels.¢
And there was another hall δ in the middle of the
group of buildings, extending along the whole width
of the first building, which was quadrangular and
thirty eubits in breadth,’ and was opposite a temple 9
raised on massive pillars. In this was a magnificent
useless to render here the difhienlt {6}. and txx texts, which
were probably as unintelligible to Josephus as to modern
scholars.
€ Called, in Scripture, “the hall (A.V. “ porch ᾽ of
pillars.”’
‘ Bibl. “the length thereof was fifty cubits and the
breadth thereof thirty cubits.”
σ Bibl. “a hall (A.V. “ porch ’’) was before them’ (ie.
the pillars). For ναόν ‘‘temple’? Weill suggests reading
στοάν, “porch,” which, he holds, corresponds to Heb.‘ alain.
But ‘alam here seems to mean “hall,” and Josephus’s ναόν
is probably an interpretation of this too general term.
O43
Description
of the palaca
buildings.
1 Kings vii.2
(USE vite 39),
136
137
138
JOSEPHUS
ἐξέδρα διαπρεπής, ἐν ἡ καθεζόμενος ὁ βασιλεὺς
ἔκρινεν, ἡ παρέζευκτο, κατεσκευασμένος ἄλλος
οἶκος τῇ βασιλίσσῃ καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ τὰ πρὸς τὴν
δίαιταν καὶ τὰς ἀναπαύσεις οἰκήματα μετὰ τὴν τῶν
πραγμάτων ἀπόλυσιν, ἐστρωμένα πάντα σανίσι
τετμημέναις ἐκ κέδρου. καὶ τὰ μὲν ὠκοδομήσατο
λίθοις δεκαπήχεσιν, ἑτέρῳ δὲ πριστῷ τοὺς τοί-
χους καὶ πολυτελεῖ κατημφίεσεν, ὃς; εἰς κόσμον
ἱερῶν καὶ βασιλείων οἴκων θεωρίαν" γῇ μεταλ-
λεύεται τοῖς φέρουσιν αὐτὸν τόποις ἐπαινουμένῃ "
καὶ τὸ μὲν ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ κάλλος ἐπὶ τριστιχίαν ἦν
ἐνυφασμένον, τετάρτη δὲ μοῖρα γλυφέων παρεῖχε
αυμάζειν ἐπιστήμην, ὑφ᾽ ὧν πεποίητο δένδρα καὶ
φυτὰ παντοῖα σύσκια τοῖς κλάδοις καὶ τοῖς ἐκ-
κρεμαμένοις αὐτῶν πετάλοις, ὡς ὑπονοεῖν αὐτὰ
καὶ σαλεύεσθαι de’ ὑπερβολὴν λεπτότητος καλύπ-
τοντα τὸν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῖς λίθον. τὸ δὲ ἄλλο μέχρι τῆς
στέγης χριστὸν ἦν καὶ καταπεποικιλμένον χρώμασι
καὶ αφαῖς ." προσκατεσκεύασε δὲ τούτοις ἄλλα
τε πρὸς τρυφὴν οἰκήματα καὶ δὴ καὶ στοὰς μηκίο-
τας καὶ ἐν καλῷ τῶν βασιλείων κειμένας, ἐν αἷς
λαμπρότατον οἶκον εἰς ἑστίασιν καὶ συμπόσια
β
χρυσοῦ περίπλεων"" καὶ τἄλλα δὲ ὅσα τοῦτον ἔχειν ]
ἔδει πρὸς τὴν τῶν ἑστιωμένων ὑπηρεσίαν σκεύη.
πάντ᾽ ἐκ χρυσοῦ κατεσκεύαστο. δύσκολον
ἐστὶν καταριθμήσασθαι τὸ μέγεθος καὶ τὴν
1 κατημφίεσεν ὃς Hudson: κατημφίασεν ὃν RO: κατημφιεσ-
μένον MSP Lat.
2 Hudson: θεωρίων RO: θεωρία MSP: Τυρίων Ernesti: |
Βαιθώρων T, Reinach.
Syn... ἐπαινουμένῃ Hudson: v1: 2. ἐπαινουμένη (ἀπ-
αρνουμένη RO) codd. 4 γραφαῖς MSP.
5 Cocceji: mepir ew codd. © + καὶ διηγήσασθαι SP.
O44 “
{
|
|
|
{
j
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 134-138
hall ὁ where the king sat to give judgement, and to it
was joined another hall built for the quecn, and the
remaining chambers for eating and for resting after
the discharge of public business, all of them floored
with boards cut out of cedar. Some of these he built
with stones of ten cubits,? and he covered the walls
with another kind of sawn stone of great value, which
is mined for the adornment of temples and enhancing
the appearance of royal palaces, in a region cele-
brated for the places that produce it. And the
beauty of this stone was displayed in a pattern of
three rows, while the fourth row made one admire
the skill of the sculptors who had fashioned trees
and plants of all kinds, giving shade with their
branches and the leaves hanging down from them,
and so exceedingly delicate that one would have
imagined they actually moved and were covering the
stone under them. The rest of the wall, up to the
roof, was painted and enlivened with various colours
and tints. And in addition to these, he built other
chambers for pleasure, among them very long colon-
nades, situated in a beautiful part of the palace, in
which was a very splendid hall for feasts and banquets,
filled with gold. And the other vessels such as were
needed in the hall for the service of guests at the
feasts were all made of gold. But it is difficult to
describe in detail the size and variety of the palace
¢ Bibl. “‘hall (A.V. “‘ porch ”’) of judgement.”’
δ Bibl. “Cand the foundation was of costly stones, ...
stones of ten cubits and stones of eight cubits.”
¢ Emended text.
645
JOSEPHUS
’ὔ ~ f ω Ἁ > > ~ A
ποικιλίαν τῶν βασιλείων, ὅσα μὲν ἦν αὐτοῖς τὰ
> ΓΑ /
μέγιστα οἰκήματα, πόσα δὲ τὰ τούτων ὑποδεέστερα
/ / ~ ~
Kal πόσα ὑπόγεια καὶ ἀφανῆ, τό TE τῶν ἀνειμένων
> .» ᾽ὔ \ \ ” \ 7 >
εἰς ἀέρα κάλλος Kai τὰ ἄλση πρὸς θεωρίαν ἐπι-
/ \ ’ὔ
τερπεστάτην καὶ θέρους ὑποφυγὴν καὶ σκέπην
4 A b) f 3 b aA 4
139 εἶναι τοῖς σώμασιν. ἐν κεφαλαίῳ δ᾽ εἰπεῖν, THY
ὅλην οἰκοδομίαν ἐκ λίθου λευκοῦ καὶ κέδρου καὶ
χρυσοῦ καὶ ἀργύρου πᾶσαν ἐποιήσατο, τοὺς ὁρό-
φους καὶ τοὺς τοίχους τοῖς ἐγκλειομένοις χρυσῷ
λίθοις διανθίσας τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον, ὡς καὶ τὸν τοῦ
140 θεοῦ ναὸν τούτοις κατηγλάισεν. εἰργάσατο δὲ
14
1
Ω
καὶ ἐξ ἐλέφαντος θρόνον παμμεγεθέστατον ἐν
κατασκευῇ βήματος ἔχοντα μὲν ἐξ ἀναβαθμούς,"
ἑκάστῳ δὲ τούτων ἐ ἑκατέρου μέρους δύο λέοντες
ἐφειστήκεσαν τοσούτων ἄνωθεν ἄλλων παρεστώτων.
τὸ δ᾽ ἐνήλατον τοῦ θρόνου χεῖρες ἦσαν δεχόμεναι
τὸν βασιλέα, ἀνακέκλιτο δ᾽ εἰς μόσχου προτομὴν
τὰ κατόπιν αὐτοῦ βλέποντος, χρυσῷ δὲ ἅπας ἦν
δεδεμένος.
(3) Ταῦτα Σολομὼν εἰκοσαετίᾳ κατασκευάσας,
ἐπεὶ πολὺν μὲν αὐτῷ χρυσὸν πλείω δ᾽ ἄργυρον ὁ
τῶν Τυρίων βασιλεὺς Εἴρωμος εἰς τὴν οἰκοδομίαν
συνήνεγκεν ἔτι δὲ καὶ ξύλα κέδρου καὶ πίτυος,
ἀντεδωρήσατο καὶ αὐτὸς “μεγάλαις δωρεαῖς τὸν
Εἴρωμον σῖτόν τε κατ᾽ ἔτος πέμπων. αὐτῷ καὶ
οἶνον καὶ ἔλαιον, ὧν μάλιστα διὰ τὸ νῆσον οἰκεῖν,
ὡς καὶ προειρήκαμεν ἤδη, χρήζων διετέλει. πρὸς
τούτοις δὲ καὶ πόλεις αὐτῷ τῆς [Γαλιλαίας εἴκοσι
μὲν τὸν ἀριθμόν, οὐ πόρρω δὲ τῆς ὕρου κειμένας
1 βαθμούς RO.
® These details are invented by Josephus; they are
640
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 138-142
buildings, how many larger chambers there were, how
» many smaller ones and how many were underground
and not visible, and the beauty of those parts open to
the air, and the groves whieh gave a most delightful
view and served as a refuge and shelter to the body
from the heat of summer.* To sum it up, he made
the whole building of white marble, cedar, gold and
silver, and deeorated the roofs and walls with stones
set in gold in the same manner as he had beautified
the temple of God with them. He also had them fpemon's
make an immense throne of ivory in the form of a Kings x.
dais with six steps leading up to it, and on each of '*
these on either side Stood. two lions, and there were
two others at the top, standing on either side ; the
seat of the throne had arms to receive the king, and
it rested on the head of a ealf® whieh faced toward
the baek of the throne; and the entire throne was
plated ¢ with gold.
(3) These works Solomon completed in twenty een
years, and, sinee irdmos, the king of ‘Tyre, had con- king of
tributed meen gold and more silver vd to their building, Pees ἴα
as well as wood of eedar and pine ὁ trees, he too pre- 10.
sented Eirdmos in return with great gifts, sending
him every year grain and wine and oil, of which,
because, as we have already said before? he inhabited
an island, he was always particularly in need. Beside
these he made him a present of some cities in Galilee,
twenty in number, whieh lay not far from Tyre 9;
probably based, as Weill suggests, on the arrangements of
Herod’s buildings.
ὑ So the uxx, προτομαὶ μόσχων, reading in the Heb. text
rasé “égel “ heads of calves” instead of rés‘agél “a rounded
top.” ¢ Lit, fastencd:”
4 Silver is not mentioned j in Seripture, e ('f. § Sb note.
7 § 54. ¢ Bibl. in the land of Galilee.”
VOL. V Oy O47
JOSEPHUS
? , a 5 \ \ , aM
ἐχαρίσατο, ἃς ἐπελθὼν Kat κατανοήσας Lipwpos
καὶ δυσαρεστήσας τῇ δωρεᾷ πέμψας πρὸς Σολο-"
μῶνα μὴ δεῖσθαι τῶν πόλεων ἔλεγε: κἄκτοτε
προσηγορεύθησαν Χαβαλὼν γῆ: μεθερμηνευόμενον
‘ ~
yap τὸ χάβαλον κατὰ Φοινίκων γλῶτταν οὐκ
>
143 ἀρέσκον σημαίνει. καὶ σοφίσματα δὲ καὶ λόγους
αἰνιγματώδεις διεπέμψατο πρὸς Σολομῶνα ὁ τῶν
/ ~ ~
Τυρίων βασιλεὺς παρακαλῶν ὅπως αὐτῷ σαφηνίσῃ
τούτους καὶ τῆς ἀπορίας τῶν ἐν αὐτοῖς ζητου-
la > 7 4 ‘ \ wv \ δι
μένων ἀπαλλάξῃ. τὸν δὲ δεινὸν ὄντα καὶ συνετὸν
ἡδὲ 7 AAG LAAG 4 , ~
οὐδὲν τούτων παρῆλθεν, ἀλλὰ πάντα νικήσας τῷ
λογισμῷ καὶ μαθὼν αὐτῶν τὴν διάνοιαν ἐφώτισε.
~ \
14440 Μέμνηται δὲ τούτων τῶν δύο βασιλέων Kat
’ e / > Ἁ ~ /
Μένανδρος 6 μεταφράσας ἀπὸ τῆς Φοινίκων δια-
/ ‘ / 3 ~ 9 \ ¢ ‘
λέκτου τὰ Tupiwy ἀρχεῖα ets τὴν “Ἑλληνικὴν
¢ >
φωνὴν λέγων οὕτως" “᾿ τελευτήσαντος δὲ ᾿Αβιβάλου
7 λ ,ὔ 3 3 ~ νι w
διεδέξατο τὴν βασιλείαν παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ υἱὸς Kipwpos,
6s βιώσας ἔτη πεντήκοντα τρία ἐβασίλευσε
145 τριάκοντα καὶ τέσσαρα. οὗτος ἔχωσε τὸ Εὐρύ-
χωρον τόν τε χρυσοῦν κίονα τὸν ἐν τοῖς τοῦ Διὸς
3. Us ” ω 7, > \ Μ > \
ἀνέθηκεν" ἔτι τε ὕλην ξύλων ἀπελθὼν ἔκοψεν ἀπὸ
τοῦ ὄρους τοῦ λεγομένου Λιβάνου εἰς τὰς τῶν
¢ ~ , / ‘ 3 ~ ¢ Ἁ \
146 ιερὼν στέγας" καθελών τε τὰ ἀρχαῖα ἱερὰ καινὰ
3 , 1 ~a ¢ ἢ \ a? ,
ἀνῳκοδόμησε' τοῦ Ἡρακλέους καὶ τῆς ᾿Αστάρ-
1 καινὰ ἀνῳκοδόμησε Niese: καὶ ναὸν wxoddunoe codd.
“ Bibl. Cabul; ixx (reading gebil) ὅριον ** boundary.”
’ The only Semitic etymology which seems to fit this
interpretation is the Aramaic root kdl, one meaning of whieh
is ‘‘ be barren.”? Josephus’s explanation ‘' not pleasing ”’ is
648
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 142-146
but when Ejirdmos went to them and looked them
over, he was ill pleased with the gift and sent word
to Solomon that he had no use for the cities. And
from that time on they were called the Land of
Chabalin,? for Chabalin in the Phoenician tongue
is interpreted to mean “not pleasing.®”” And the
king of Tyre also sent Solomon tricky problems and
enigmatic sayings, requesting him to clear them up
for him and relieve his difficulties eoncerning the
questions propounded. But, as Solomon was clever
and keen-witted, none of these proved too hard for
him and he successfully solved them all by the force
of reason, and having discovered their meaning,
brought it to light.
These two kings are also mentioned by Menander,°
who translated the Tyrian reeords from the Phoenician
language into Greek speech, in these words: ‘* And on
the death of Abibalos, his son Eir6mos suceeeded to
his kingdom, who lived to the age of fifty-three and
reigned thirty-four years. He it was who made the
Eurychéros (Broad Place) embankment and set up
the golden column in the temple of Zeus.4 Moreover
he went off and cut timber from the mountain called
Libanos for the roofs of the temples, and pulled down
the ancient temples and ereeted new ones to Heracles ¢
apparently based on the Scriptural phrase ‘‘and they (1.9,
the cities) pleased him ποῖ.᾿ One rabbinic tradition explains
the name from the usual meaning of kabal which is “ἢ chained
down”; other Jewish commentaries give an explanation
which is closer to that of Josephus.
¢ Cf. Ap. i. 116 ff. where the following excerpt is given in
identical words.
4 Zeus was the Greek equivalent of the native Tyrian
Baal, as Josephus calls him in 4. ix. 138.
¢‘ Heracles was the Greek eqnivalent of the Tyrian
Melkart.
649
Phoenician
writers on
Hiram’s
reign.
ΤΟΒΙΡΗΌΘ
~ t am ¢ ” 3 “
τῆς, πρῶτος τε τοῦ ᾿Ι]ρακλέους ἔγερσιν ἐποιήσατο
ἐν τῷ Ilepitiw μηνί: τοῖς τε ᾿Ϊτυκαίοις" ἐπεστρα-
7 A 3 =~ A ld A e /
TEVGATO μὴ ἀποδιδοῦσι τοὺς φόρους Kal ὑποτάξας
πάλιν αὑτῷ ἀνέστρεψεν. ἐπὶ τούτου ἦν ᾿Αβδή-
! ρεψεν. ὕτου ἢ ή
~ “ : See: Seer See 9 \ /
μονος παῖς νεώτερος, Os ἀεὶ ἐνίκα" τὰ προβλήματα,
“ " / A ς ἐ ,’ὔ / 32}
ἃ ἐπέτασσε Σολομὼν ὁ ‘lepocodAtvuwy βασιλεύς.
A \ ~ 3
147 μνημονεύει δὲ Kat Δῖος" λέγων οὕτως" “ ᾿Αβιβάλου
᾽ὔ « εν" 3 ~ wv > ?
τελευτήσαντος 6 υἱὸς αὐτοῦ Eipwos ἐβασίλευσεν.
οὗτος τὰ πρὸς ἀνατολὰς μέρη τῆς πόλεως προσ-
ἔχωσε καὶ μεῖζον τὸ ἄστυ ἐποίησε καὶ τοῦ ᾽Ολυμ-
4 Α \ e \ ’ « Α N 4 > / \
πίου Διὸς τὸ ἱερὸν καθ᾽ ἑαυτὸ ov ἐγχώσας τὸν
Α ’ ~ ~ ’ \ ~ 3
μεταξὺ τόπον συνῆψε τῇ πόλει καὶ χρυσοῖς ἀνα-
7 > 7 3 ‘ A 3 \ ᾽ὔ
θήμασιν ἐκόσμησεν: ἀναβὰς δὲ εἰς τὸν Λίβανον
148 ὑλοτόμησε πρὸς τὴν τῶν ἱερῶν κατασκευήν. τὸν
δὲ τυραννοῦντα “ἱεροσολύμων Σολομῶνα πέμψαι
A 4 is "». ἡ ᾿ 3 ~
φασὶ πρὸς Ἰζΐρωμον αἰνίγματα Kxat® παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ
~ 3 ~ ‘ A A / ~
λαβεῖν ἀξιοῦντα, τὸν δὲ μὴ δυνηθέντα διακρῖναι
a” / ’ὔ ’
1490 τῷ λύσαντι χρήματα ἀποτίνειν. ὁμολογήσαντα
\ \ μ \ 4 f ~ A »
δὲ τὸν ἴΐρωμον καὶ μὴ δυνηθέντα λῦσαι τὰ αἰνίγ-
~ A ’
ματα πολλὰ τῶν χρημάτων εἰς τὸ ἐπιζήμιον ἀνα-
~ S 3 »
λῶσαι:" εἶτα δι ᾿Αβδήμονά τινα Τύριον avdpa τὰ
᾽ ~ A 9 4 ¢ ~ “ A
προτεθέντα λῦσαι καὶ αὐτὸν ἄλλα προβαλεῖν, ἃ μὴ
1 Gutschmid: Ἡυκαίοις RO: ᾿Ιυκέοις SP: ᾿Ηὐκέοις M [ναῖς:
Τιτυαίοις Eusebins ap. Syncellum.
2 - λύων Kusebins.
3 Niese: Alos vel Διὸς codd.: Δίων Syncellus Lat.
ὃν ex contra Apion. add. Niese.
O codd. contra Apion.: φησὶ rell.
4
δ
68 + λύσιν RO Lat.
7 δὲ RO: δὴ LV coda. contra Apion.
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 146-149
and Astarte; and he was the first to eelebrate the
awakening? of Heracles in the month of Peritius.
And he undertook a campaign against the Itykaians
(Uticans), who had not paid their tribute, and, when
he had again made them subject to him, returned
home. In his reign lived Abdémonos, a young lad
who always successfully solved the pr oblems hich
were submitted to him by Solomon, the king of
Jerusalem.” They are also mentioned by Dids® in
these words: ‘‘On the death of Abibalos, his son
Eirdmos became king. Heit was who added embank-
ments to the ἜΡΓ ΑΕ parts of the city and made the
town larger; and the temple of Zeus Olympios,
which stood apart by itself, he joined to the city by
filling up the space between them, and adorned it
with dedicatory offerings of gold. He also went up
to Libanos and cut timber for the building of temples.
And they say that Solomon, who was tyrant of
Jerusalem, sent riddles to Eir6mos and asked to
receive others from him as well, proposing that he
who was unable to interpret them should pay a fine
to the one who did solve them. But EirGmos, having
agreed to this, was unable to solve the riddles and
paid out large sums of money as a fine. Afterwards
through a certain Abdémon, a Tyrian citizen, he
solved © the riddles proposed and himself offered
41 follow Weill in taking éyepow in this sense rather
than in that of “ erection ᾿ (of a temple) as Hudson, Whiston
and Thackeray (in Ap. i. 119) do. Menander is probably
referring to the celebration of a festival in honour of Melkart-
Heracles as a fertility-god, cf. S. A. Cook, The Jteligion
of sAncient Palestine, εἰς, (Schweich Leetures), 1930, pp.
1.2.5.
ὑ Cf. Ap.i. 113 ff. where the following extract is given in
identieal words.
¢ Variant ‘‘ Abdemon .. . solved.”’
651
JOSEPHUS
λύσαντα τὸν Σολομῶνα πολλὰ τῷ Εἰρώμῳ προσ-
αποτῖσαι χρήματα.᾽᾽ καὶ Atos μὲν οὕτως εἴρηκεν.
1580 (vi. 1) “Evel δ᾽ ἑώρα τὰ τῶν ‘lepocoAvpwv
’ e A 4 4 3 ta ὔ
τείχη ὁ βασιλεὺς πύργων πρὸς ἀσφάλειαν δεόμενα
καὶ τῆς ἄλλης ὀχυρότητος (πρὸς γὰρ τἀξίωμα τῆς
πόλεως ἡγεῖτο δεῖν καὶ τοὺς περιβόλους εἶναι)
ταῦτά τε προσεπεσκεύασε καὶ πύργοις αὐτὰ
~~ 5 ’ \ A ’
15] μεγάλοις προσεξῆρεν. ὠκοδόμησε δὲ καὶ πόλεις
ταῖς βαρυτάταις ἐναρίθμους “Acwpov τε καὶ Ma-
‘A 1 / 2 \ , \ 4 ~ ,
yéow,' τρίτην" δὲ Γάζαρα, τὴν" τῆς [Παλαιστίνων
χώρας ὑπάρχουσαν ἣν Φαραὼ’ ὁ τῶν Αἰγυπτίων
βασιλεὺς “στρατευσάμενος καὶ πολιορκήσας αἱρεῖ
κατὰ κράτος" ἀποκτείνας δὲ πάντας τοὺς ἐνοι-
κοῦντας αὐτὴν κατέσκαψεν, εἶτα δωρεὰν ἔδωκε τῇ
152 αὑτοῦ θυγατρὶ Σολομῶνι γεγαμημένῃ. διὸ καὶ
ἀνήγειρεν αὐτὴν ὁ βασιλεὺς οὖσαν ὀχυρὰν φύσει
καὶ πρὸς πολέμους καὶ τὰς τῶν καιρῶν μεταβολὰς
χρησίμην εἶναι δυναμένην. οὐ πόρρω δ᾽ αὐτῆς
ἄλλας ὠκοδόμησε δύο πόλεις: Βητχώρᾳ τῇ ἑτέρᾳ
153 ovo ἦν, ἡ δ᾽ ἑτέρα Ἐαλὲθ" ἐκαλεῖ -
μα ἦν, ἡ ἑτέρα βαλὲθ᾽ ἐκαλεῖτο. προσ
κατεσκεύασε δὲ ταύταις καὶ ἄλλας εἰς ἀπόλαυσιν
καὶ τρυφὴν ἐπιτηδείως ἐχούσας, τῇ τε τῶν ἀέρων
εὐκρασίᾳ καὶ τοῖς ὡραίοις εὐφυεῖς καὶ νάμασιν
ὑδάτων ἐνδρόσους. ἐμβαλὼν δὲ καὶ εἰς τὴν ἔρημον
τῆς" ἐπάνω Συρίας καὶ κατασχὼν αὐτὴν ἔκτισεν
1 Mayeduv MSP Lat. 2 Niese: τὴν τρίτην codd.
iv RO. {ἣν Φαραὼν M: Φαραώνης RO: Φαραώθης Niese.
5 Βελὲθ RO. 6 σὴν MSP.
α Or (as Thackeray renders in Ap. i. 115) “ paid back to
Hirom more than he had received.”
ὃ Bibl. Hazor, txx ‘Acootp; cf. A. v. 199 note.
¢ Bibl. Megiddo, rxx Mayedd4, the modern Tell el- Mute-
sellim on the southern edge of the Great Plain of Esdraelon,
652
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 149-153
others, which Solomon was unable to solve and paid
large sums to Eirdmos in return.*”’ Such are the
words of Dios.
(vi. 1) Now when the king saw that the walls of
Jerusalem needed towers and other defenees for
security—for he thought that even the surrounding
walls should be in keeping with the dignity of the
eity—he repaired them and raised them higher with
great towers. He also built cities which are counted
among the most powerful, Asdr® and Maged,° and
a third, Gazara,? whieh had belonged to the country
of the Philistines and against which Pharad had
marched, and after a siege had taken it by storm and
after killing all its inhabitants had razed it to the
ground and then had given it as a gift to his daughter,
who had been married to Solomon. The king, there-
fore, rebuilt it also, for it was naturally strong and
could be useful in war or in times of sudden change.®
And not far from it he built two other eities, the name
of one being Bétchira, while the other was called
Baleth.2 In addition to these he built still others,
whieh were conveniently placed for enjoyment and
pleasure and were naturally favoured with a mild
temperature and seasonable fruits and irrigated with
streams of water. He also advanced into the desert
of Upper Syria” and, having taken possession of it,
where excavations have yielded important finds dating from
Solomon’s times, as well as from other periods.
¢ Bibl. Gezer, cf. 4. v. 83 note.
4 Or perhaps “ revolution.”
7 Wibl. Beth-horon, 1xx Βαιθωρών, Seripture calls it
‘* Beth-horon the nether,’ whieh is the modern Peit ‘Ur et-
tahtd about 10 miles N.W. of Jerusalem.
9 Bibl. Baalath, Lxx Βααλάθ (v.l. Badadé κτλ.), possibly
the modern Belain about 2 miles N. of Beit ‘Ur et-tahtd.
* Variant ‘‘ the desert above Syria.”’
653
Solomon's
fortifica-
tions,
1 Kings ix.
15; 2Chron
vili. 1.
JOSEPHUS
>) a 7 / ’ \ ¢€ ~ ¢ Ἁ > 4 ~
ἐκεῖ πόλιν μεγίστην δύο μὲν ἡμερῶν ὁδὸν ἀπὸ τῆς
” / ~ > \ > 3 ’ ~
ἄνω Συρίας διεστῶσαν, ἀπὸ ὃ Evgparov μιᾶς,
ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς μεγάλης Βαβυλῶνος ἐξ ἡμερῶν ἦν τὸ
154 μῆκος. αἴτιον δὲ τοῦ THY πόλιν οὕτως ἀπὸ τῶν
σι
on
οἰκουμένων μερῶν τῆς Συρίας ἀπῳκίσθαι τὸ
κατωτέρω μὲν οὐδαμοῦ τῆς γῆς ὕδωρ εἶναι, πηγὰς
δ᾽ ἐν ἐκείνῳ τῷ τόπῳ μόνον εὑρεθῆναι καὶ φρέατα.
ταύτην οὖν τὴν πόλιν οἰκοδομήσας καὶ τείχεσιν
> ’ x , 3 , A
ὀχυρωτάτοις περιβαλὼν Θαδάμοραν' ὠνόμασε καὶ
τοῦτ᾽ ἔτι νῦν καλεῖται παρὰ τοῖς Σύροις, οἱ δ᾽
Ἕλληνες αὐτὴν προσαγορεύουσι Πάλμυραν ."
(9) Σολομὼν μὲν οὖν ὁ βασιλεὺς ταῦτα κατ᾽
ἐκεῖνον τὸν καιρὸν πράττων διετέλει. πρὸς δὲ
τοὺς ἐπιζητήσαντας ὅτι πάντες οἱ Αἰγυπτίων
βασιλεῖς ἀπὸ Muwatov τοῦ Méudw οἰκοδομήσαντος,
ὃς ἔτεσι πολλοῖς ἔμπροσθεν ἐγένετο τοῦ πάππου
ἡμῶν ᾿Αβράμου, μέχρι Σολομῶνος πλειόνων ἐτῶν
ἢ τριακοσίων καὶ χιλίων μεταξὺ διεληλυθότων
Φαραῶθαι ἐκλήθησαν, ἀπὸ τοῦ μετὰ τοὺς" ἐν τῷ
μεταξὺ χρόνους" ἄρξαντος βασιλέως Φαραώθου τὴν
προσηγορίαν λαβόντες, ἀναγκαῖον ἡ ἡγησάμην εἰπεῖν,
ἵνα τὴν ἀγνοιαν αὐτῶν ἀφέλω καὶ ποιήσω τοῦ
ὀνόματος φανερὰν τὴν αἰτίαν, ὅτι" Φαραὼ κατ᾽
Atyumtious βασιλέα σημαίνει. οἶμαι δ᾽ αὐτοὺς
1 Θαδάμορα see Thadamor Lat.
2 ex Lat. ed. pr. Niese: Παράμαλλαν ROSPLV: Παρα-
μάλχαν M.
3 μετὰ τοὺς MSPV: per αὐτοὺς RO: μετὰ τοῖς L: κατ᾽ αὐτοὺς
Gutschmid. .
4 τῷ μεταξὺ χρόνους SP: τοῖς μεταξὺ χρόνοις rell.
5 Gutschmid: ὁ codd.
* Bibl. Tadmor, txx (2 Chron.) Θεδμόρ (v.1. Θοδμόρ), is
about 100 miles E. of Homs on the Orontes and about 160
654
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 153 -156
founded there a very great city at a distanee of two
days’ Journey from Upper Syria and one day’s
journey from the Euphrates, while from the great
Babylon the distanee was a journey of six days.?
Now the reason for founding the city so far from the
inhabited parts of Syria was that further down there
was no water anywhere in the land and that only in
this place were springs and w ells to be found. And
so, when he had built this eity and surrounded it with
very strong walls, he named it Thadamora.,? as it is
still pulled” by tie Syrians, while the Greeks call it
Palmyra.
(2) Such, then, were the activities which King
Solomon at that time was carrying on. Now to those
who ask why all the Egyptian kings from Minaias,
the builder of Memphis, who lix ed many years
before our forefather Abraham, down to Solomon—an
interval of more than one thousand three hundred
years 9—were called Pharadthai, taking this namc
from Pharadthés, the first king to reign after the
period intervening,° I have thought it neeessary
to explain—in order to dispel their ignorance and
make elear the reason for the name—that Pharaé in
Egyptian signifies “king.”¢ But I believe that
miles W. of Werdi on the Euphrates; from here it is a
distance of more than 200 miles down the river to Babylon.
δ On the interval of time between Abraham and Solomon
Cf § 61 note.
Apparently the period before Minaias (Menes), reputed
ine of the United Kingdom, is meant, but the text is
uncertain. Weill thinks the last phrase is an inte rpolation.
4 Aceording to F, Ll. Grithth in Hastings’ Dictionary of the
Bible, iii. 819, the Egyptian word pro, meaning “ἢ great
house,” was originally applied to the royal estate rather
than to the person of the king and only came into common
use as a title at the time of the New Kingdoin (c. 1600 B.c.).
655
The name
ες Pharaoh.”
158
159
JOSEPHUS
ἐκ παίδων ἄλλοις χρωμένους ὀνόμασιν, ἐπειδὰν
βασιλεῖς γένωνται τὸ σημαῖνον αὐτῶν τὴν ἐξουσίαν
κατὰ τὴν πάτριον γλῶτταν μετονομάζεσθαι:" καὶ
γὰρ οἱ τῆς ᾿Αλεξανδρείας βασιλεῖς ἄλλοις ὀνόμασι
καλούμενοι πρότερον, ὅτε τὴν βασιλείαν ἔλαβον,
ΠΠτολεμαῖοι προσηγορεύθησαν ἀπὸ τοῦ πρώτου
βασιλέως. καὶ ol ‘Papatav δὲ αὐτοκράτορες ἐκ
γενετῆς am ἄλλων ᾿χρηματίσαντες ὀνομάτων. Καί-
σαρες καλοῦνται, τῆς ἡγεμονίας καὶ TAS τιμῆς τὴν
προσηγορίαν αὐτοῖς θεμένης, ἀλλ᾽ οὐχ οἷς ὑπὸ τῶν
πατέρων ἐκλήθησαν τούτοις ἐπιμένοντες. νομίζω
δὲ καὶ Ἡρόδοτον τὸν ᾿Αλικαρνασέα διὰ τοῦτο
μετὰ δὶἰιναίαν τὸν οἰκοδομήσαντα Méudw τριά-
κοντα καὶ τριακοσίους βασιλεῖς Αἰγυπτίων γενέ-
σθαι λέγοντα μὴ δηλῶσαι αὐτῶν τὰ ὀνόματα, ὅτι
κοινῶς Φαραῶθαι ἐκαλοῦντο: καὶ γὰρ μετὰ τὴν
τούτων τελευτὴν γυναικὸς βασιλευσάσης. λέγει
τοὔνομα Νικαύλην καλῶν, δηλῶν ὡς τῶν “μὲν
ἀρρένων βασιλέων τὴν αὐτὴν προσηγορίαν ἔχειν
υναμένων, τῆς δὲ γυναικὸς οὐκέτι κοινωνεῖν
ἐκείνης, καὶ διὰ τοῦτ᾽ εἶπεν αὐτῆς τὸ φύσει δεῆσαν
ὄνομα. ἐγὼ δὲ καὶ ἐν τοῖς ἐπιχωρίοις ἡμῶν βι-
βλίοις εὗρον ὅτι μετὰ Φαραώθην τὸν Σολομῶνος
πενθερὸν οὐκέτ᾽ οὐδεὶς τοῦτο “τοὔνομα “βασιλεὺς
Αἰγυπτίων ἐκλήθη, καὶ ὅτι ὕστερον ἧκε πρὸς
Σολομῶνα ἡ προειρημένη γυνὴ βασιλεύουσα τῆς
Αἰγύπτου καὶ τῆς Αἰθιοπίας. περὶ μὲν οὖν ταύτης
μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ δηλώσομεν" νῦν δὲ τούτων ἐπεμνή-
σθην, ἵνα παραστήσω τὰ ἡμέτερα βιβλία καὶ τὰ
map Αἰγυπτίοις περὶ πολλῶν ὁμολογοῦντα.ὦ
1 ὁμοφωνοῦντα SPLV.
656
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 156-159
from childhood they had other names, and that when
they became kings they changed them for that
name which in their ancestral tongue signifies their
royal authority. For so also the kings of Alexandria
were first called by other names, but, when they
assumed the kingship, were named Ptolemies after
the first king. And the Roman emperors also, who
from their birth are known by other names, are called
Caesars, receiving this title from their princely office
and rank, and do not keep the names by which their
fathers called them. And I think it was for this
reason that Herodotus of Haliearnassus, when he
says? that there were three hundred and thirty
kings of Egypt after Minaias, who built Memphis,
did not mention their names, because they were all
inecommon called Pharadthai. For, after the death of
these kings, a woman ruled as queen, and he gives her
name as Nikaulé,? making it clear that while the male
kings could all have the same name, the woman could
not share this, and for that reason he mentioned her
by the name that naturally belonged to her. And I
myself have discovered in the books of our own
country that after the Pharadthés who was Solomon's
father-in-law no king of Egypt was ever again called
by this name,¢ and that later the afore-mentioned
woman as queen of Egypt and Ethiopia came to
Solomon. Now about her we shall write very
shortly.¢ But I have mentioned these matters at
this point in order to make plain that our books in
many things agree with those of the Egyptians.
4“ Apparently a reference to the sketch of Egyptian history
in-tlerod. i199 -f.
> The name is given as Nitocris in our texts of Herodotus.
¢ Josephus overlooks the Scriptural reference to Pharaoh
Necho, 2 Kings xxiii. 29 and elsewhere. 4 In § 165.
657
JOSEPHUS
¢ \ ~
160 (3) Ὃ δὲ βασιλεὺς Σολομὼν τοὺς ἔτι τῶν
΄ ,ὔ 3 € Z a > ~ 7
Χαναναίων οὐχ ὑπακούοντας, ot ἐν τῷ Λιβάνῳ
ὃ / ” ‘ , 5A as 10 1 e °
ιέτριβον ὄρει Kat μέχρι πόλεως ᾿Αμάθης,, ὑπο-
χειρίους ποιησάμενος φόρον αὐτοῖς προσέταξε, καὶ
\ ~
πρὸς τὸ Onrevew αὐτῷ καὶ Tas οἰκετικὰς χρείας
ἐκτελεῖν καὶ πρὸς γεωργίαν κατ᾽ ἔτος ἐξ αὐτῶν
3 / ~ ‘ € 4 3 Α 3 /
16] ἐπελέγετο. τῶν yap ᾿Ιβραίων οὐδεὶς ἐδούλευεν
240. > Ad ” A “Ἐς “- 7
(οὐδ᾽ ἦν εὔλογον ἔθνη πολλὰ τοῦ θεοῦ δεδωκότος
αὐτοῖς ὑποχείρια, δέον ἐκ τούτων ποιεῖσθαι τὸ
θητικόν, αὐτοὺς κατάγειν εἰς τοῦτο τὸ σχῆμα),
3 A ’ > ef +49 e ͵ ‘ a
ἀλλὰ πάντες ev ὅπλοις ἐφ᾽ ἁρμάτων καὶ ἵππων
“- Ἃ “- ~
162 στρατευόμενοι μᾶλλον ἢ δουλεύοντες διῆγον. τῶν
δὲ Χαναναίων, οὗς εἰς τὴν οἰκετείαν ἀπήγαγεν,
ἄρχοντας ἀπέδειξε πεντακοσίους καὶ πεντήκοντα
τὸν ἀριθμόν, ot τὴν ὅλην αὐτῶν ἐπιτροπὴν εἰλή-
φεσαν παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως, ὥστε διδάσκειν αὐτοὺς
τὰ ἔργα καὶ τὰς πραγματείας, ἐφ᾽ ἃς" αὐτῶν
of
ἔχρῃζεν.
3 , \ ¢ A > ~ 3
168 (4) ᾿Εναυπηγήσατο δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς ev τῷ Λίγυπ-
“- ~ > “- ’,
τιακῷ κόλπῳ σκάφη πολλὰ τῆς ᾿Ερυθρᾶς θαλάσσης
μ ’ “ > /
ἔν τινι τόπῳ λεγομένῳ Εασιωνγάβελ οὐ πόρρω
Αἰλανῆς" πόλεως, ἣ νῦν Ἰδερενίκη καλεῖται" αὕτη
> 4 Ἢ
γὰρ ἡ χώρα τὸ πρὶν ᾿Ιουδαίων ἦν. ἔτυχε δὲ καὶ
~ ~ ~ > 3
τῆς ἁρμοζούσης εἰς Tas ναῦς δωρεᾶς παρ᾽ Εἰρώμου
~ ry ~ ’ὔ
164 τοῦ ‘Tuptwy βασιλέως" ἄνδρας γὰρ αὐτῷ κυβερνὴή-
“- ξ
τας καὶ τῶν θαλασσίων ἐπιστήμονας ἔπεμψεν ἱκα-
e \ A. IOP
vous, οἷς ἐκέλευσε πλεύσαντας μετὰ καὶ τῶν ἰδίων
LEV: ᾿Αμαθῆς L: ᾿Αμμάθης (-ἣς SP) rell.: Amathi Lat.
2 Niese: ἃς ἂν codd.
3 Wudson: Ἰλάνεως RO: ᾿Ιλανῆς MS(P)V: ᾿ἙἘλάνης E:
Hilana Lat.
658
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 160-164
(3) King Solomon also reduced to subjeetion those
of the Canaanites who were still unsubmissive, that
is, those who lived on Mt. Libanos and as fin a as
Amathé,? and imposed a tribute upon them and raised ν
a yearly levy from them to be his serfs and perform
menial tasks and till the soil. But of the Hebrews no
one was a slave—nor was it reasonable, when God
had made so many nations subject to them, from
among whom they ought to raise their force of serfs,
that they themselves should be reduced to that con-
dition—but they all bore arms and served in the field
on ehariots and horses rather than lead the lives of
slaves. And over the Canaanites, whom he had
reduced to domestic slavery, he appointed five
hundred and fifty ὃ officers, who reeeived full charge
of them from the king, so as to instruct them in those
tasks and activities for which he needed them.
(4) The king also built many ships in the Egyptian
gulf ¢ of the Red Sea at a certain place called Gasiin-
gabel? not far from the eity of Ailané,? whieh is now
ealled Bereniké. For this territory formerly belonged
to the Jews. Moreover he obtained a present suit-
able to the needs of his ships from Eirdmos, the king
of Tyre, who sent him pilots and a goodly number
of men skilled in seamanship, and these Solomon
ordered to sail along with his own stewards to the
¢ Bibl. Hamath, cf. A. i. 138 note. Scripture enumerates
“all the people who were left of the Aunorites, Littites,
Perizzites, Hivites and Jebusites.”’
eo | Kings? Chron.250,
¢ The modern Gulf of Akabah.
4 Bibl. Ezion-geber (syon geber), txx cod. B ᾿Εμαεσειὼν
Γάβερ, cod, A Vacwy Πάβερ.
¢ Bibl. Eloth, rxx 1 Kings Αἰλάθ, 2 Chron. Αἰλάμ,
659
Solomon’s
military
exploits.
1 Kings ix.
20 ; al
viii. 7
Solomon’s
fleet.
1 Kings ix.
26; 2 Chron,
vill. 17.
165
166
167
JOSEPHUS
οἶκοι" ὁμων εἰς τὴν πάλαι μὲν Σώφειραν νῦν δὲ
χρυσῆν γῆν καλουμένην (τῆς ᾿Ινδικῆς ἐστιν αὕτη)
χρυσὸν αὐτῷ κομίσαι. καὶ συναθροίσαντες ὡς
τετρακόσια τάλαντα πάλιν ἀνεχώρησαν πρὸς τὸν
βασιλέα.
(5) Τὴν δὲ τῆς Αἰγύπτου καὶ τῆς Αἰθιοπίας
τότε βασιλεύουσαν γυναῖκα σοφίᾳ διαπεπονημένην
καὶ τἄλλα θαυμαστὴν ἀκούουσαν τὴν Σολομῶνος
ἀρετὴν καὶ φρόνησιν ἐπιθυμία τῆς ὄψεως αὐτοῦ
ex’ τῶν ὁσημέραι περὶ τῶν ἐκεῖ λεγομένων πρὸς
αὐτὸν ἤγαγε: πεισθῆναι γὰρ ὑπὸ τῆς πείρας ἀλλ᾽
οὐχ ὑπὸ τῆς ἀκοῆς (ἣν εἰκός ἐστι καὶ ψευδεῖ δόξῃ
συγκατατίθεσθαι καὶ μεταπεῖσαι πάλιν, ὅλη γὰρ
ἐπὶ τοῖς ἀπαγγέλλουσι κεῖται) θέλουσα πρὸς αὐτὸν
ἐλθεῖν διέγνω, καὶ μάλισταξ τῆς σοφίας αὐτοῦ
βουλομένη λαβεῖν πεῖραν αὐτή, προτείνασα καὶ
λῦσαι τὸ ἄπορον τῆς διανοίας δεηθεῖσα, ἧκεν" εἰς
“Ἱεροσόλυμα μετὰ πολλῆς δόξης καὶ πλούτου παρα-
σκευῆς" ἐπηγάγετο γὰρ καμήλους χρυσίου μεστὰς
καὶ ἀρωμάτων ποικίλων καὶ λίθων πολυτελῶν.
ὡς δ᾽ ἀφικομένην αὐτὴν ἡδέως ὁ βασιλεὺς προσ-
1 Niese: καὶ codd. Lat.
2 καὶ μάλιστα Niese: μάλιστα καὶ ROM: μάλιστα ΞΡ,
3 Exe. Bekker: αὕτη ROSP: αὐτὴν M.
4 ἧκεν οὖν M Lat.: ἧκε δ᾽ Exec. Bekker.
@ So Luc. and txx 2 Chron.; bibl. Ophir, rxx 1 Kings
Σωφηρά.
δ Cf, Isa. xiii. 19: Ps. xlv..9, Job xxii. δ ἐδ ak
¢ The actual location of Ophir is a matter of speculation.
Some modern scholars agree with Josephus in locating it
in or near India.
4 1 Kings Heb. and Lue. 420, rxx 120; 2 Chron. Heb. and
Lxx 450,
¢ Scripture calls her ‘‘ Queen of Sheba.’’ Sheba was a
660
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 164-167
land aneiently called Sopheir,* but now the Land of
Gold ®; it belongs to India.©) And when they had
amassed a sum of four hundred ¢ talents they returned
again to the king.
(5) Now the woman who at that time ruled as queen
of Egypt and Ethiopia® was thoroughly trained in
wisdom and remarkable in other ways, and, when she
heard of Solomon's virtue and understanding, was
The Queen
of Sheba
visits
Solomon.
1 Kings x.1;
2 Chron. ix.
led to him by a strong desire to see him whieh arose !
from the things told daily about his country. For,
wishing to be convineed by experienee and not
merely by hearsay—which is likely to give assent to
a false belief and then convince one of the opposite,
sinee it depends wholly on those who bring reports—
she decided to go to him ; and being very desirous
of herself making trial of his wisdom by propounding
questions and asking him to solve their difheult mean-
ing, she eame to Jerusalem with great splendour and
show of wealth. For she brought with her camels
laden with gold and various spices and_ precious
stones. And the king received her gladly on her
kingdom in S.W. Arabia, cf. Gen. x. 28, Job vi. 19 and
Mt. xii. 42 ( the Queen of the South’), Rabbinic tradition
describes Sheba as a land of sorcerers somewhere in the
Fast, and Ginzberg vi. 292 thinks it ‘* possible that the
substitution of Egypt for Sheba by Josephus . . . is to be
ascribed to the fact that in the Haggadah Egypt is the land
of magic and witchcraft par ercellence.’ But Josephus
probably knew of some native Egyptian or Ethiopic tradition
which connected the queen of the Arabian kingdom with
Egypt and Ethiopia (cf. Isa. xiii. 8). This tradition which he
got from Elerodotus or some other Greek source (cf. 88 158 f.)
is found in Ethiopic literature and states that Menetik, the
first king of Abyssinia, was a son of Solomon and Makkeda,
whom they identify with the Queen of Sheba. For a dis-
cussion of this subject see J. B. Coulbeanx, Histoire de
V Abyssinie, i. 108 fF.
661
168
JOSEPHUS
εδέξατο, τά τε ἄλλα περὶ αὐτὴν φιλότιμος ἦν Kat
τὰ προβαλλόμενα σοφίσματα ῥᾳδίως τῇ συνέσει
καταλαμβανόμενος θᾶττον ἢ προσεδόκα τις ἐπ-
lA , > 3 ’ὔ A ‘ A ,ὔ
ελύετο. ἡ δ᾽ ἐξεπλήσσετο μὲν καὶ τὴν σοφίαν
~ “ι er € 7 3 A .
τοῦ Σολομῶνος, οὕτως ὑπερβάλλουσαν αὐτὴν καὶ
τῆς ἀκουομένης τῇ πείρᾳ κρείττω καταμαθοῦσα,
Ἂν γῆ εν" as , a ΄
μάλιστα δ᾽ ἐθαύμαζε τὰ βασίλεια τοῦ τε κάλλους
καὶ τοῦ μεγέθους οὐχ ἧττον δὲ τῆς διατάξεως τῶν
οἰκοδομημάτων: καὶ γὰρ ἐν ταύτῃ πολλὴν τοῦ
169 βασιλέως καθεώρα φρόνησιν. ὑπερεξέπληττε δ᾽
αὐτὴν ὅ τε οἶκος ὁ δρυμὼν ἐπικαλούμενος Λιβάνου
καὶ ἡ τῶν καθ᾽ ἡμέραν δείπνων πολυτέλεια καὶ
τὰ τῆς παρασκευῆς αὐτοῦ καὶ διακονίας ἢ τε τῶν
ὑπηρετούντων ἐσθὴς καὶ τὸ μετ᾽ ἐπιστήμης αὐτῶν
περὶ τὴν διακονίαν εὐπρεπές, οὐχ ἥκιστα δὲ καὶ αἵ
καθ᾽ ἡμέραν ἐπιτελούμεναι τῷ θεῷ θυσίαι καὶ τὸ
τῶν ἱερέων καὶ Ληουιτῶν περὶ αὐτὰς ἐπιμελές.
170 ταῦθ᾽ ὁρῶσα καθ᾽ ἡμέραν ὑπερεθαύμαζε, καὶ κατα-
171 εἰρημένοις ἡττημένη" πάντα μὲν γάρ, ᾿ εἶπεν, “ὦ
- 3 “ A ” ~ /
σχεῖν οὐ δυνηθεῖσα τὴν ἔκπληξιν τῶν βλεπομένων,
φανερὰν ἐποίησεν αὑτὴν θαυμαστικῶς διακειμένην"
\ A \ / ᾽ , 3 “ ¢ 4?
πρὸς γὰρ τὸν βασιλέα προήχθη λόγους εἰπεῖν, ὑφ
ὧν ἠλέγχθη σφόδρα τὴν διάνοιαν ἐπὶ τοῖς προ-
βασιλεῦ, τὰ δι᾿ ἀκοῆς εἰς γνῶσιν. ἐρχόμενα μετ᾽
ἀπιστίας παραγίνεται, τῶν δὲ σῶν ἀγαθῶν, ὧν
αὐτός τε ἔχεις ἐν σαυτῷ, λέγω δὲ τὴν σοφίαν καὶ
‘ , 1 @ ε , , 5
τὴν φρόνησιν, καὶ ὧν ἡ βασιλεία σοι δίδωσιν, οὐ
ψευδὴς ἄρα ἡ φήμη πρὸς ἡμᾶς διῆλθεν, ἀλλ᾽ οὖσα
ἀληθὴς πολὺ καταδεεστέραν τὴν εὐδαιμονίαν ἀπ-
112 ἔφηνεν ἧς ὁρῶ νὍν παροῦσα" τὰς μὲν γὰρ ἀκοὰς
πείθειν ἐπεχείρει μόνον, τὸ δὲ ἀξίωμα τῶν Lod Μη
μάτων οὐχ οὕτως ἐποίει γνώριμον, ὡς ἡ ὄψις αὐτὸ
662
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 167-172
arrival and was studious to please her in all ways, in
particular by mentally grasping with ease the in-
genious problems she set him and solving them more
quiekly than anyone could have expected. But she
was amazed at Solomon’s wisdom when she realized
how extraordinary it was and how much more exeel-
lent upon trial than what she had heard about it.
She especially admired the palace for its beauty and
size and, no less, for the arrangement of the buildings,
for in this she saw the great wisdom of the king.
But she was more than amazed at the hall called the
Forest of Libanos and the lavishness of the daily
meals and his table-ware and service and the apparel
of his attendants, as well as the decorum, combined
with skill, of their serving ; and not least the sacri-
fices daily offered to God and the eare bestowed
on them by the priests and Levites. Seeing these The Queen
things day by day she admired them beyond measure, races"
and was not able to contain her amazement at what Solomon. 3
she saw, but showed clearly how much admiration ἌΣ δ
she felt, for she was moved to address the king in 1.
words which revealed how greatly overcome were her
feelings by the things we have described. “ All
things indeed, O King,” she said, “ that come to our
knowledge through hearsay are received with mis-
trust, but concerning the good things that are yours,
both those which you possess in your own person, I
mean your wisdom and prudenee, and those which the
kingship gives you, it was by no means a false report
that reached us ; on the contrary, though it was true,
it indicated a prosperity far below that which I see,
now being here. For the report attempted only to
persuade our ears but did not make known the
dignity of your state as fully as seeing it and being in
VOL. V Qu 663
173
174
175
176
JOSEPHUS
καὶ τὸ παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς εἶναι συνίστησιν. ἐγὼ γοῦν"
οὐδὲ τοῖς ἀπαγγελλομένοις διὰ πλῆθος καὶ μέγεθος
ὧν ἐπυνθανόμην πιστεύουσα, πολλῷ πλείω τούτων
ἱστόρηκα. καὶ μακάριόν τε τὸν Ἑβραίων λαὸν
εἶναι κρίνω δούλους τε τοὺς σοὺς καὶ φίλους, οἵ
καθ᾽ ἡμέραν τῆς σῆς ἀπολαύουσιν ὄψεως καὶ τῆς
σῆς σοφίας ἀκροώμενοι διατελοῦσιν. εὐλογήσειεν
ἄν τις τὸν θεὸν ἀγαπήσαντα τήνδε τὴν χώραν καὶ
ts Ltd
τοὺς ἐν αὐτῇ κατοικοῦντας οὕτως, ὥστε σὲ ποιῆσαι
βασιλέα.
(6) }αραστήσασα δὲ καὶ διὰ τῶν λόγων πῶς
αὐτὴν διέθηκεν ὁ “βασιλεύς, ἔτι καὶ ταῖς δωρεαῖς
τὴν διάνοιαν αὐτῆς ἐποίησε φανεράν" εἴκοσι μὲν
γὰρ αὐτῷ τάλαντα ἔδωκε χρυσίου ἀρωμάτων τε
πλῆθος ἀσυλλόγιστον. καὶ λίθων πολυτελῶν": λέ-
γουσι δ᾽ ὅτι καὶ τὴν τοῦ ὁποβαλσάμου ῥίζαν,
ἣν ἔτι νῦν ἡμῶν ἡ χώρα φέρει, δούσης ταύτης τῆς
γυναικὸς ἔχομεν. ἀντεδωρήσατο δ᾽ αὐτὴν πολλοῖς
καὶ Σολομὼν ἀγαθοῖς καὶ μάλισθ᾽ ὧν κατ᾽ ἐπι-
θυμίαν ἐξελέξατο" οὐδὲν γὰρ ἦν ὃ τι δεηθείσῃ λα-
βεῖν οὐ παρέσχεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἑτοιμότερον ὧν αὐτὸς κατὰ
τὴν οἰκείαν ἐχαρίζετο προαίρεσιν ἅπερ ἐκείνη τυχεῖν
ἠξίου προϊέμενος, τὴν μεγαλοφροσύνην ἐπεδείκνυτο.
καὶ ἡ μὲν τῶν Αἰγυπτίων καὶ τῆς Αἰθιοπίας βα-
σίλισσα ὧν προειρήκαμεν τυχοῦσα καὶ μεταδοῦσα
πάλιν τῷ βασιλεῖ τῶν παρ᾽ αὐτῆς, εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν
ὑπέστρεψε.
(vii, 1) Κατὰ δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρὸν κομισθέντων
1 ἐγὼ γοῦν O: ἔγωγ᾽ οὖν rell.
2 λίθων πολυτελῶν Niese: λίθον πολυτελῇ Codd.: λίθους mous
τελεῖς ex Lat. Hudson.
$3 4+ καὶ SP.
664
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 172-176
its presence showed it to be. I, for my part, did
not believe the things reported because of the multi-
tude and greatness of what I heard about them, and
yet I have witnessed here things far greater than
these. Fortunate do I hold the Hebrew people to
be, and your servants and friends as well, who daily
enjoy the sight of you and continually listen to your
wisdom. Let us bless God who has so well loved this
eountry and its inhabitants as to make you their
king.”
(G6) And, after she had shown by her words how
she felt toward the king, she revealed her feelings
still more clearly by her gifts, for she gave him
twenty ὁ talents of gold and an inealeulable quantity
of spices and precious stones ; and they say that we
Solomon
and the
Queen of
Sheba
exchange
gifts.
1 Kings x.
10; 2 Chron,
have the root of the opobalsamon, whieh our country ἰχ 9
still bears,’ as a result of this woman’s gift. In return
Solomon also presented her with many fine gifts, in
partieular with those which she seleeted as most
desirable, for there was nothing whieh he did not
give when she asked to have it ; on the contrary, he
showed his magnanimity by giving up whatever she
asked for more readily than he presented g cifts to her
of his own choiee. And so the queen of ‘Egy pt and
Ethiopia, having obtained the gifts we have men-
tioned and given others to the king from among her
possessions, returned to her own country.
(vii. 1) © About that same time there were brought
ας Bibl. 120.
®’ Cf. δ, iv. 469 on the balsam of Jericho, and a. ix. 7
on the balsam of Engedi on the Dead Sea.
© Seripture introduces the following passage before coim-
pleting the aceount of the queen’s visit with her departure.
Josephus changes the order by completing her story before
turning to the subject of Solomon’s imports.
665
JOSEPHUS
> ‘ ~ ~ , ~ , ~ 1
ἀπὸ τῆς χρυσῆς καλουμένης γῆς λίθου πολυτελοῦς
~ λ A ‘ / , A 7 3
τῷ βασιλεῖ καὶ ξύλων πευκίνων, τοῖς ξύλοις εἰς
ε / “~ “~ \ ~ ,
ὑποστήριγμα τοῦ τε ναοῦ καὶ τῶν βασιλείων κατ-
»" ~ ~ 3
εχρήσατο καὶ πρὸς τὴν τῶν μουσικῶν ὀργάνων
κατασκευὴν κινύρας τε καὶ νάβλας, ὅπως ὑμνῶσιν
οἱ Ληουῖται τὸν θεόν: πάντων δὲ τῶν πώποτε
κομισθέντων αὐτῷ τὰ κατ᾽ ἐκείνην τὴν ἡμέραν
177 ἐνεχθέντα καὶ μεγέθει καὶ κάλλει διέφερεν. ὑπο-
,ὔ \ \ Ld A ~ / ᾽ “- ~
λάβῃ δὲ μηδεὶς ὅτι τὰ THs πεύκης ξύλα Tots νῦν
εἶναι λεγομένοις καὶ ταύτην ὑπὸ τῶν πιπρασκόντων
> N “A
τὴν προσηγορίαν ἐπὶ καταπλήξει τῶν ὠνουμένων
λαμβανουσίν ἐστι παραπλήσια. ἐκεῖνα γὰρ τὴν
μὲν ἰδέαν ἐμφερῆ τοῖς συκίνοις γίνεται, λευκότερα
79 \ , , A \ ΓΝ. \
178 δέ ἐστι Kat στίλβει πλέον. τοῦτο μὲν οὖν" πρὸς
a 4 A A 3 ~ \ ‘ f
τὸ μηδένα τὴν διαφορὰν ἀγνοῆσαι μηδὲ THY φύσιν
τῆς ἀληθοῦς πεύκης, ἐπεὶ διὰ τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως
χρείαν ἐμνήσθημεν αὐτῆς, εὔκαιρον εἶναι καὶ φιλ-
ἄνθρωπον δηλῶσαι νομίσαντες εἰρήκαμεν.
1179 (9) ‘O δὲ τοῦ χρυσοῦ σταθμὸς τοῦ κομισθέντος
9 ~ / ς 7 ‘ ς a \ ω \
αὐτῷ τάλαντα ἑξακόσια Kat ἑξήκοντα καὶ ἕξ, μὴ
“A 3 “A 3 4
συγκαταριθμουμένου Kal τοῦ ὑπὸ τῶν ἐμπόρων
9 , 3 Φ ς ~ > f ’ὔ Ι
ὠνηθέντος μηδ᾽ ὧν οἱ τῆς ᾿Αραβίας τοπάρχαι
καὶ βασιλεῖς ἔπεμπον αὐτῷ δωρεῶν. ἐχώνευσε
1 λίθων πολυτελῶν SP Lat.
2 οὗν om. ROM.
8 δῶρον RO: δώρων Niese. |
δ So txx in 2 Chron., 1 Kings Heb. ’almuggim (A.V.
“almug’’), xx πελέκητά: *hewn,’’ 2 Chron. Heb.
666
¢ Bibl. Ophir, cf. § 114. |
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 176-179
to the king from the country called the Land of Gold 5
precious stones and pine ὃ wood, which wood he used
as supports ¢ for the temple and the palace and for
the construction of musieal instruments. Ainyrai and j
nablai,? with which the Levites might sing hymns to
God. And the wood that was delivered on that day
far surpassed in size and beauty any that had ever
been brought to him before. But let no one suppose
that the pine wood was like that which is now called
pine and which receives this name from men who sell
it as such in order to dazzle purchasers, for that we
speak of was similar in appearance to the wood of
fig-trees, but was whiter and more gleaming.’ This
mueh, then, we have said in order that no one may
remain ignorant of the nature of genuine pine and its
differenee from other kinds ; and, as we have spoken
of the use which the king made of it, it seemed in
place and an act of kindness to explain more fully.
(2) The weight of the gold that was brought to
him was six hundred and sixty-six talents, not includ-
ing what was brought by the merchants or the gifts
which the governors and the kings of Arabia’ sent
to him.? And this gold he melted down to make
‘algummim. It is not known what kind of tree the almug
was, but many scholars identify it with red sandal-wood,
which comes from the islands near India.
¢ So xtxx translates Heb. misad (A.V. “ pillars’) in
1 Kings; in 2 Chron, rxx has ἀναβάσεις " steps ᾿ for Heb.
mesilléth * paths ’’ (7) (A.V. “ terraces ”’).
4 On these instruments cf. -f. vii. 306 notes.
4 These details about the rare wood are, of course, un-
scriptural.
7 So 2 Chron. ; inl Kings Heb. has ‘ereb, a w ord of doubt-
ful meaning here, which Targum translates by “‘ allies,” and
Lxx, reading ‘éber, has τοῦ πέραν “ of the (country) beyond.”
σ Every year, according to Scripture.
667
The
products
of Ophir.
: ae Xx.
1 i lai
ix:
Solomon's
wealth.
1 Kings x.
14; 2 Chron.
ix. 13.
180
18
=
182
183
JOSEPHUS
δὲ τὸν χρυσὸν els διακοσίων κατασκευὴν θυρεῶν
ἀνὰ σίκλους ἀγόντων ἑξακοσίους. ἐποίησε δὲ καὶ
ἀσπίδας τριακοσίας ἀγούσης ἑκάστης χρυσίου μνᾶς
τρεῖς: ἀνέθηκε δὲ ταύτας φέρων εἰς τὸν οἶκον τὸν
δρυμῶνα Λιβάνου καλούμενον. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ
τὰ ἐκπώματα διὰ χρυσοῦ καὶ λίθου τὰ πρὸς τὴν
ἑστίασιν ὡς ἔνι μάλιστα φιλοτεχνῶν' κατεσκεύασε
καὶ τὴν ἄλλην τῶν σκευῶν δαψίλειαν χρυσέαν
ἅπασαν ἐμηχανήσατο" οὐδὲν γὰρ ἦν ὅ Tes ἀργύρῳ
ἐπίπρασκεν ἢ πάλιν ἐωνεῖτο᾽ πολλαὶ γὰρ ἦσαν
νῆες GS τα βασιλεὺς ἐν τῇ Ταρσικῇ λεγομένγ
θαλάττῃ καταστήσας παραγαγεῖν" εἰς τὰ ἐνδοτέρω
τῶν ἐθνῶν παντοίαν ἐμπορίαν προσέταξεν, ὧν
ἐξεμπολουμένων ἄργυρός τε καὶ χρυσὸς ἐκομίζετο
τῷ βασιλεῖ καὶ πολὺς ἐλέφας Αἰθίοπές τε καὶ
πίθηκοι. τὸν δὲ πλοῦν ἀπιοῦσαί τε καὶ ἐπαν-
ερχόμεναι τρισὶν ἔτεσιν ἤνυον.
(3 ) Φήμη de λαμπρὰ πᾶσαν ἐν κύκλῳ τὴν χώραν
περιήρχετο διαβοῶσα τὴν Σολομῶνος ἀρετὴν καὶ
σοφίαν, ὡς τούς τε πανταχοῦ βασιλεῖς ἐπιθυμεῖν
εἰς ὄψιν αὐτῷ παραγενέσθαι, τοῖς λεγομένοις δι᾽
ὑπερβολὴν ἀπιστοῦντας, καὶ δωρεαῖς μεγάλαις
προσεμφανίζειν τὴν περὶ αὐτὸν σπουδήν: ἔπεμπον
γὰρ αὐτῷ σκεύη χρυσᾶ καὶ ἀργυρᾶ καὶ ἁλουργεῖς
ἐσθῆτας καὶ ἀρωμάτων γένη πολλὰ καὶ ἵππους
1 Niese: φιλοτέχνων RO Lat. (vid.): φιλοτέχνως MSP.
2 ἀλλὰ πολλαὶ RO Lat. 3 Dindorf: ναῦς codd.
4 ἀπάγειν MSP.
2250 Heb. and utxx 2 Chron. ; LXX 1 kings has ὅπλα
δ weapons.’ txx 1 Kings 300.
¢ So 1 Kings; 2 Chron. 300 (shekels) The mina (Heb,
mdnéh) was equal to 60 shekels.
668
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 179-183
two hundred shields ? weighing six hundred ὃ shekels
apieee. He also made three hundred bueklers, eaeh
weighing three minae.* And he brought them to
be set up in the hall ealled the Forest of Libanos.
Furthermore he made drinking-eups of gold and
precious stone @ for the use of guests with the greatest
art and fashioned an abundance of other vessels all
of gold, as no one sold or bought anything for silver.¢
Yor the king had many ships stitioned in the Sea of
Tarsus? as it was ealled, whieh he ordered to earry
all sorts of merehandise to the inland nations, and
from the sale of these there was brought to the king
silver and gold and much ivory and Ethiopians 9 and
apes. The sea voyage, going and returning, took
three years.
(3) * And so glowing a report was cireulated
through the whole country round about, proclaiming
Solomon’s virtue and wisdom, that everywhere the
kings desired to see him with their own eyes, not
crediting what had been told them because of its
extravaganee, and to give further evidence of their
regard for him by their costly presents. Aeeordingly,
they sent him vessels of gold and silver and sea-
purple? garments and many kinds of spiees and
4 Unseriptural detail.
¢ Seripture says, ‘‘ there was no silver (in the vessels),
for it was aceounted as nothing in the days of Solomon.”
? Bibl. Tarshish, txx Θαρσεῖς, Targum “ Africa.’? Most
modern scholars identify Tarshish with Tartessos in Spain,
not with ‘Farsus in Cilicia as does Josephus.
σ Heb. tukkiyim, uxx ταώνων, both meaning “ peacoeks”’ ;
tukkiyim may, as Weill suggests, have been misread by
Josephus as kussiyim “ Kthiopians.”
A ixx at this point (after 1 Kings x. 22) has a passage on
Solomon’s fortifications and conquests, which is given earlier
in the Heb. (1 Kings ix. 15 ff.), ef. § 150.
669
Gifts sent
to Solomon ;
his horses
and
chariots.
1 Kings x. 23
(υΧχ χ, 20);
“ Chron. ix,
D2.
184
185
186
JOSEPHUS
A td . ~ 3 ’ « ’ @
καὶ ἅρματα καὶ τῶν ἀχθοφόρων ἡμιόνων ὅσους
. εν» \ ) \ a , » “
καὶ ῥώμῃ καὶ κάλλει τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως ὄψιν εὖ
᾽ 3 σ a ~ ,
διαθήσειν ἐπελέγοντο, ὥστε τοῖς οὖσιν αὐτῷ πρό-
τερον ἅρμασι καὶ ἵπποις ἐκ τῶν πεμπομένων
προσθέντα ποιῆσαι τὸν μὲν τῶν ἁρμάτων ἀριθμὸν
τετρακοσίοις περισσότερον (ἦν γὰρ αὐτῷ πρότερον
’ ~ ~
χίλια), τὸν δὲ τῶν ἵππων δισχιλίοις (ὑπῆρχον yap
᾽ ~ , Ltd ” ᾽ Φ A
αὐτῷ δισμύριοι ἵπποι). ἤσκηντο δ᾽ οὗτοι πρὸς
᾽ U \ , e Ζι. δ γ /
εὐμορφίαν Kal τάχος, Ws μήτ᾽ εὐπρεπεστέρους
3 “a - 4
ἄλλους εἶναι συμβαλεῖν αὐτοῖς μήτε ὠκυτέρους,
? \ ~
ἀλλὰ καλλίστους τε πάντων ὁρᾶσθαι καὶ ἀπαρ-
’ ~ 4 A > /
αμίλλητον αὐτῶν εἶναι τὴν ὀξύτητα. ἐπεκόσμουν
, “-
δὲ αὐτοὺς καὶ οἱ ἀναβαίνοντες νεότητι μὲν πρῶτον
᾽ ~ Ἁ ’
ἀνθοῦντες ἐπιτερπεστάτῃ, τὸ δὲ ὕψος ὄντες περί-
οπτοι καὶ πολὺ τῶν ἄλλων ὑπερέχοντες, μηκίστας
\ ~ ~
μὲν καθειμένοι χαίτας ἐνδεδυμένοι δὲ χιτῶνας τῆς
/ ~ μας 3 e ,
Tuptas πορφύρας. ψῆγμα δὲ χρυσοῦ καθ᾽ ἡμέραν
αὐτῶν ἐπέσηθον ταῖς κόμαις, ὡς στίλβειν αὐτῶν
Ἀ ‘ ~ ~ ~ ~ \ \ 7
τὰς κεφαλὰς τῆς αὐγῆς τοῦ χρυσοῦ πρὸς Tov ἥλιον
φ
ἀντανακλωμένης. τούτων περὶ αὐτὸν ὄντων ὁ
‘ 4 \ , γ ’
βασιλεὺς καθωπλισμένων καὶ τόξα ἐξηρτημένων
γ. id ᾽ \ ? “ \ \ 3
ἐφ᾽ ἅρματος αὐτὸς ὀχούμενος καὶ λευκὴν ἠμῴι-
εσμένος ἐσθῆτα πρὸς αἰώραν ἔθος εἶχεν ἐξορμᾶν.
> ,ὔ γ ‘ ,
ἦν δέ τι χωρίον ἀπὸ δύο σχοίνων ‘lepocoAdpwr, ὃ
καλεῖται μὲν ᾽τάν, παραδείσοις δὲ καὶ ναμάτων
4 Heb. has merely 1400, without indicating how many
he had formerly ; txx cod. B “ four thousand horses for
chariots,” cod. A and Luc. (2 Chron.) “ forty thousand horses
for chariots.”
670
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 183-186
horses and chariots and as many mules for carrying
burdens as could be counted on to please the
king’s eve by their strength and beauty, so that,
with the addition of these that were sent to the
chariots and horses he formerly had, he increased
the number of his chariots by four hundred—previ-
ously he had a thousand 4—and the number of his
horses by two thousand—he already had twenty
thousand ὃ horses. These were trained for beauty of
form and for speed. so that there were none more
handsome or swifter to compare with them, but they
were most beautiful of all in appearance and were
also unrivalled in swiftness. A further adornment
to them were their riders, who, in the first flower of
a youth that was most delightful to see, and of a
conspicuous height, were much taller than other men;
they lét-their hair hang down to a very great length
and were dressed in tunics of Tyrian purple. And
every day they sprinkled their hair with gold dust so
that their heads sparkled as the gleam of the gold
was reflected by the sun. With eee men about him
dressed in armour and equipped with bows, the king
himself was accustomed to mount his chariot, clothed
in a white garment, and go out for a ride. Now
there was a certain spot two schoinoi ἃ distant from
Jerusalem, which is called Etan,¢ delightful for, and
> Bibl. 12,000 horsemen; Heb. pardsim, however, may
mean “ horses ”’ as well as “ horsemen.”
¢ This peculiar meaning of αἰώρα is established by the
use of αἰωρούμενος below and the same verb in A. xviii.
165 aiwpetro μὲν Τιδέριος ἐπὶ φορείου κείμενος.
4 Between 8 and 10 miles.
‘ Probably the same place as Etam (Etamé in § 246),
Lxx Αἰτάμ, ΔΑἰτάν, the modern ‘clin ‘fdn about 5 miles
S.W. of Bethlehem; it is mentioned in the list of Reho-
boam’s fortified cities.
671
187
188
189
190
JOSEPHUS
ἐπιρροαῖς ἐπιτερπ τὲς ὁμοῦ καὶ πλούσιον" εἰς τοῦτο
τὰς ἐξόδους αἰωρούμενος ἐποιεῖτο.
(4) Θείᾳ δὲ περὶ πάντα χρώμενος ἐπινοίᾳ τε καὶ
σπουδῇ καὶ λίαν ὧν φιλόκαλος οὐδὲ τῶν ὁδῶν
ἠμέλησεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τούτων τὰς ἀγούσας εἰς
“Ιεροσόλυμα βασίλειον οὖσαν λίθῳ κατέστρωσε
μέλανι, πρός τε τὸ ῥᾳστώνην' εἶναι τοῖς βαδίζουσι,
καὶ πρὸς τὸ δηλοῦν τὸ ἀξίωμα. τοῦ πλούτου Kal THS
ἡγεμονίας. διαμερίσας δὲ τὰ ἅρματα καὶ διατάξας,
ὥστε ἐν ἑκάστῃ πόλει τούτων ἀριθμὸν ὡρισμένον
ὑπάρχειν, αὐτὸς μὲν περὶ αὑτὸν ἐτήρησεν ολίγα,
τὰς δὲ πόλεις ταύτας ἁρμάτων προσηγόρευσε. τοῦ
δ᾽ ἀργυρίου τοσοῦτον ἐποίησεξ πλῆθος ἐν ‘lepo-
σολύμοις ὁ βασιλεύς, ὅσον ἦν καὶ τῶν λίθων, καὶ
τῶν κεδρίνων ξύλων οὐ πρότερον ὄντων, ὥσπερ
καὶ τῶν δένδρων τῶν συκαμινίνων, ὧν" πληθύει
τὰ τῆς ᾿Ιουδαίας πεδία. προσέταξε δὲ καὶ τοῖς
ἐμπόροις Αἰγύπτου κομίζουσιν αὐτῷ πιπράσκειν
τὸ μὲν ἅρμα σὺν ἵπποις δυσὶν ἑξακοσίων δραχμῶν
ἀργυρίου, αὐτὸς δὲ τοῖς τῆς Συρίας βασιλεῦσι καὶ
τοῖς πέραν Ἰυὐφράτου διέπεμπεν αὐτούς.
(5) Γενόμενος δὲ πάντων βασιλέων ἐνδοξότατος
1 Niese: ῥάστην codd.
2 ἐποιήσατο RO. 3 ὧν add. Niese.
* This whole passage (§§ 184-187) is an addition to
Scripture.
δ So Heb.; ixx “ gold and silver.”’
¢ Hieb. ‘a chariot came up and went out of Egypt for
six hundred (shekels) of silver, and a horse for a hundred
and fifty’’; Lxx “‘and the export went up from Egypt, a
chariot for a hundred (shekels) of silver, and a horse for
fifty (shekels) of silver.’’ Josephus takes a shekel as equal
to four Attic drachmas (4. iil. 194), so that the price of
150 shekels given in the txx for a chariot with one horse
672
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 186-190
abounding in, parks and flowing streams, and to this
place he would make excursions, mounted high on
his chariot.
(+) Exercising a divine thoughtfulness and zeal in Solomon's
all things and being an ardent lover of beauty, he did (j3nt
not neglect the rade either, but those leading to horse
Jerusalem, which was the royal city, he paved with dine:
black stone, both for the convenience of wayfarers
and in order to show the greatness of his w ealth and
power.? And he divided the chariots and disposed 1 Kings x. 26
them in such a way that there was a definite number (LXX x. ae
of them in every city, while he himself kept only a 25.
few about him; and these cities he called Cities of
Chariots. As for silver,? the king made it as plentiful
in Jerusalem as were stones, and cedar-wood, which
had not been found there before, he made as plentiful
as the sycamore-trees with which the plains of Judea
abound. He also gave orders to the merchants of
Egy pt to bring and ell him a chariot with two horses
for six hundred drachmas © of silver, which he himself
sent? to the kings of Syria and those beyond the
Euphrates.°¢
(5) But though he had been the most illustrious of
would be equal to 600 drachmas. In making 600 drachmas
the price of a chariot with two horses, Josephus combines
the Heb. and cxx texts, as Weill has noted.
¢ The bibl. text (1 Kings x. 29) is obscure and does not
make clear who exported the horses to the east. Heb. has
beyidim host “ by their hand they sent them out,” ap-
parently referring to “ the king’s merchants ”’ me sntioned in
νὰ ΟΠ. SEK, reading beyddam as bayyam “ by sea,” has
κατὰ ϑάλασσαν ἐξεπορεύοντο. With the other textual diffi-
culties in the bibl. verse we need not deal, as they do not
bear on Josephus’s text.
¢ Bibl. “* for all the kings of the Hittites and the kings of
Syria (Heb. Aram).”’
673
19]
198
194
JOSEPHUS
καὶ θεοφιλέστατος Kat φρονήσει καὶ πλούτῳ bu
ενεγκὼν τῶν πρὸ αὐτοῦ τὴν “Ἑβραίων ἀρχὴν
ἐσχηκότων, οὐκ ἐπέμεινε τούτοις ἄχρι τελευτῆς,
ἀλλὰ καταλιπὼν τὴν τῶν πατρίων ἐθισμῶν
φυλακὴν οὐκ εἰς ὅμοιον οἷς προειρήκαμεν αὐτοῦ
τέλος κατέστρεψεν, εἰς δὲ γυναῖκας ἐκμανεὶς καὶ
τὴν τῶν ἀφροδισίων ἀκρασίαν, οὐ ταῖς ἐπιχωρίοις
μόνον ἠρέσκετο, πολλὰς δὲ καὶ ἐκ τῶν ἀλλοτρίων
ἐθνῶν γήμας Σιδωνίας καὶ Tupias καὶ ᾿Αμμανί-
τιδας καὶ ᾿Ιδουμαίας παρέβη μὲν τοὺς Μωυσέος
νόμους, ὃς ἀπηγόρευσε συνοικεῖν ταῖς οὐχ ὁμο-
φύλοις, τοὺς δ᾽ ἐκείνων ἤρξατο θρησκεύειν θεούς,
ταῖς γυναιξὶ καὶ τῷ πρὸς αὐτὰς ἔρωτι χαριζόμενος,
τοῦτ᾽ αὐτὸ ὑπιδομένου' τοῦ νομοθέτου καὶ προ-
εἰπόντος μὴ γαμεῖν τὰς ἀλλοτριοχώρους, ἵνα μὴ
τοῖς ξένοις ἐπιπλακέντες ἔθεσι τῶν πατρίων ἀπο-
στῶσι, μηδὲ τοὺς ἐκείνων σέβωνται" θεοὺς παρέντες
τιμᾶν τὸν ἴδιον. ἀλλὰ τούτων μὲν κατημέλησεν
ὑπενεχθεὶς εἰς ἡδονὴν ἀλόγιστον Σολομών, ἀγα-
γόμενος δὲ γυναῖκας ἀρχόντων καὶ διασήμων
θυγατέρας ἑπτακοσίας τὸν ἀριθμὸν καὶ παλλακὰς
τριακοσίας, πρὸς δὲ ταύταις καὶ τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως
τῶν Αἰγυπτίων θυγατέρα, εὐθὺς μὲν ἐκρατεῖτο
πρὸς αὐτῶν, ὥστε μιμεῖσθαι τὰ παρ᾽ ἐκείναις, καὶ
τῆς εὐνοίας καὶ φιλοστοργίας ἠναγκάζετο παρέχειν
αὐταῖς δεῖγμα τὸ βιοῦν ὡς αὐταῖς πάτριον ἦν,
προβαινούσης δὲ τῆς ἡλικίας καὶ τοῦ λογισμοῦ
διὰ τὸν χρόνον ἀσθενοῦντος ἀντέχειν πρὸς τὴν
μνήμην τῶν ἐπιχωρίων ἐπιτηδευμάτων, ἔτι μᾶλλον
1 Dindorf: ὑπειδομένου οο ἢ, 3 καὶ οῃ. ROM.
3 σέβωσι RSP Exe.
674
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 190-194
all kings and most beloved by God, and in under-
standing and wealth surpassed those who had ruled
over the Hebrews before him, he did not persevere in
this way until his death, but abandoned the observ-
ance of his fathers’ customs and came to an end not
at all like what we have already said about him, for
he became madly enamoured of women and indulged
in excesses of passion ; not satisfied with the women Solomon's
of his own country alone, he married many from (rele?
foreign nations as well, Sidonians,? Tyrians,? Am-
manites and Idumaeans,° thereby transgressing the
laws of Moses who forbade marriage with persons of
other races, and he began to worship their gods to
gratify his wives and his passion for them—whieh is
the very thing the lawgiver foresaw when he warned
the Hebrews against marrying women of other
countries lest they might be entangled with foreign
customs and fall away from those of their fathers, and
worship the gods of these women while neglecting to
honour their own God. But Solomon, carried away by
thoughtless pleasure, disregarded these warnings and
took as wives seven hundred women, the daughters
of princes and nobles, and three hundred concubines,
and beside these the daughter of the king of Egypt ;
and he was very soon prevailed upon by them to the
extent of imitating their ways, and was forced to
give a sign of his favour and affection for them by
living in aceordanee with their ancestral customs.
As he advanced in age, and his reason beeame in
time too feeble to oppose to these the memory of his
¢ So Heb. ; τχχ omits.
Ὁ Not mentioned in Scripture, but perhaps a corruption
of Lxx Σύρας.
¢ Scripture adds Moabites and Hittites.
+ Cf, Ux. -sxxiv 10. 9 διυῖς vil, :3,-xxilis 5.
675
195
196
197
198
JOSEPHUS
τοῦ μὲν ἰδίου θεοῦ κατωλιγώρησε, τοὺς δὲ τῶν
γάμων τῶν ἐπεισάκτων τιμῶν διετέλει. καὶ πρὸ
τούτων δὲ ἁμαρτεῖν αὐτὸν ἔτυχε καὶ σφαλῆναι
περὶ τὴν φυλακὴν τῶν νομίμων, ὅτε τὰ τῶν χαλκῶν
βοῶν ὁμοιώματα κατεσκεύασε τῶν ὑπὸ τῇ θαλάττῃ
τῷ ἀναθήματι καὶ τῶν λεόντων τῶν περὶ τὸν
θρόνον τὸν ἴδιον: οὐδὲ γὰρ ταῦτα ποιεῖν ὅσιον
εἰργάσατο. κάλλιστον δ᾽ ἔχων καὶ οἰκεῖον παρά-
δειγμα τῆς ἀρετῆς τὸν πατέρα καὶ τὴν ἐκείνου
δόξαν, ἣν αὐτῷ συνέβη καταλιπεῖν διὰ τὴν πρὸς
τὸν θεὸν εὐσέβειαν, οὐ μιμησάμενος αὐτὸν καὶ
ταῦτα δὶς αὐτῷ τοῦ θεοῦ κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους φα-
νέντος καὶ τὸν πατέρα μιμεῖσθαι παραινέσαντος
ἀκλεῶς ἀπέθανεν. ἧκεν οὖν εὐθὺς ὁ προφήτης
ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ “πεμφθείς, οὔτε λανθάνειν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ
τοῖς παρανομήμασι λέγων οὔτ᾽ ἐπὶ πολὺ χαιρήσειν
τοῖς πραττομένοις ἀπειλῶν, ἀλλὰ ζῶντος μὲν οὐκ
ἀφαιρεθήσεσθαι τὴν βασιλείαν ἐπεὶ τῷ πατρὶ
Δαυίδῃ τὸ θεῖον ὑπέσχετο διάδοχον αὐτὸν ποιήσειν
ἐκείνου, τελευτήσαντος δὲ τὸν υἱὸν αὐτοῦ ταῦτα
διαθήσειν, οὐχ ἅπαντα μὲν τὸν λαὸν ἀποστήσας
αὐτοῦ, δέκα δὲ φυλὰς παραδοὺς αὐτοῦ τῷ δούλῳ,
δύο δὲ μόνας καταλιπὼν τῷ υἱωνῷ τῷ Aavidov
du’ αὐτὸν ἐκεῖνον, ὅτι τὸν θεὸν ἠγάπησε, καὶ διὰ
τὴν πόλιν “Ἱεροσόλυμα, ἐν ἡ ναὸν ἔχειν ἐβουλήθη.
@ Neither Scripture nor rabbinic tradition imputes any
sin to Solomon in making these vessels and images. Tradi-
tion does, however, find fault with his amassing of gold and
silver, ef. Ginzberg iv. 129. Perhaps Josephus has chosen
these two examples of w rongdoing i in preference to mentioning
the altars which Solomon built in Jerusalem to Ammonite
and Moabite gods, 1 Kings xi. 7.
O70
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 194-198
own country’s practices, he showed still greater dis-
respect for his own God and continued to honour
those whom his wives had introduced. But even
before this there had been an oceasion on which he
sinned and went astray in respect of the observance
of the laws, namely when he made the images of the
bronze bulls underneath the sea which he had set up
as an offering, and those of the lions around his own
throne, for in making them he committed an impious
act. And though he had a most exeellent and near
example of virtue in his father and in the glory which
his father was able to leave behind him because of his
piety toward God, he did not imitate him—not even
after God had twice appeared to him in his sleep and
exhorted him to imitate his father,—and so he died
ingloriously. For at once there came a prophet ὃ eorem ants
. Ἵ rned of
sent by God, who told him that his unlawful acts had Goa's dis.
not escaped Him, and threatened that he should not ΓΕ πο
long continue in his course with impunity but that, nu.”
while in his lifetime he should not be deprived of his
kingdom sinee the Deity had promised his father
David to make him his suecessor, on his death He
would cause this to befall] Solomon’s son and, while
not taking all the people away from him, would
deliver ten tribes to his servant ¢ and leave only two 4
to David’s grandson for the sake of David himself,
beeause he had loved God, and for the sake of Jern-
salem, in which He wished to have a temple.
ἡ Here, as elsewhere (ef. “1. vii. 72, 294), Josephus intro-
duces a prophet where Scripture represents God as speaking
to a certain person directly ; a rabbinic tradition agrees with
Josephus in mentioning the prophet Ahijah as God’s spokes-
man on this oceasion.
¢ Jerobouim, cf. § 905.
4 Bibl. “ one tribe’ (Judah), but ef, § 207 note.
O77
100
200
20]
209
203
JOSEPHUS
ῃ
4
(6) 1 αὔτ᾽ ἀκούσας Σολομὼν ἤλγησε, καὶ opo-|
δρῶς συνεχύθη πάντων αὐτῷ σχεδὸν τῶν ἀγαθῶν.
ἐφ᾽ οἷς ζηλωτὸς ἦν εἰς μεταβολὴν PACS
πονηράν. οὐ πολὺς δὲ διῆλθε χρόνος ἀφ᾽ 5
κατήγγειλεν ὁ προφήτης αὐτῷ Ta εν
καὶ πολέμιον εὐθὺς ἐπ᾿ αὐτὸν ἤγειρεν ὁ θεὸς:
"Αδερον' μὲν ὄνομα τὴν δ᾽ αἰτίαν τῆς ἐχθρας
λαβόντα τοιαύτην" παῖς οὗτος ἦν, ᾿Ιδουμαῖος γένος
ἐκ βασιλικῶν σπερμάτων. καταστρεψαμένου δὲ;
τὴν ᾿Ιδουμαίαν. ᾿Ιωάβου τοῦ Δαυίδου στρατηγοῦ
καὶ πάντας τοὺς ἐν ἀκμῇ καὶ φέρειν ὅπλα δυνα-
μένους διαφθείραντος μησὶν ἕξ," φυγὼν ἧκε πρὸς
Φαραῶνα τὸν Αἰγυπτίων βασιλέα. ὁ δὲ φιλο-
φρόνως αὐτὸν ὑποδεξάμενος" οἶκόν τε αὐτῷ δίδωσι
καὶ χώραν εἰς διατροφήν, καὶ γενόμενον ἐν ἡλικίᾳ
λίαν ἠγάπα, ὡς καὶ THs αὑτοῦ γυναικὸς αὐτῷ
δοῦναι πρὸς γάμον τὴν ἀδελφὴν ὄνομα Θαφίνην,
ἐξ ἧς αὐτῷ υἱὸς γενόμενος τοῖς τοῦ βασιλέως παισὶ
συνανετράφη.. ἀκούσας οὖν τὸν Δαυίδου θάνατον
ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ καὶ τὸν ᾿Ιωάβου προσελθὼν ἐδεῖτο
τοῦ Φαραῶνος ἐπιτρέπειν αὐτῷ βαδίζειν εἰς τὴν
πατρίδα. τοῦ δὲ βασιλέως ἀνακρίνοντος τίνος
ἐνδεὴς ὧν ἢ τί παθὼν ἐσπούδακε καταλιπεῖν αὐτόν,
ἐνοχλῶν πολλάκις καὶ παρακαλῶν τότε μὲν οὐκ
ἀφείθη: κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον δὲ τὸν καιρόν, καθ᾽ ὃν ἤδη
Σολομῶνι τὰ πράγματα κακῶς ἔχειν ἤρχετο διὰ
τὰς προειρημένας παρανομίας καὶ τὴν ὀργὴν τὴν
ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς τοῦ θεοῦ, συγχωρήσαντος τοῦ Φαραῶνος
1 ed. pr.: ᾿Αδέραν R: Ἄδεραν OM (Ἐχο.): “Adep SPE: Adher
Lat.
2 μησὶν ἕξ ROM: μόνος οὗτος SP: μησὶν ἕξ, μόνος οὗτος
Naber. 3 δεξάμενος RO. 4 συνετράφη RO.
678
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 199-203
(6) When Solomon heard this, he was grieved and Hadad
sorely troubled at the thought that plnast all tie Naess
good things for which he was envied were changing Fe?7s
for the worse. Nor did a long time elapse after Solomon.
é : 1 Kings xi,
the prophet’s announcement to him of what was 14,
coming, but immediately God set up an enemy
against him, named Aderos,* who had the following
reason for his enmity. He was a child of royal lineage
of Idumean race when Joab, David’s commander,
subdued Idumea ὃ and within six months destroyed
all those who were of fighting age and able to bear
arms; and he fled and eame to Pharad, king of
Egypt, who reeeived him*kindly and gave him a
dwelling and land to sustain him. And when he
grew up, Pharad loved him so mueh that he gave him
in marriage his own wife’s sister, named Thaphiné,°
and by her he had a son, who was brought up together
with the ehildren of the king. Now when Aderos
heard in Egypt of the death of both David and Joab,
he went to Pharad and asked him for permission to
go to his native eountry. But the king inquired what
he laeked or what had befallen him that he was
anxious to leave him, and, although Aderos frequently
pressed him and pleaded with him, he did not at
that time obtain his release.4 But at the time when
things were already beginning to go ill for Solomon
beeause of the unlawful acts we have mentioned and
God’s anger on their account, Pharad gave his consent
4 Cf. uxx 'Adép: bibl. ladad.
ΟΣ Avis LOO note:
¢ Bibl. Tahpenes, ixx Oexevelvas: this was the name of the
queen, not her sister’s name.
4 Amplification.
γεν 2x O79
“04
20
200
JOSEPHUS
ὁ "Adepos ἧκεν εἰς τὴν ᾿Ιδουμαίαν: καὶ μὴ δυ-
νηθεὶς αὐτὴν ἀποστῆσαι τοῦ NoAop@vos, κατείχετο
A “- a“ A » ] > > f 3
yap φρουραῖς πολλαῖς καὶ οὐκ ἦν ἐλεύθερος δι
αὐτὰς οὐδ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ἀδείας ὁ νεωτερισμός, ἀρας ἐκεῖθεν
> ‘ Sl f > / \ 3 > “-
εἰς τὴν Συρίαν ἀφίκετο. συμβαλὼν δ᾽ ἐκεῖ τινι
‘p 4 1 A ” ‘ A “- Ἢ “~ >
alw' μὲν τούνομα Tov δὲ τῆς Σωφηνῆς ἀπο-
i / “ > ta / id A
δεδρακότι βασιλέα ᾿Αδραάζαρον δεσπότην ὄντα καὶ
λῃστεύοντι τὴν χώραν, εἰς φιλίαν αὐτῷ συνάψας
ἔχων τεῦ περὶ αὑτὸν στῖφος λῃστρικὸν ᾿ἀναβαίνει,
καὶ κατασχὼν τὴν ἐκεῖ Συρίαν βασιλεὺς αὐτῆς ἀπο-
δείκνυται καὶ κατατρέχων τὴν τῶν ᾿Ισραηλιτῶν
γῆν ἐποίει κακῶς καὶ διήρπαζε Σολομῶνος ζῶντος
ἔτι. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ἐκ τοῦ ᾿Αδέρου συνέβαινε
πάσχειν τοὺς ‘EBpatous.
(7) ᾿Επιτίθεται δὲ Σολομῶνι καὶ τῶν ὁμοφύλων
τὶς ‘LepoBoapos υἱὸς Ναβαταίου, κατὰ προφητείαν
πάλαι γενομένην αὐτῷ τοῖς πράγμασιν ἐπελπίσας"
παῖδα γὰρ αὐτὸν ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς καταλειφθέντα
καὶ ὑπὸ τῇ μητρὶ παιδευόμενον ὡς εἶδε γενναῖον
καὶ τολμηρὸν Σολομὼν ὄντα τὸ φρόνημα, τῆς τῶν
τειχῶν οἰκοδομίας ἐπιμελητὴν κατέστησεν, ὅτε
τοῖς Ἱεροσολύμοις τὸν κύκλον περιέβαλεν. οὕτως
δὲ τῶν ἔργων προενόησεν, ὥστε ὁ βασιλεὺς αὐ-
τὸν ἀπεδέξατο καὶ γέρας αὐτῷ στρατηγίαν ἐπὶ
τ τΡασίάρῳ MSP.
2 ἔχων τε Niese: ἔχοντι codd.: ἔχων τι Naber.
4 So rxx; Heb. omits Hadad’s return,
ὃ So cod. A of the txx, and certain ancient versions ;
Heb. abruptly turns from the subject of Hadad, after telling
of his appeal to Pharaoh, and proceeds with the story of
Kezon, 1 Kings: χὶ. 99,
¢ Bibl. Rezon, τχχ ᾿Εσρώμ (v.1l. Nagpwv, ἱΡαζρών xrd.), Luc.
Ἰσρών.
080
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 203-206
and Aderos came to Idumea.? And not being able
to cause it to revolt from Solomon—for it was occupied
by many garrisons and because of them a revolution
was not a matter of free choice nor without peril,—
he removed from there and went to Syria.? There
falling in with a certain person named Razos.° who
had run away from his master Adraazaros,? the king
of Sophéné,¢ and was pillaging the country, he joined
forees with this man and with a band of robbers under
him went up country and, taking possession of that
part of Syria,’ was proclaimed king thereof 2; and
he overran the country of the Israelites, damaging
it and plundering it while Solomon was still alive.
Such, then, were the injuries which the Hebrews
were fated to suffer at the hands of Aderos.
(7) There also rose up against Solomon one of his
own countrymen, Jeroboam the son of Nabataios,
who had faith in his chances of success because of a
prophecy that had been made to him long before.
For he had been bereaved of his father w hen still a
child and was brought up by his mother, and Solomon,
seeing that he was of a noble and daring spirit,
appointed him overseer of the building of the walls
when he surrounded Jerusalem with defences. And
so well did he supervise the work that the king marked
him with his approval and as a reward gave him the
4 Cf. Luc. ’Adpadvap; bibl. Hadadezer, txx 'Adpagap (v1
᾿Αδαδέζερ).
ε Bibl. Zobah (Sébah), rxx Σουβά ; on Sophenc ef. -f. vii.
η0 ποίε.
΄ Damasens, in Scripture.
9 According to Scripture, it was Rezon who became king
of Damascus, while Hadad became king of Edom.
- Bibl. Nebat, exx Naser Cel. Nasae),
681
The rise of
Jeroboam.
1 Kings xi.
20.
JOSEPHUS
τῆς ᾿Ιωσήπου φυλῆς ἔδωκεν. ἀπερχομένῳ δὲ τῷ
‘lepoBoduw κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον τὸν καιρὸν ἐκ τῶν Ἵερο-
σολύμων συνεβόλησε' προφήτης ἐκ πόλεως μὲν
Σιλὼ ᾿Αχίας" δὲ ὄνομα. καὶ προσαγορεύσας αὐτὸν
ἀπήγαγεν ἐκ Ths ὁδοῦ μικρὸν ἀπονεύσας εἴς τι
207 χωρίον, εἰς δ' παρῆν “μηδὲ εἷς ἄλλος. σχίσας δὲ
εἰς δώδεκα φάρση τὸ ἱμάτιον, ὅπερ ἦν αὐτὸς περι-
βεβλημένος, ἐκέλευσε τὸν ‘lepoBdayov λαβεῖν τὰ
δέκα, προειπὼν' ὅτι ταῦτα ὁ θεὸς βούλεται καὶ
σχίσας τὴν Σολομῶνος ἀρχὴν τῷ παιδὶ μὲν τῷ
τούτου διὰ τὴν πρὸς Δαυίδην γεγενημένην ὁμο-
λογίαν αὐτῷ μίαν φυλὴν καὶ τὴν ἑξῆς αὐτῇ" δίδωσι,
[ΠῚ \ \ \ f ~ 3 9 \ >
σοὶ δὲ Tas δέκα Σολομῶνος ets αὐτὸν e€apap-
τόντος καὶ ταῖς γυναιξὶ καὶ τοῖς ἐκείνων θεοῖς
e 4 9 Ld > \ > \ a ἢ 3 “Δ
208 αὑτὸν ἐκδεδωκότος. εἰδὼς οὖν Τὴν αἰτιαν δι᾿ ἣν
μετατίθησι τὴν αὑτοῦ γνώμην ἀπὸ Σολομῶνος ὁ
θεὸς δίκαιος εἶναι πειρῶ καὶ φύλαττε, τὰ νόμιμα,
προκειμένου gow THs εὐσεβείας καὶ τῆς πρὸς τὸν
θεὸν τιμῆς ἄθλου μεγίστου τῶν ἁπάντων, γενὴ-
/ ¢€ 4 > f / yy”
σεσθαι τηλικούτῳ ἡλίκον οἶσθα Aavidny γενόμενον.
9 \ ss a ~ f f
209 (8) ᾿ξπαρθεὶς οὖν τοῖς τοῦ προφήτου λόγοις
“Ιεροβόαμος φύσει θερμὸς ὧν νεανίας καὶ μεγάλων
ἐπιθυμητὴς πραγμάτων οὐκ ἠρέμει. γενόμενος δ᾽
ἐν τῇ στρατηγίᾳ καὶ μεμνημένος τῶν ὑπὸ ᾿Αχία
δεδηλωμένων εὐθὺς ἀναπείθειν ἐπεχείρει τὸν λαὸν
ἀφίστασθαι Σολομῶνος καὶ κινεῖν καὶ παράγειν"
1 συνήντησε M?2SPE Zonaras.
37 E: ’Axla [- SP Zonaras) codd. Lat.
2 ὁ μὴ 5}. 4 προσειπὼν SP.
5 ed. pr.: αὐτῆς MSP: ἣν αὐτὸς RO.
6 Niese: ταράττειν ROS?P: παράττειν Mi: παραττάτειν 851:
contraderet Lat.: περιάγειν Naber.
682
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 206-209
command over the tribe of Joseph.2. Now, as Jero-
boam on that oeeasion was going out of Jerusalem,
there met him a prophet from the city of Sild, named
Achias,® and, having greeted Jeroboam, he led him
away from the road and went aside a little distance
to a spot where there was no one else. Then, tear-
ing the eloak which covered him into twelve pieces,
he bade Jeroboam take ten of them, announeing that
such was God’s will and that He had torn apart the
kingdom of Solomon, giving one tribe and that
adjoining it to his son? beeause of the promise He
had made to David, “ while to you He has given ten
tribes, sinee Solomon has sinned against Him and
gone over wholly to his wives and their gods. Now
that you know the reason w hy God has ehanged and
has set His mind against Solomon, try to be righteous
and observe the lage s,for there awaits you the ereatest
of all rewards for piety and honour shown to God,
whieh is to become as great as you know David to
have been.”
(8) Elated, therefore, by the prophet’s words,
Jcroboam, who was a youth of ardent nature and
ambitious of great things, did not remain idle. And
when he entered upon Hie command and called to
mind what had been revealed by Achias, he at onee
attempted to persuade the people to turn away from
Solomon and to start a revolt and transfer the supreme
¢ Bibl. “appointed him in charge of all the forced labour
(A.V. “charge ’’?; Exx dpoes ‘ burdens ’’) of the house of
Joseph.”
ὑ Bibl. Ahijah Calhiyah), uxx ᾿Αχείας (τὶς Axle).
¢ Amplification of 1 Kings xi. 29.
4 Cf, uxx “two tribes shall be for him”; Heb. * one
tribe shall be for him ’’; cf. § 197 note, 221 note.
683
Jeroboam’'s
revolt and
flight.
JOSEPHUS
᾽ ς \ ‘ ς ’ Ἁ \ \ /
210 εἰς αὑτὸν τὴν ἡγεμονίαν. μαθὼν δὲ τὴν διάνοιαν
, Ἃ \ ι ᾽ ν 1 = \ 7
αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν' Σολομὼν ἐζήτει συλ-
λαβὼν αὐτὸν ἀνελεῖν. φθάσας δὲ γνῶναι τοῦτο
¢ / \ » ὔ \ > ’
ΙΪεροβόαμος πρὸς Ισακον φεύγει τὸν Αἰγυπτίων
βασιλέα, καὶ μέχρι τῆς Σολομῶνος τελευτῆς ἐκεῖ
μείνας τὸ τε μηδὲν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ παθεῖν ἐκέρδησε καὶ
21] τὸ τῇ βασιλείᾳ φυλαχθῆναι. ἀποθνήσκει δὲ Nodo-
μὼν 7107 γηραιὸς ὧν βασιλεύσας μὲν ὀγδοήκοντα
ἔτη, ζήσας δὲ ἐνενήκοντα καὶ τέσσαρα’ θάπτεται
δὲ ἐν “Ἱεροσολύμοις ἅπαντας ὑπερβαλὼν εὐδαι-
μονίᾳ τε καὶ πλούτῳ καὶ φρονήσει τοὺς βασιλεύ-
σαντας, εἰ μὴ ὅσα γε πρὸς τὸ γῆρας ὑπὸ τῶν
γυναικῶν ἀπατηθεὶς παρηνόμησε" περὶ ὧν καὶ
τῶν δι᾿ αὐτὰς κακῶν συμπεσόντων Ἑβραίοις
εὐκαιρότερον ἕξομεν" διασαφῆσαι.
(viii. 1) Mera δὲ τὴν Σολομῶνος τελευτὴν
διαδεξαμένου τοῦ παιδὸς αὐτοῦ τὴν βασιλείαν
Ῥ , “a ᾽ \ LA. ’ὔ ὃ ς “--
᾿οβοάμου, ὃς ἐκ γυναικὸς ᾿Αμμανίτιδος ὑπῆρχεν
αὐτῷ “γεγονὼς Νοομᾶς, τοὔνομα, πέμψαντες εὐθὺς
εἰς τὴν Αἴγυπτον οἱ τῶν ὄχλων ἄρχοντες ἐκάλουν
τὸν ‘lepoBoapov. ἀφικομένον δὲ πρὸς αὐτοὺς εἰς
ΝῊ td ,e¢ ᾽ὔ > 3 \ ’
Σίκιμα πόλιν καὶ ἹῬοβόαμος εἰς αὐτὴν παραγίνεται"
δέδοκτο γὰρ αὐτὸν ἐκεῖσε συνελθοῦσι τοῖς ᾿Ισραη-
518 λίταις ἀποδεῖξαι βασιλέα. προσελθόντες οὖν οἵ
τε ἄρχοντες αὐτῷ τοῦ λαοῦ καὶ ‘lepoBoapos παρ-
Ro
—
to
1 ἐπιβολὴν Niese, Naber. ;
3 εὐκαιρ. ἕξομεν RO: εἰς καιρὸν ἕτερον ἔδοξέ μοι MSP.
α These details are not found in the Heb., in which
Ahijah’s message is immediately followed by Solomon’s
attempt to kill Jeroboam; they are based on the Lxx
addition, 1 Kings xii. 2-4 Ὁ,
δ Bibl. Shishak, ~txx Loveaxefu; the name appears as
Isdkos in 8 253, and as Siisakos in A. vii. 105.
684
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 210-213
power to him.? But when Solomon learned of his 1 Kings xi.
intention and his plot, he sought to arrest him and **
execute him. Jeroboam, however, hearing of this
in time, fled to Isakos,® the king of Egypt, and
remained with him until Solomon’s death, thereby
gaining the two-fold advantage of escaping harm
fron: Solomon and being preserved for the kingship.¢
Then Solomon died at a good old age, having reigned Solomon's
for eighty ὦ years and lived for ninety-four,? and was 1 Rings
buried in Jerusalem. He surpassed all other kings %i. 42.
in good fortune, wealth and wisdom, except that as
he approached old age he was beguiled by his wives
into committing unlawful acts. Concerning these
aets and the misfortunes which befell the Hebrews
on their account we shall find a more convenient
occasion to write fully.’
(viii. 1) After the death of Solomon, his son Robo- Rehoboam
amos,’ who was borne to him by an Ammanite woman ((toveamos)
named Nooma,” sueceeded to his kingdom, and the solomon
leaders of the common people immediately sent to 1 Kings xi.
Egypt to summon Jeroboam. But when he came to **
them at the city of Sikima,*? Roboamos also arrived
there, for it had been decided by the Israelites to
assemble there and proclaim him king. So the
leaders of the people and Jeroboam went to him and
¢ ‘These last remarks are an addition to Scripture.
4 Bibl. 40. As Weill notes, Josephus’s figure is more con-
sistent with the Scriptural statement, 1 Kings xi. 4, about
Solomon’s old age.
¢ Cf. § 2 note.
’ Apparently a reference to §§ 253 ff. on Shishak’s invasion
of Palestine.
9 Cf. Luxx PoBodu: bibl. Rehoboam.
* So txx in 2 Chron. xii. 18; bibl. Naamah, txx 1 Kings
λίααχάμ (v.l. Νααμά).
* Bibl. Shechem, cf. A. ν. 69 note.
685
JOSEPHUS
εκάλουν λέγοντες ἀνεῖναί τι τῆς δουλείας αὐτοῖς καὶ
γενέσθαι χρηστότερον τοῦ πατρός" βαρὺν γὰρ ὑπ᾽
ἐκείνῳ ζυγὸν αὐτοὺς ὑπενεγκεῖν᾽ εὐνούστεροι δὲ
ἔσεσθαι πρὸς αὐτὸν καὶ ἀγαπήσειν τὴν δουλείαν
214 διὰ τὴν ἐπιείκειαν 7 διὰ τὸν φόβον. ὁ δὲ μετὰ
215
216
217
τρεῖς ἡμέρας εἰπὼν αὐτοῖς ἀποκρινεῖσθαι" περὶ ὧν
ἀξιοῦσιν t ὕποπτος μὲν εὐθὺς γίνεται μὴ παραχρῆμα
ἐπινεύσας αὐτοῖς τὰ πρὸς ἡδονήν, πρόχειρον γὰρ
ἠξίουν εἶναι τὸ χρηστὸν καὶ φιλάνθρωπον καὶ ταῦτ᾽
> , 3 / 3 χὰ A 4 » 4 a2
ἐν νέῳ, ἐδόκει δ᾽ ὅμως καὶ TO βουλεύσασθαι τῷ
- 3 ~ , »
μὴ παραυτίκα ἀπειπεῖν ἀγαθῆς ἐλπίδος ἔχεσθαι.
“ \ \ 4 7 3
(2) Συγκαλέσας δὲ τοὺς πατρῴους φίλους ἐσκο-
πεῖτο μετ᾽ αὐτῶν ποδαπὴν δεῖ ποιήσασθαι τὴν ἀπό-
\ ~ e >
κρίσιν πρὸς τὸ πλῆθος. οἱ δ᾽, ἅπερ εἰκὸς τοὺς
3 7 ~
εὔνους Kal φύσιν ὄχλων εἰδότας, ᾿παρήνουν αὐτῷ
φιλοφρόνως ὁμιλῆσαι τῷ λαῷ καὶ δημοτικώτερον
ἢ κατὰ βασιλείας ὄγκον" χειρώσεσθαι" γὰρ οὕτως
εἰς εὔνοιαν αὐτόν, φύσει τῶν ὑπηκόων ἀγαπώντων
Α ~
TO προσηνὲς καὶ παρὰ μικρὸν ἰσότιμον τῶν βασι-
\
λέων. ὁ δ᾽ ἀγαθὴν οὕτως Kal συμφέρουσαν tows
A ~
πρὸς TO πᾶν, et δὲ μή, πρός ye’ τὸν τότε καιρὸν
ce > f ῇ if 3 ’ ~
OT ἔδει γενέσθαι βασιλέα γνώμην ἀπεστράφη τοῦ
θεοῦ ποιήσαντος, οἶμαι, κατακριθῆναι τὸ συμφέρον
ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ" καλέσας δὲ μειράκια τὰ συντεθραμμένα
καὶ τὴν τῶν πρεσβυτέρων αὐτοῖς συμβουλίαν εἰπών,
τί δοκεῖ ποιεῖν αὐτοῖς ἐκέλευσε λέγειν. τὰ δέ,
1 ex Lat. Niese: ἀποκρίνασθαι ROE: ἀποκρίνεσθαι MSP.
2 Niese: τοῦ codd.
3 ed. pr.: χειρώσασθαι codd. * ed: pr.2 τε Godda,
¢ These remarks on the people’s response are an addition
to Scripture.
686
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIL. 213-217
urged him to lighten their bondage somewhat and to
be more lenient than his father, for, they said, the
yoke they had borne under him had been heavy
indeed, and they would be better disposed toward
him and aecept servitude more willingly if treated
with kindness than if made to fear him. But when
he said that in three days he would give them an
answer to their request, he immediately roused their
suspieions by not assenting to their wishes on the
spot, for they held kindness and friendliness to be
an easy matter, especially for a young man. Never-
theless the fact of his deliberating and not refusing
them on the instant seemed to offer some ground for
good hope.
(2) He then ealled together his father’s friends
and eonsidered with them what kind of answer he
should give the multitude. And they, as was to be
expeeted of inen of kindly disposition and acquainted
with the nature of crowds, advised him to speak to
the people in a friendly spirit and in more popular
style than was usual for the royal dignity, for in this
way he would seeure their goodwill, sinee subjeets
naturally liked affability in their kings and to be
treated by them almost as equals.? But this adviee,
which was so good and beneficial, perhaps for all
oecasions, or, if not for all, at any rate for that parti-
eular oceasion, he rejeeted ; and it was God, I believe,
who caused him to condemn what should have been
of benefit to him. He then called together the young
men who had been brought up with him and, after
telling them what the advice of the elders had been,
bade them say what they thonght he should do. So
** In Seripture the elders advise Kehoboain to be the
people’s servant.
687
Rehoboani's
harsh
answer to
the people,
1 Kings xii.
6; 2 Chron.
Xs θ.
JOSEPHUS
οὔτε yap ἡ νεότης οὔτε ὁ θεὸς ἠφίει νοεῖν τὰ
κρείττω, παρήνεσαν ἀποκρίνασθαι τῷ λαῷ τὸν
βραχύτατον' αὐτοῦ δάκτυλον τῆς τοῦ πατρὸς
ὀσφύος εἶναι ᾿παχύτερον καί, εἰ σκληροῦ λίαν
ἐπειράθησαν ἐκείνου, πολὺ μᾶλλον αὐτοῦ λήψεσθαι
πεῖραν δυσκόλου: καὶ εἰ μάστιξιν αὐτοὺς ἐκεῖνος
ἐνουθέτει, σκορπίοις τοῦτο ποιήσειν αὐτὸν προσ-
218 δοκᾶν. τούτοις ἡσθεὶς" ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ δόξας προσ-
ἥκειν τῷ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἀξιώματι τὴν ἀπόκρισιν, ὡς
συνῆλθεν ἀκουσόμενον τὸ πλῆθος τῇ τρίτῃ τῶν
ἡμερῶν, μετεώρου τοῦ λαοῦ παντὸς ὄντος καὶ
λέγοντος ἀκοῦσαί τι τοῦ βασιλέως ἐσπουδακότος,
οἰομένου δέ τι καὶ φιλάνθρωπον, τὴν τῶν μειρα-
κίων αὐτοῖς συμβουλίαν, παρεὶς τὴν τῶν φίλων,
ἀπεκρίνατο. ταῦτα δ᾽ ἐπράττετο κατὰ τὴν τοῦ
θεοῦ βούλησιν, ἵνα λάβῃ τέλος ἃ προεφήτευσεν
᾽᾿Λχίας.
aig (9) [Πληγέντες δ᾽ ὑπὸ τῶν λόγων" καὶ ἀλγή-
σαντες ὡς ἐπὶ πείρᾳ τοῖς εἰρημένοις ἠγανάκτησαν
καὶ μέγα πάντες ἐκβοήσαντες οὐκέτι οὐδὲν αὐτοῖς
εἶναι συγγενὲς πρὸς Δαυίδην καὶ τοὺς ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ
μετ᾽ ἐκείνην ἔφασαν τὴν ἡμέραν: παραχωρεῖν δ᾽
αὐτῷ μόνον" τὸν ναὸν ὃν ὁ πάππος αὐτοῦ κατ-
1 Theodoretus: βραχύτερον codd. EF Lat.
2 πεισθεὶς Naber.
3 +4 ὡς ὑπὸ σιδήρου MSP: + velut opere Lat.
‘ed. pr. μόνῳ codd. E.
oe
® Josephus, like the Lxx in 2 Chron. and some Lxx Mss,
688
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, Vill. 217-219
they, whom neither their youth nor God permitted
to discern a better course, advised him to reply to
the people that his little finger ὦ was thicker than his
father’s loins and, if they had found his father excess-
ively harsh, they would expericnce much more un-
pleasant treatment from himself; if his father had
chastised them with whips, they should expect him
to do the same with scorpions.2. With this advice the
king was pleased, thinking sueh an answer proper to
the: royal dignity ; and, when the multitude assembled
on the third day to hear him speak, all the people
were excited and anxious to hear what the king might
say, supposing that it would be somcthing friendly.¢
But, ignoring the counsel] of his (older) friends, he
answered them as the young men had advised. This
came about in accordanee with the will of God, in
order that what Achias had prophesicd might be
aecomplished.4
(3) Struck a cruel blow by these words @ and hurt
as though actually experiencing what he had spoken
of doing, they became indignant and all cried out in
a loud ~ voice to say that they no longer had any
common tie with David and his descendants from that
day on; and, declaring that they would leave to
Roboamos only the temple which his grandfather
in 1 Kings, supplies δάκτυλος in rendering the Heb. which
has gofonni, δ my little ’’ (se. part, de. finger).
® Josephus uses the Lxx word translating Heb. ‘agrabbim,
here probably meaning some sort of club with barbed points.
J. Strachan in Hastings’ Dictionary of the Bible, iv. 419,
compares the Roman scorpio “ deseribed by Isidore as
verge nodosa et aculeata.’
¢ This last sentence, describing the people’s attitude, is
an addition to Seripture.
ee §§ 206 ff.
¢ Variant adds “ as if by a sword.”
689
The
northern
tribes
revolt from
Rehoboam.
1 Kings xii,
ὡς 2 Chron,
χ. 10.
JOSEPHUS
7 > 4 fa ᾽ ᾽ὔ φ
990 εσκεύασεν εἰπόντες καταλείψειν ἡπείλησαν. οὕτως
Za
to
> ~
δ᾽ ἔσχον πικρῶς καὶ τὴν ὀργὴν ἐτήρησαν, ὡς
πέμψαντος αὐτοῦ τὸν ἐπὶ τῶν φόρων ᾿Αδώραμον,
ἵνα καταπραὔνῃ καὶ συγγνόντας τοῖς εἰρημένοις,
εἴ τι προπετὲς ὑπὸ νεότητος καὶ δύσκολον ἦν
ἐν αὐτοῖς, ποιήσῃ; “μαλακωτέρους, οὐχ ὑπέμειναν,
> /
ἀλλὰ βάλλοντες αὐτὸν λίθοις ἀπέκτειναν. τοῦτ᾽
ἰδὼν ἱΡοβόαμος καὶ νομίσας αὑτὸν βεβλῆσθαι τοῖς
4 ~
λίθοις, οἷς τὸν ὑπηρέτην ἀπέκτεινεν αὐτοῦ τὸ
πλῆθος, δείσας μὴ καὶ ἔργῳ πάθῃ τὸ δεινὸν ἐπιβὰς
εὐθὺς ἐπὶ ἅρματος ἔφυγεν εἰς Ιεροσόλυμα. καὶ
ἡ μὲν ᾿Ιούδα φυλὴ καὶ ἡ Bevapiris χειροτονοῦσιν
᾽ A ᾽ὔ \ \ » “- > 7 > 4
αὐτὸν βασιλέα, τὸ δὲ ἄλλο πλῆθος ἀπ ἐκείνης
ἢ ἡμέρας τῶν Δαυίδου παίδων ἀποστὰν τὸν
‘TepoBoapov ἀπέδειξε τῶν πραγμάτων κύριον.
“Ροβόαμος δὲ ὁ Σολομῶνος παῖς ἐκκλησίαν ποιήσας
τῶν δύο φυλῶν, ἃς εἶχεν ὑπηκόους, οἷός τε ἦν
λαβὼν ὀκτωκαίδεκα παρ᾽ αὐτῶν στρατοῦ μυριάδας
> 4 > a 3 4 \ € 7 4 \
ἐπιλέκτους ἐξελθεῖν ἐπὶ τὸν “lepoBdapov Kat τὸν
’, ’ ~
λαόν, ὅπως πολεμήσας. ἀναγκάσῃ δουλεύειν αὐτῷ.
A θ λ ὃ᾽ e A ~ θ ~ ὃ ‘ ~ / 3
κωλυθεὶς ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ διὰ τοῦ προφήτου
1 ὑπὸ νεότητος om. RO.
2 Niese: ποιήσειν codd.
394 Σαμαία Zonaras Τ αἴ,
α ‘This is based on 1 Kings xii. 16, ‘‘ Now see to thine
own house, David,’ txx viv βόσκε (2 Chron. βλέπε) τὸν
οἶκόν gov, Δαυείδ, Josephus apparently takes οἶκον in the
sense of “ temple,’? a meaning which is common in 1 Kings
and elsewhere. The Targum translates ‘‘ Now rule over
the men of thy house, David.”
® Bibl. Adoram, Lexx 1 Kings ᾿Αδωνιράμ, 2 Chron. ᾿Αδωράμς
Cf Τα. ΞΟ ὴ;
¢ Scripture says nothing of any speech made by Adoram;
cf. 1 Kings xii. 18 (2 Chron. x. 18), “* Then King Rehoboam
690
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VITL. 220-223
had built,¢ they threatened to desert him. So bitter
did they feel toward him and so great was the anger
they nourished that, when he sent Addramos,? who
was in charge of the levies, to appease them and
soften their mood by persuading them to forgive
what he had said if there had been in it anything
rash or ill-tempered owing to his youth, they did not
let him speak but threw stones at him and killed
him.¢ Roboamos, seeing this and imagining himself
the target of the stones with which the crowd had
killed his minister, was afraid that he might actually
suffer this dreadful fate 4 and immediately mounted
his chariot and fled to Jerusalem. Although the
tribes of Judah and Benjamin elected him king,’ the
rest of the populace from that day revolted from the
sons of David and proclaimed Jeroboam head of the
state. Then Roboamos, the son of Solomon, held an
assembly of the two tribes which remained subject to
him, and was prepared to take from their number an
army of a hundred and eighty thousand’ chosen men
and march out against Jeroboam and his people in
order to foree him by war to be his servant ; but he
was prevented by God through the prophet 9 from
sent Adoram, who was over the tribnte; and all Israel
stoned him with stones, that he died.”
4 This explanation of Rehoboam’s Hight is an amplification
of Scripture.
* Josephus consistently ignores (cf. §§ 197, 207) the con-
tradiction in Scripture, 1 Kings xii., between vs. 20 (omitted
in 2 Chron.) which says that only the tribe of Judah followed
tehoboam, and vs. 21 1 which Judah and Benjamin are
both said to be under his rule.
! So 2 Chron. and Heb. 1 Kings; txx 1 Kings 120,000.
9 Scripture, 1 Kings xii. 22 (2 Chron. xi. 2), gives his name
as Shemaiah, txx Σαμαίας, This name is found in the E.at.
translation of Joseplius and in Zonaras’s excerpt.
691
JOSEPHUS
ποιήσασθαι τὴν στρατείαν, οὐ yap εἶναι δίκαιον
τοὺς ὁμοφύλους πολεμεῖν οὗτος ἔλεγε καὶ ταῦτα
κατὰ τὴν τοῦ θεοῦ προαίρεσιν τῆς τοῦ πλήθους
224 ἀποστάσεως γεγενημένης, οὐκέτ᾽ ἐξῆλθε. διηγή-
copa’ δὲ πρῶτον, ὅσα ᾿ἱΪεροβόαμος ὁ τῶν ᾿Ισραη-
λιτῶν βασιλεὺς ἔπραξεν, εἶτα δὲ τούτων ἐχόμενα
τὰ ὑπὸ “Ροβοάμου τοῦ τῶν δύο φυλῶν βασιλέως
γεγενημένα δηλώσομεν' φυλαχθείη γὰρ ἂν οὕτως
ἄχρι παντὸς τῆς ἱστορίας τὸ εὔτακτον.
2:5 (4) Ὃ τοώυν ‘lepoBdapos οἰκοδομήσας βασίλειον
ἐν Σικίμῃ πόλει ἐν ταύτῃ τὴν δίαιταν εἶχε, κατ-
εσκεύασε δὲ καὶ ἐν Φανουὴλ πόλει λεγομένῃ. μετ᾽
οὐ πολὺ δὲ τῆς σκηνοπηγίας ἑορτῆς ἐνίστασθαι
μελλούσης λογισάμενος ὡς ἐὰν ἐπιτρέψῃ τῷ πλήθει
προσκυνῆσαι τὸν θεὸν εἰς “Ιεροσόλυμα πορευθέντι
καὶ ἐκεῖ τὴν ἑορτὴν διαγαγεῖν, μετανοῆσαν ἴσως
καὶ δελεασθὲν ὑπὸ τοῦ ναοῦ καὶ τῆς θρησκείας τῆς
ἐν αὐτῷ τοῦ θεοῦ καταλείψει μὲν αὐτόν, προσχωρή-
σει δὲ τῷ πρώτῳ βασιλεῖ, καὶ κινδυνεύσει τούτου
γενομένου τὴν ψυχὴν ἀποβαλεῖν, ἐπιτεχνᾶταί τι
926 τοιοῦτον᾽ δύο ποιήσας δαμάλεις χρυσᾶς καὶ οἰκο-
δομήσας ναΐσκους τοσούτους ἕνα μὲν ἐν Βηθήλῃ
πόλει, τὸν ἕτερον δὲ ἐν Δάνῃ, ἡ δ᾽ ἐστὶ πρὸς ταῖς
πηγαῖς τοῦ μικροῦ ᾿Ιορδάνου, τίθησι τὰς δαμάλεις
αἱ
1 οὐ κατεξῆλθε Mi: οὐκ ἐπεξῆλθε Naber.
2 ante διηγήσομαι lacunam statuit Niese.
@ Nevertheless we read in 1 Kings xv. 6 “‘ and there was
war between Rehoboam and Jeroboam all the days of his
life,” a discrepancy whieh Josephus ignores. Some .Lxx
Mss. also omit the latter verse.
ὃ Bibl. Sheehem, cf. .4. v. 69 note.
¢ So cxx; bibl. Penuel. Scripture says that he “ built
692
JEAMISH ANTIQUITIES; VEIT, 223-296
undertaking the canipaign—for he said that it was
not right to make war on one’s countrymen, espeeially
as the revolt of the multitude had taken place in
accordance with the purpose of God,—and so he did
not march out.? I shall now relate, first the acts of
Jeroboam, the king of Israel, and then in what
follows we shall tell what happened in the reign of
Roboamos, the king of the two tribes. For in this
way an orderly arrangement ean be _ preserved
throughout the history.
(4) Jeroboam, then, built a palace in Sikima?® and Jeroboam
made his dwelling there ; he also constructed a palace stele
sanctuary
in a eity called Phanuel ¢ But not long after, when at Bethel.
the festival of Tabernaeles was about i take place,? oe nt
he reflected that, if he permitted the people to go to
Jerusalem toworship God and tocelebrate the festival
there, they might perhaps repent and be captivated
by the temple ὁ and the eeremonies performed in it
and so desert him and go over to their former king ;
and that, if this happened, he would be in danger of
losing his life. He therefore devised the following plan.
Making two golden heifers 7 and building shrines for
both, one in the city of Bethel and the other in Dan—
this being near the sources of the Little Jordan,’—he
Shechem ... and built Pennel,’? which Jewish com-
mentators take to mean “‘ repaired ”’ or “ fortified.’ Josephus
avoids the difficulty of referring to the building of already
existing sites by inserting the word ‘' palace ” in each case.
4 The festival is not mentioned at this point in Scripture,
cf. § 230 note.
“ δελεάζειν, lit. “‘ensnare,’’ usually has the meaning
seduce’; bibl. ‘their hearts shall be turned again to
their Lord.”’
! Josephus, like the Lxx, uses δαμάλεις Which is feminine ;
Heb. ‘eglé ‘ calves.”
9 Unscriptural detail; for the site cf. ἦν v. 178 note.
693
207
2
8
JOSEPHUS
ἐν ἑκατέρῳ τῶν ἐν ταῖς προειρημέναις πόλεσι
ναΐσκων, καὶ συγκαλέσας τὰς δέκα φυλὰς ὧν
αὐτὸς ἦρχεν ἐδημηγόρησε τούτους ποιησάμενος
τοὺς λόγους" “ ἄνδρες ὁμόφυλοι, γινώσκειν ὑμᾶς
νομίζω τοῦτο, ὅτι πᾶς τόπος ἔχει τὸν θεὸν καὶ οὐκ
ἔστιν ἕν ἀποδεδειγμένον χωρίον ἐν ᾧ πάρεστιν,
ἀλλὰ πανταχοῦ τε ἀκούει καὶ τοὺς θρησκεύοντας
ἐφορᾷ. ὅθεν οὔ μοι δοκεῖ νῦν ἐπείγειν ὑμᾶς εἰς
ἹἹεροσόλυμα πορευθέντας εἰς τὴν τῶν ἐχθρῶν
πόλιν μακρὰν οὕτως ὁδὸν προσκυνεῖν: ἄνθρωπος
γὰρ κατεσκεύακε τὸν ναόν, πεποίηκα δὲ κἀγὼ
δύο χρυσᾶς δαμάλεις ἐπωνύμους τῷ θεῷ καὶ τὴν
μὲν ἐν .-βηθήλῃ πόλει καθιέρωσα τὴν δ᾽ ἐν Δάνῃ,
ὅπως ὑμῶν Ol τούτων ἔγγιστα τῶν πόλεων κατ-
ῳκημένοι προσκυνῶσιν' εἰς αὐτὰς ἀπερχόμενοι τὸν
θεόν. ἀποδείξω δέ τινας ὑμῖν καὶ ἱερεῖς ἐξ ὑμῶν
αὐτῶν καὶ Ληουίτας, ἵνα μὴ χρείαν ἔχητε τ
Ληουίτιδος φυλῆς καὶ τῶν υἱῶν ᾿Λαρῶνος, ἀλλ᾽
βουλόμενος ὑμῶν ἱερεὺς εἶναι προσενεγκάτω μόσ-
χον τῷ θεῷ καὶ κριόν, ὃ καὶ τὸν πρῶτον ἱερέα
~ a? 3 A >
229 φασὶν ᾿Λαρῶνα πεποιηκέναι. ταῦτ᾽ εἰπὼν ἐξ-
“~ f
ηπάτησε τὸν λαὸν Kal THs πατρίου θρησκείας
3 ~ ,
ἀποστάντας ἐποίησε παραβῆναι τοὺς νόμους.
~ ~ ~ 4 ~
ἀρχὴ κακῶν ἐγένετο τοῦτο τοῖς ‘EBpatots Kat τοῦ
7 4 e 4 ~ 3 7 3
πολέμῳ κρατηθέντας ὑπὸ τῶν ἀλλοφύλων αἰχμα-
λωσίᾳ περιπεσεῖν. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν κατὰ χώραν
δηλώσομεν.
1 προσκυνήσωσιν MSP.
a
4 Jeroboam’s speech down to “ worship God” is an
69-4
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIIT. 226-229
plaeed the heifers in either of the shrines in the cities
mentioned and, having called together the ten tribes
over which he ruled, harangued them in the following
words @ : “ Fellow-countrymen, I think you know that
every place has God in it and that there is no one
spot set apart for His presenee, but everywhere He
hears and watehes over His worshippers.? Therefore
I do not think I should now urge you to go so long
a journey to Jerusalem, the city of our enemies, in
order to worship. For it was a man that built that
temple; and I too have made two golden heifers
bearing the name of God and I have conseerated
them, one in the city of Bethel and the other in Dan,
in order that those of you who live nearest either of
these cities may go to them and worship God. I
shall appoint for you priests and Levites ¢ from your
own number, in order that you may have no need of
the tribe of Levi and the sons of Aaron, but let him
among you who wishes to be a priest offer up to God
a calf and a ram, as Aaron. the first priest, is said to
have done.?”’ By these words he misled the people
and caused them to abandon the worship of their
fathers and transgress the laws. This was the be-
ginning of the Hebrews’ misfortunes and led to their
being defeated in war by other races and to their
falling eaptive. But of these things we shall write
in the proper place.®
amplification of 1 Kings xii. 28, “ It is too much for you to
go up to Jerusalem; behold thy gods, O Israel, which
brought thee up out of the land of F yp.
> OF §§ 107 Hf.
¢ "Phe Levites are not mentioned in Scripture,
Cf. Lev. xvi. 3. In Seripture Jerobomtn makes. no
referenee to this priestly ceremony,
ie A ee a at
VOL. ¥ oy 695
230
231
200
233
JOSEPHUS
(5) ‘Evordons δὲ τῆς ἑορτῆς ἑβδόμῳ μηνὶ βου-
λόμενος καὶ αὐτὸς ἐν βηθήλῃ ταύτην ἀγαγεῖν,
ὥσπερ ἑώρταζον καὶ at δύο φυλαὶ ἐν “Ἱεροσολύμοις,
οἰκοδομεῖ μὲν θυσιαστήριον πρὸ τῆς δαμάλεως,
γενόμενος δὲ αὐτὸς ἀρχιερεὺς ἐπὶ τὸν βωμὸν ἀνα-
βαίνει σὺν τοῖς ἰδίοις ἱερεῦσι. μέλλοντος δ᾽ ἐπι-
φέρειν τὰς θυσίας καὶ τὰς ὁλοκαυτώσεις ἐν ὄψει
τοῦ λαοῦ παντὸς παραγίνεται πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐξ ‘lepo-
σολύμων προφήτης ᾿Ιάδων ὄνομα τοῦ θεοῦ πέμψαν-
τος, ὃς σταθεὶς ἐν μέσῳ τῷ πλήθει τοῦ βασιλέως
ἀκούοντος εἶπε τάδε πρὸς τὸ θυσιαστήριον ποιού-
μενος τοὺς λόγους" “᾿ ὁ θεὸς ἔσεσθαί τινα προλέγει
ἐκ τοῦ Δαυίδου γένους ᾿Ιωσίαν ὄνομα, ὃς ἐπὶ σοῦ
θύσει τοὺς ψευδιερεῖς, τοὺς κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον τὸν και-
ρὸν γενησομένους καὶ τὰ ὀστᾶ τῶν λαοπλάνων
τούτων καὶ a ἀπατεώνων καὶ ἀσεβῶν ἐ ἐπὶ σοῦ καύσει.
ἵνα μέντοι ve πιστεύσωσιν οὗτοι τοῦθ᾽ οὕτως ἕξειν,
σημεῖον αὐτοῖς προερῶ γενησόμενον" ῥαγήσεται τὸ
θυσιαστήριον παραχρῆμα καὶ πᾶσα ἡ ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῦ
πιμελὴ τῶν ἱερείων ἐπὶ γῆν χυθήσεται.᾽᾽ ταῦτ᾽
εἰπόντος τοῦ προφήτου παροξυνθεὶς 6 ᾿Ιεροβόαμος
ἐξέτεινε τὴν χεῖρα κελεύων συλλαβεῖν αὐτόν. ἐκ-
« Scripture dates Jeroboam’s festival on the 15th of the
eighth month, which would be exactly a month after the
traditional celebration of the festival of Tabernacles. Josephus
is, perhaps, more logical in making Jeroboam’s celebration
coincide with that in Jerusalem, but Jewish commentators
justify the Biblical text (cf 1 Kings xii. 33, ‘Sin the month
which he had devised of his own heart ’’) by explaining that
Jeroboam wished either deliberately to alter the older custom
or to avoid entirely alienating the Judaeans, by giving them
an opportunity of visiting his sanctuary after they had
observed the festival at Jerusalem in the seventh month.
696
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIIT. 230-233
(5) When the festival eame round in the seventh ?
month, Jeroboam, wishing to observe it himself in
Bethel just as the two tribes were celebrating it in
Jerusalem, built an altar before the heifer and, having
made himself high priest,’ went up to the altar with
his own priests. But as he was about to offer the
sacrifices and the whole burnt-offerings ¢ in the sight
of all the people, there eame to him from Jerusalem
a prophet named Jadin,? whom God had sent, and,
standing in the midst of the multitude and in the
hearing of the king, addressed the altar in these
words : ‘‘ God has foretold that there shall be one of
the line of David, named Josias, who will sacrifice
upon you the false priests living in his time and will
burn upon you the bones of these misleaders of the
people, these impostors and unbelievers. Further-
more, that these people may believe that so it will be,
] shall foretell to them a sign that will be given. The
altar shall be broken in an instant and all the fat of
the victims on it shall be spilled upon the ground.’
toused to fury by these words of the prophet, Jero-
boam stretched out his hand to order his arrest. But
Ὁ Scripture says merely that he himself made the offering.
¢ Apparently Josephus takes Heb. ψα αὶ as a hiphil
(causative) form meaning “ offered the burnt-offering (élah),”’
while txx, taking it as a φαΐ (intransitive) form meaning
“went up,” has ἀνέβη. Or possibly the ‘ whole burnt-
offerings ’’ in Josephus’s text may be an interpretation of
Heb. hagtir (Lxx ἐπιθῦσαι τ A.V. wrongly “ burn incense ’’)
which implies the offering of various kinds ΟΥ̓ sacrifice
including the burnt-offering.
4 ‘The name is not found in 1 Kings, but ef. 2 Chron, ix.
29 which mentions ‘the visions of Iddo (Lxx ᾿Ιωήλ) the
seer against Jeroboam the son of Nebat’’; rabbinie tradition
also identifies the unnamed prophet of 1 Kings with Iddo
(ρῶν vad. Yedo).
697
A prophet
rebukes
Jeroboam
at Bethel.
I Kings xii
32)
JOSEPHUS
τεταμένη δ᾽ ἢ) χεὶρ εὐθέως παρείθη καὶ οὐκέτ᾽ ἰσχυε
ταύτην' πρὸς αὑτὸν ἀναγαγεῖν, ἀλλὰ νεναρκηκυῖαν
καὶ νεκρὰν εἶχεν ἀπηρτημένην. ἐρράγη δὲ καὶ τὸ
θυσιαστήριον καὶ κατηνέχθη πάντα ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ,
234 καθὼς προεῖπεν ὁ προφήτης. μαθὼν δὲ ἀληθῆ τὸν
ἄνθρωπον καὶ θείαν ἔχοντα πρόγνωσιν παρεκάλεσεν
αὐτὸν δεηθῆναι τοῦ θεοῦ ἀναζωπυρῆσαι τὴν δεξιὰν
αὐτῶ. καὶ ὃ μὲν ἱκέτευσε τὸν θεὸν τοῦτ᾽ αὐτῷ παρα-
σχεῖν, ὃ δὲ τῆς χειρὸς τὸ κατὰ φύσιν ἀπολαβούσης
χαίρων ἐπ᾽ αὐτῇ τὸν προφήτην παρεκάλει δειπνῆσαι
235 παρ᾽ αὐτῷ. ᾿Ιάδων δ᾽ ἔφησεν οὐχ ὑπομένειν εἰσ-
ελθεῖν πρὸς αὐτὸν οὐδὲ γεύσασθαι ἄρτου καὶ ὕδατος
ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ πόλει: τοῦτο γὰρ αὐτῷ τὸν θεὸν ἀπ-
εἰρηκέναι καὶ τὴν ὁδὸν ἣν ἦλθεν ὅπως μὴ δι᾿ αὐτῆς
ποιήσηται τὴν ἐπιστροφήν, ἀλλὰ δι᾽ ἄλλης ἔφασκεν"
τοῦτον μὲν οὖν ἐθαύμαζεν ὁ βασιλεὺς τῆς ἐγκρατείας,
αὐτὸς δ᾽ ἦν ἐν φόβῳ, μεταβολὴν αὐτοῦ τῶν πραγμά-
των ἐκ τῶν προειρημένων οὐκ ἀγαθὴν ὑπονοῶν.
οὐδ (ix.) "Hv δέ τις ἐν ἘΠῚ πόλει πρεσβύτης πονηρὸς
obs: τυδοπροφήτης, ὃ ὃν εἶχεν ἐν τιμῇ ‘[epoBoapos ἀπα-
τώμενος ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ τὰ πρὸς ἡδονὴν λέγοντος.
οὗτος τότε μὲν κλινήρης ἣν διὰ τὴν ἀπὸ τοῦ γήρως
ἀσθένειαν, τῶν δὲ παίδων αὐτῷ δηλωσάντων τὰ
περὶ τοῦ παρόντος ἐξ Ἱεροσολύμων προφήτου καὶ
237 τῶν σημείων τῶν γενομένων, καὶ ὡς παρεθεῖσαν
αὐτῷ τὴν δεξιὰν “Ἱεροβόαμος εὐξαμένου πάλιν
€xetvou ζῶσαν ἀπολάβοι, δείσας μὴ παρευδοκι-
μήσειεν αὐτὸν ὁ ξένος παρὰ τῷ βασιλεῖ καὶ πλείονος
1 ἴσχνεν αὐτὴν Νῖ : ἴσχυσεν αὐτὴν SP,
α The last sentence is an addition to Scripture.
> Targum and Old Latin version of Scripture also have
alse prophet ’?; Heb, and vxx “a certain old prophet.
698
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIL. 233-237
no sooner was his hand stretched out than it was
paralysed and he no longer had the power to draw it
back to himself but found it hanging numb and life-
less. And the altar was broken and everything on it
was swept to the ground, as the prophet had foretold.
Then, having leane that the man was telling the
truth and possessed divine foreknowledge, he beeged
him to pray that God bring back life to his right hand.
So the prophet entreated God to grant him this
prayer, and Jeroboam, overjoyed when his hand
regained its natural use, asked the prophet to dine
with him. But Jadon said that he dare not enter his
house nor taste bread or water in that city, for God
had forbidden this to him as well as to return by the
road on which he had come, saying he must go by
another. The king admired him for his self-control
but was himself in a state of fear, suspecting from
what had been foretold to him a change in his fortunes
that would not be for his good.”
(ix.) Now there was in that city a wicked old man,
a false prophet ® whom Jeroboam held in honour,
being deceived by the things he said to please him.
At that time the man was bed-ridden through the
infirmity of old age,° but his sons told him about the
prophet who had come from Jerusalem and the signs
that had been given, and how, when Jeroboam’s right
hand had been paralysed, he had it restored to life
through the prophet’s prayer. Then the old man,
fearing that the stranger might find more favour with
the king than himself and. enjoy greater honour,?
¢ These details about the old prophet’s infirmity and
Jeroboam’s favour are unscriptural.
¢ This explanation of the old prophet’s motives is an
addition to Scripture.
699
The false
prophet of
Bethel
deceives
Jadon,
1 Kings xili
—~
---
238
239
241
JOSEPHUS
2 4 “~ f - \ > Ἁ >
ἀπολαύοι τιμῆς, προσέταξε τοῖς παισὶν εὐθὺς ἐπι-
στρώσασι τὸν ὄνον ἕτοιμον πρὸς ἔξοδον αὐτῷ παρα-
σκευάσαι. τῶν δὲ σπευσάντων O προσετάγησαν
3 4 ον Α / A 4 3
ἐπιβὰς ἐδίωξε τὸν προφήτην καὶ καταλαβὼν ava-
παυόμενον ὑπὸ δένδρῳ dacel’ καὶ σκιὰν ἔχοντι
δρυὸς εὐμεγέθους ἡ ἠσπάσατο πρῶτον, εἶτ᾽ ἐμέμφετο
μὴ παρ᾽ αὐτὸν εἰσελθόντα καὶ ξενίων μεταλαβόντα.
τοῦ δὲ φήσαντος κεκωλῦσθαι πρὸς τοῦ θεοῦ γεύ-
4 ~ > > f ~ cd {5 >
σασθαι παρά τινι τῶν ἐν ἐκείνῃ TH πόλει, “ ἀλλ
οὐχὶ παρ᾽ ἐμοὶ πάντως, εἶπεν, “ ἀπηγόρευκέ σοι
τὸ θεῖον παραθέσθαι τράπεζαν" 'προφήτης γάρ εἰμι
κἀγὼ καὶ τῆς αὐτῆς σοι κοινωνὸς πρὸς αὐτὸν
θρησκείας, καὶ πάρειμι νῦν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ πεμφθεὶς
ὅπως ἀγάγω σε πρὸς ἐμαυτὸν ἑστιασόμενον.᾽᾽ ὁ
δὲ ψευσαμένῳ πεισθεὶς ἀνέστρεψεν: ἀριστώντων δ᾽
»“, A i , ¢ A > / ~
ἔτι Kat φιλοφρονουμένων ὁ θεὸς ἐπιφαίνεται τῷ
᾿Ιάδωνι καὶ παραβάντα τὰς ἐντολὰς αὐτοῦ τιμω-
, ς ‘ ” A A 2 fa /
ρίαν ὑφέξειν ἔλεγεν Kat ποδαπὴν ἐδήλου" λέοντα
γὰρ αὐτῷ κατὰ τὴν ὁδὸν ἀπερχομένῳ συμβαλεῖν
ἐφραζεν, ὑφ᾽ οὗ διαφθαρήσεσθαι καὶ τῆς ἐν τοῖς
πατρῴοις μνήμασι ταφῆς ἀμοιρήσειν. ταῦτα δ᾽
ἐγένετο οἶμαι κατὰ τὴν τοῦ θεοῦ βούλησιν, ὅπως
μὴ προσέχοι τοῖς τοῦ ᾿Ιάδωγνος λόγοις ᾿Ιεροβόαμος
? , , 2 t , ATs
ἐληλεγμένῳ wevoet.” πορευομένῳ τοίνυν τῷ ᾿Ιάδωνι
’ὔ > ¢ / / / i .
πάλιν ets ‘lepocdAvpa συμβάλλει λέων Kat κατα-
1 Bader MSP Lat.
2 Mi: ψευδῆ O: ψευδεῖ rell.: ἐληλεγμένου ψεῦδος ed. pr.: ws
ἐληλεγμένου ψευδοῦς ex Lat. con}. Niese.
α Unscriptural details; bibl. ‘Sunder a terebinth’’ (or
00K),
δ Unscriptural detail.
¢ In Scripture, God does not reveal the manner of his
death nor mention the lion.
700
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 237-241
ordered his sons to saddle his ass at onee and make it
ready for his departure. So they made haste to do
as they were ordered, and he mounted it to ride in
pursuit of the prophet; when he came upon him
resting under a tree that was thick with leaves and
gave as much shade as a huge oak,? he first greeted
him and then proceeded to blame Ain for not entering
his house and partaking of his hospitality. But the
other said that he had been forbidden hy God to
taste food in the house of anyone in that city , where-
upon he replied, “ But not in my house, at least, did
the Deity forbid you to have food served to you. For
I too am a prophet, sharing with you in the same
worship of Him, and I am now here having been sent
by Him to bring you to my house as my guest.’
Thereupon the prophet, believing his lies, returned.
But, as they were eating the midday δ meal and eon-
versing in a friendly manner, God appeared to Jadén
and said that he should suffer punishment for trans-
gressing His commands ; and He revealed what the
punishment would be, saying that as he went on his
way a lion would meet him and destroy him ¢ and
that he should be deprived of burial ὦ in the tombs of
his fathers. This came about, I think, in aceordance
with the will of God, in order that Jeroboam might
not give heed to the words of Jadébn, who had been
conv icted of lving.© And so, as Jadén was journeying
back to Jerusalem,’ a lion did meet him and pulled
4 With ταφῆς ἁμοιρήσειν cf. the Sophoclean phrase ταφῆς
ἄμοιρον, Ajax 1326.
γεν . ἐμ * "ἢ 4 4 4 .
¢ This explanation of God's motive in eausing the pro-
phet’s death is an addition to Seripture.
! Seripture does not mention Jerusalem, cf. 1 Kings xii.
24 “Sand he went away.”
701
The prophet
Jadon
disobeys
God and is
punished.
1 Kings
sir 19.
to
242
243
244
JOSEPHUS
a > Ἵ
σπάσας αὐτὸν ἀπὸ τοῦ κτήνους ἀπέκτεινε, καὶ
τὸν μὲν ὄνον οὐδὲν ὅλως ἔβλαψε, παρακαθεζόμενος
3
ὃ ,ἐφύλασσε κἀκεῖνον καὶ τὸ τοῦ προφήτου σῶμα,
μέχρις οὗ τινες τῶν ὁδοιπόρων ἰδόντες ἀπήγγειλαν
ἐλθόντες εἰς τὴν πόλιν τῷ ψευδοπροφήτῃ. ὁ δὲ
τοὺς υἱοὺς πέμψας ἐκόμισε τὸ σῶμα εἰς τὴν πόλιν
καὶ πολυτελοῦς κηδείας ἠξίωσεν ἐντειλάμενος τοῖς
παισὶ καὶ αὐτὸν ἀποθανόντα σὺν ἐκείνῳ θάψαι,
, 3 oe \ 5 ‘nn ΨΦ ,
λέγων ἀληθῆ μὲν εἶναι πάνθ᾽ ὅσα προεφήτευσε
κατὰ τῆς πόλεως ἐκείνης καὶ τοῦ θυσιαστηρίου
- e ~ ~
καὶ τῶν ἱερέων καὶ τῶν ψευδοπροφητῶν, ὑβρι-
, > 3 4 A A A 3 . \
σθήσεσθαι δ᾽ αὐτὸς μετὰ τὴν τελευτὴν οὐδὲν σὺν
ἐκείνῳ ταφείς, τῶν ὀστῶν οὐ γνωρισθησομένων .'
κηδεύσας οὖν τὸν προφήτην καὶ ταῦτα τοῖς υἱοῖς
ἐντειλάμενος πονηρὸς ὧν καὶ ἀσεβὴς πρόσεισι τῷ
“᾿Ιεροβοάμῳ καὶ “τί δήποτ᾽ ἐταράχθης,᾽ εἰπών,
“ὑπὸ τῶν τοῦ ἀνοήτου λόγων; ᾿ ὡς τὰ περὶ τὸ
θυσιαστήριον αὐτῷ καὶ τὴν αὑτοῦ χεῖρα διηγήσαθ᾽
¢ , ~ yi 3 =~ A 4 bd
ὁ βασιλεύς, θεῖον ἀληθῶς καὶ προφήτην ἄριστον
> ~ ~ >
ἀποκαλῶν, ἤρξατο ταύτην αὐτοῦ τὴν δόξαν ἀνα-
λύειν κακουργῶν" καὶ πιθανοῖς περὶ τῶν γεγε-
νημένων γρώμενος λόγοις βλάπτειν αὐτῶν τὴν
ἀλήθειαν. ἐπεχείρει γὰρ πείθειν αὐτὸν ὡς ὑπὸ
κόπου μὲν ἡ χεὶρ αὐτῷ ναρκήσειε βαστάζουσα
τὰς θυσίας, εἶτ᾽ ἀνεθεῖσα πάλιν εἰς τὴν αὑτῆς
> 4 , \ A , A “4.
ἐπανέλθοι φύσιν, τὸ δὲ θυσιαστήριον καινὸν ὃν
A , , ‘ Ἁ Fd e 4
καὶ δεξάμενον θυσίας πολλὰς καὶ μεγάλας ῥαγείη
LR: γνωσθησομένων OMSP.
2 κακουργῶν om. Lat., 566]. Niese.
¢ Bibl. “and the ass stood by it (ie. the corpse) and the
lion stood by the corpse.”’
702
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VITI. 241-244
him off his beast and killed him ; to the ass he did no
harm at all but lay down beside him and guarded him
as well as the prophet’s corpse,? until some wayfarers
saw themand eame to the eity to tell the false prophet.
Thereupon he sent his sons and brought the body into
the city and, having honoured it w th: a costly funeral,?
instrueted his sons to bury him also, when he was
dead, with the prophet, saying that everything was
true whieh he had prophesied | against that eity and
the altar and the priests and the false prophets, but
that he himself would suffer no mutilation after death
if he were buried together with the prophet, as their
bones could not be told apart. And so, after burying
the prophet and giving his sons these instructions,
being a wicked and impious man he went to Jeroboam
and said,° “ Why, I should like to know, were you
disturbed by that foolish fellow’s words?” And,
when the king told him what had happened to the
altar and his own hand, and spoke of him as a truly
divine and exeellent prophet, the old man began to
weaken this opinion of him with eunning Bal by
giving a plausible explanation of the things that had
happened, to impair their true significance ; for he
attempted to persuade him that his hand had been
numbed by the fatigue of carrying: the sacrifices and
then, after being re eae had again returned to its
natural condition, and that the altar: being new and
having reeeived a great many large victims, ‘had fallen
ὑ The “ costly ’’ funeral is an unscriptural detail.
¢ The whole of the following speech (§§ 2148-215) is an
addition to Scripture, probably put in by Josephus, as Weill
suggests, to explain why Jeroboam continued in his evil
course, ef. 1 Kings xiii, 83‘ After this thing Jeroboam turned
not from his evil ways
703
The false
prophet
leassures
Jeroboam.
24
"ὁ
210
JOSEPHUS
καὶ πέσοι διὰ βάρος τῶν ἐπενηνεγμένων. ἐδήλου
δ᾽ αὐτῷ καὶ τὸν θάνατον τοῦ τὰ σημεῖα ταῦτα
προειρηκότος ὡς ὑπὸ λέοντος ἀπώλετο: “οὕτως
an ἃ " 9 5 » 9 > , , ”
οὐδὲ ἕν οὔτ᾽ εἶχεν οὔτ᾽ ἐφθέγξατο προφήτου.
-.τ 3 3 N / \ ὔ A A A
ταῦτ᾽ εἰπὼν πείθει τὸν βασιλέα, καὶ τὴν διάνοιαν
αὐτοῦ τελέως ἀποστρέψας ἀπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ τῶν
ὁσίων ἔργων καὶ δικαίων ἐπὶ τὰς ἀσεβεῖς πράξεις
παρώρμησεν. οὕτως δ᾽ ἐξύβρισεν εἰς τὸ θεῖον καὶ
παρηνόμησεν. ὡς οὐδὲν ἄλλο καθ᾽ ἡμέραν ζητεῖν ἢ
τί καινὸν καὶ μιαρώτερον τῶν non τετολμημένων
’
ἐργάσηται. καὶ τὰ μὲν περὶ ‘lepoBdapov ἐπὶ τοῦ
παρόντος ἐν τούτοις ἡμῖν δεδηλώσθω.
(x. 1) Ὃ δὲ Σολομῶνος υἱὸς ‘PoBoayos ὁ τῶν
δύο φυλῶν βασιλεύς, ὡς προειρήκαμεν, ᾧκο-
)7 ,ὔ 9 7 ᾿ , A
δόμησε πόλεις ὀχυράς Te καὶ μεγάλας βθηθλεὲμ
4 3 A 4 = A \ 4 \ by A
καὶ ᾿Πταμὲ καὶ Θεκωὲ καὶ [βηθσοὺρ καὶ Σωχὼ
\ 3 A \ 3 \ A bs 1 ‘ ‘
καὶ ᾿Οδολλὰμ καὶ ἱπὰν καὶ Mapioav’ καὶ τὴν
Ζιφὰ καὶ ᾿Αδωραὶμ καὶ Λάχεις καὶ ᾿Αζηκὰξ καὶ
1 Niese: ΔΙάρησαν RO(M)SP!: ΔΙάρισσαν P?: Marisam Lat.
2 Hudson: Ζηκὰ codd.
* Josephus here departs from the order of events found in
Seripture, whieh eontinues, xiv. 1 ff., with the story of
Jeroboam, and does nat mention Rehoboam until vs. 21.
The account given in §§ 246 ff. follows 2 Chron.
> Some LXx MSs. ee Bactoeéu = Beth-shemesh.
¢ Bibl. Etam, xx Αἰτάμ (v1, "Andy, cf. note h below); cf.
§ 186 note. 4 So txx; bibl. Tekoa.
Bibl. Beth-zur (Béth-Sir), 1xx Βαιθσουρά ; formerly
thought to be the modern Bury es-Sur, it has recently been
identified by Pere Abel and Albright with Ahirbet et-Tubeiqah,
ec. 7 miles N. by W. of Lebron.
f Bibl. Soco (A.V. Shoco), uxx Σοκχώθ (v.l. Toxxw) 3 of.
A. vi. 170 note.
9 Bibl. Adullam ; cf. «4. vi. 247 note.
δ Bibl. Gath, rxx Γέθ, Eipan in Josephus’s text seems to
be a corrupt form of a doublet of Etam mentioned above (ef.
704
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 244-046
down from the weight of the things laid uponit. He
then told him of the death of the man who had given
these prophetie signs and how he had lost his life when
attacked by a lion. Thus, he said, there was nothing
of a prophet either in his person or in what he had
spoken. By these words he convineed the king, and,
having wholly turned his thoughts away foi Coil
and fron holy and righteous deeds. he urged him on
to impious acts. And so greatly did he outrage the
Deity and transgress His laws that every day he
sought to arate some new act more heinous than
the reckless acts he was already guilty of. So much
concerning Jeroboam it may suflice us, for the present,
to have written.
(x. 1) 2 Now Solomon’s son Roboamos, who was, as
we have said before, king of the two fabs. built ine
strong andlarge cities of Bethle -+hem,? tance. Thekoe,?@
Bethsur, 6 Socho,f Odollam,? E ipan,” Marisa,’ Zipha,?
Adorn Lacheis,! Azcka,m Saram,” Eloém,? and
Lxx v.l,’Arav), Weill rightly remarks that it is strange to
find a Philistine city among the cities fortified by Rehoboam.
i Bibl. Mareshah, txx Mapeod; it is identified by Al-
bright with the modern Tel! Sandahanna, c. a mile S. of Beit
Jibrin (Eleutheropolis), in the low hill country near the Philis-
tine border.
$ Bibl. Ziph, uxx Leip; cf. A. vi. 275 note.
k The modern Dira, 6 miles W.S.W. of Hebron.
t Bibl. Lachish, usually identified with the modern Tell
el-/fesy, 18 miles from the sea in the latitude of Hebron, but
now thought to be Tell ed-Duweir, several miles further east.
™ Usually identified with the modern Tell Zakariyeh, ec. 15
miles due W. of Bethlehem (on the map); cf. .1. vi. 170
note.
n Bibl. Zorah (Sordh), uxx Lapad, the modern Sarah,
15 miles due W. of Jerusalem on the map.
° Bibl. Aijalon Culyydalon), uxx Αἰαλών (vl. ᾿Αλδών), the
moderu Yald, 15 miles N.W. of Jerusalem.
705
Rehoboam
fortifies hig
kingdom.
2 Chron.
ΧΙ
247
248
249
JOSEPHUS
\ 4 > \ \ “~ , A >
Σαρὰμ καὶ ᾿Ηλὼμ καὶ Χεβρῶνα. ταύτας μὲν ἐν
2 ’ὔ ~ Ἁ Lore | / ᾽
τῇ ᾿Ιουδαίᾳ φυλῇ καὶ κληρουχίᾳ πρώτας WKO-
δόμησε, κατεσκεύασε δὲ καὶ ἄλλας μεγάλας ἐν τῇ
Βενιαμίτιδι κληρουχίᾳ, καὶ τειχίσας φρουράς τε
κατέστησεν ἐν ἁπάσαις καὶ ἡγεμόνας, σῖτόν τε
πολὺν καὶ οἶνον καὶ ἔλαιον τά τε ἄλλα τὰ πρὸς"
\ 3 e / ~ 4 ~ 3 ’
διατροφὴν ἐν ἑκάστῃ τῶν πόλεων δαψιλῶς ἀπέθετο,
πρὸς δὲ τούτοις θυρεοὺς καὶ σιρομάστας εἰς πολλὰς
μυριάδας. συνῆλθον δὲ οἱ παρὰ πᾶσι τοῖς ᾿Ισραη-
λίταις ἱερεῖς πρὸς αὐτὸν εἰς “Ιεροσόλυμα καὶ
Ληουῖται καὶ εἴ τινες ἄλλοι τοῦ πλήθους ἦσαν
ἀγαθοὶ καὶ δίκαιοι, καταλιπόντες αὑτῶν τὰς
πόλεις, ἵνα θρησκεύσωσιν ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις τὸν
θεόν" οὐ γὰρ ἡδέως εἶχον προσκυνεῖν ἀναγκαζό-
μενοι τὰς δαμάλεις ἃς ‘IepoBdapos κατεσκεύασε"
καὶ ηὔξησαν τὴν ‘PoBodpov βασιλείαν ἐπ᾽ ἔτη
τρία. γήμας δὲ συγγενῆ τινα καὶ τρεῖς ποιησά-
“μένος ἐξ αὐτῆς παῖδας ἤγετο ὕστερον καὶ τὴν ἐκ
250
τῆς ᾿Αψαλώμου θυγατρὸς Θαμάρης Μαχάνην
ὄνομα καὶ αὐτὴν. οὖσαν συγγενῆ" καὶ παῖς ἐξ
αὐτῆς ἄρρην αὐτῷ γίνεται, ὃν ᾿Αβίαν προσηγό-
ρευσεν. τέκνα δὲ εἶχεν καὶ ἐξ ἄλλων γυναικῶν
’ὔ, ε ~ \ ~ ” \ ’ὔ
πλειόνων, ἁπασῶν δὲ μᾶλλον ἔστερξε τὴν | διαχάνην.
εἶχε δὲ τὰς μὲν νόμῳ συνοικούσας αὐτῷ “γυναῖκας
ὀκτωκαίδεκα παλλακὰς δὲ τριάκοντα, καὶ υἱοὶ μὲν
αὐτῷ γεγόνεισαν ὀκτὼ καὶ εἴκοσι θυγατέρες δ᾽
ἑξήκοντα. διάδοχον δὲ ἀπέδειξε τῆς βασιλείας τὸν
1 Ιουδαίᾳ. .. κληρουχίᾳ RO: ᾿Ιούδα κληρουχίᾳ rell. Lat.:
καὶ κληρουχίᾳ secl, Nicse:
2 τὰ πρὸς Niese: πρὸς codd.
8. τέκνα δὲ εἶχεν ed. pre: τέκνα δὲ codd.: τεκνοῖ δὲ Niese.
α Bibl. “‘ very many.”
706
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 247-250
Hebron. ‘These, which were in the tribe and terri-
tory of Judah, he built first ; and he also construeted
other large cities in the territory of Benjamin, and,
having walled them about, set garrisons and eaptains
in all of them and in each of the eities stored mueh
grain, wine and oil and an abundance of other things
needed for sustenanee, and, in addition to these,
shields and barbed lanees amounting to many tens of
thousands.*? Then there came to him at Jerusalem
priests from among all the Israelites, and Levites and
any others of the people who were good and righteous
men and had left their own cities to worship God in
Jerusalem, for they would not submit to being foreed
to worship the heifers which Jeroboam had made. And
they added strength to Jeroboam’s kingdom for three
years. Now he had married a kinswoman,? by whom
he had three ehildren, and later took another wife
named Machané,¢ whose mother was Absalom’s
danghter Thamaré ὦ and who was also related to him.
By her he had a son, whom he named Abias.¢ He
also had children by many other wives, but he loved
Maechané best of all. He had eighteen lawful wives
and thirty % concubines, and there were born to him
twenty-cight sons and sixty daughters. As_ his
suceessor to the kingdom he appointed Abias, his son
ὑ Named Mahalath, 2 Chron. xi. 18; her father was a son
of David.
¢ Bibl. Maachah, rxx Maaxa.
4 Cf. A. vii. 190 note, 243 note.
* Bibl. Abijah ( Abiyah), uxx ᾿Αβιά,
I So cod. B χὰ ; Heb. and most txx mss. have 60.
70]
Rehoboam’s
wives.
2 Chron,
xi, 18,
JOSEPHUS
ἐκ τῆς Μαχάνης ᾿ Αβίαν καὶ τοὺς θησαυροὺς αὐτῷ
καὶ τὰς ὀχυρωτάτας πόλεις ἐπίστευσεν.
251 (9) Αἴτιον δ᾽ οἶμαι πολλάκις γίνεται κακῶν καὶ
παρανομίας τοῖς ἀνθρώποις τὸ τῶν πραγμάτων
μέγεθος καὶ ἡ πρὸς τὸ βέλτιον αὐτῶν τροπή"" τὴν
γὰρ βασιλείαν αὐξανομένην οὕτω βλέπων ἱῬοβόα-
μος εἰς ἀδίκους καὶ ἀσεβεῖς ἐξετράπη πράξεις, καὶ
τῆς τοῦ θεοῦ θρησκείας κατεφρόνησεν, ὡς καὶ τὸν
ὑπ᾽ αὐτῷ λαὸν μιμητὴν γενέσθαι τῶν ἀνομημάτων.
: συνδιαφϑθείρεται γὰρ τὰ τῶν ἀρχομένων. ἤθη τοῖς
τῶν ἡγεμόνων τρόποις, καὶ ὡς ἔλεγχον τῆς ἐκείνων
ἀσελγείας τὴν αὑτῶν σωφροσύνην παραπέμποντες
é ‘
ὡς ἀρετῇ ταῖς κακίαις αὐτῶν ἕπονται" οὐ γὰρ
ἔνεστιν ἀποδέχεσθαι δοκεῖν τὰ τῶν βασιλέων ἔργα
259 μὴ ταῦτα πράττοντας. τοῦτο τοίνυν συνέβαινε
καὶ τοῖς ὑπὸ ᾿Ροβοάμῳ τεταγμένοις ἀσεβοῦντος
αὐτοῦ καὶ παρανομοῦντος σπουδάζειν μὴ προσ-
κρούσωσι τῷ βασιλεῖ θέλοντες εἶναι δίκαιοι. τι-
μωρὸν δὲ τῶν εἰς αὐτὸν ὕβρεων ὁ θεὸς ἐπιπέμπει
τὸν Αἰγυπτίων βασιλέα ‘Lowxor,” περὶ οὗ πλα-
νηθεὶς Ἡρόδοτος τὰς πράξεις αὐτοῦ 'Σεσώστρει
προσάπτει. οὗτος γὰρ ὁ Ἴσωκος πέμπτῳ ἔτει
τῆς ἹῬοβοάμου βασιλείας ἐπιστρατεύεται μετὰ
πολλῶν αὐτῷ μυριάδων: ἅρματα μὲν γὰρ αὐτῷ,
χίλια καὶ διακόσια τὸν ἀριθμὸν ἠκολούθει, ἱππέων
δὲ μυριάδες ἕξ, πεζῶν δὲ μυριάδες τεσσαράκοντα.
τούτων τοὺς πλείστους Λίβυας ἐπήγετο καὶ
tS
a
te
a)
σι
γι.
1 ῥοπή con. Niese.
2 Σούσακον MNISPE: Sisoch Lat.
α According to Scripture, Rehoboam placed his other sons |
in charge of the fortified cities, |
708
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 250-254
by Machané, and entrusted to him his treasures and
his strongest eities.¢
(2) But often, I think, a cause of men’s falling Rehoboam’s
into evil ways and lawlessness lies in the greatness $%ners°™-
of their affairs and in the improvement of their xii.1;
position. So, for example, Roboamos, seeing how Poe
greatly his kingdom had inereased in strength, was
misled into unjust and impious acts and showed
disrespect for the worship of God, so that even the
people under his rule began to imitate his unlawful
deeds. For the morals of subjeets are corrupted
simultaneously with the characters of their rulers,
and they do not allow their own moderation to remain
a reproach to their rulers’ intemperance but follow
their evil ways as if they were virtues, since it is
impossible to show approval of the acts of kings
except by doing as they do.? This, then, was the
ease with the people governed by Roboamos, who,
when he acted impiously and in violation of the laws,
were careful not to give offenee to the king by wishing
to be righteous. But, as an avenger of the outrage
to Him, God sent the Egyptian king Isdkos,¢ about
whom Herodotus was in error in attributing his acts
to Sesdstris.? For it was this Isdkos who in the fifth snishax
year of Roboamos’s reign marched against him with (!8°4?s)
invades
many tens of thousands, and there followed him one Palestine:
: Ά 2 Chron. xii
thousand two hundred chariots, sixty thousand horse- 3+) Kings”
men and four hundred thousand foot-soldiers.¢ Most *t¥. 38.
of these men whom he brought were Libyans and
> These reflections are, of course, an amplification of
Seripture.
«Bibl, Shishaks εἰ § 210 note.
# Cf 8.200 note:
¢ The number of fvot-soldiers is not given in Scripture,
which says merely “ people without number.”’
709
JOSEPHUS
\ Ad + 4 εχ 3 A ΄, ~
i AtOiomas. ἐμβαλὼν οὖν εἰς τὴν χώραν τῶν
Ὁ ’ὔ A 7 1 \ 3 é ~
βραίων καταλαμβάνεται' τὰς ὀχυρωτάτας τῆς
co 4 , , > \ \ ’
Ροβοάμου βασιλείας πόλεις ἀμαχητὶ καὶ ταύτας
ἀσφαλισάμενος ἔσχατον ἐπῆλθε τοῖς ‘lepocoAvpors.
3 a ¢ 4 \ ~
(3) ᾿Εγκεκλεισμένου τοῦ “PoBodpov Kat τοῦ
πλήθους ἐν αὐτοῖς διὰ τὴν ᾿Ισώκου στρατείαν καὶ
τὸν θεὸν ἱκετευόντων δοῦναι νίκην καὶ σωτηρίαν,
» 4“ > ~ ~ \
256 obK? ἔπεισαν τὸν θεὸν ταχθῆναι μετ᾽ αὐτῶν: ὁ δὲ
προφήτης Σ Σπ αμαίας ἔφησεν αὐτοῖς τὸν θεὸν ἀπειλεῖν
ἐγκαταλεί ειν αὐτούς, ὡς καὶ αὐτοὶ τὴν θρησκείαν
αὐτοῦ κατέλιπον. ταῦτ᾽ ἀκούσαντες εὐθὺς ταῖς
“ 3 , / ἐν ~
ψυχαῖς ἀνέπεσον Kal μηδὲν ETL σωτήριον ὁρῶντες
“- λ
ἐξομολογεῖσθαι πάντες ὥρμησαν ὅτι δικαίως αὐτοὺς
3 a
ὁ θεὸς ὑπερόψεται γενομένους περὶ αὐτὸν ἀσεβεῖς
A 3 \
257 Kal συγχέοντας τὰ νόμιμα. κατιδὼν δ᾽ αὐτοὺς
ε ,ὔ 3
ὁ θεὸς οὕτω διακειμένους καὶ τὰς ἁμαρτίας ἀνθ-
+
ομολογουμένους οὐκ ἀπολέσειν αὐτοὺς εἶπε πρὸς
A ~ 3 “
τὸν προφήτην, ποιήσειν μέντοι γε τοῖς Αἰγυπτίοις
ὑποχειρίους, ἵνα μάθωσι πότερον ἀνθρώπῳ δου-
- , > \ > ; 4 A ‘ \
258 λεύειν ἐστὶν ἀπονώτερον ἢ θεῷ. παραλαβὼν δὲ
| 3 A \ ’ ; “ € ,
σωκος ἀμαχητὶ τὴν πόλιν, δεξαμένου ‘PoBoajov
διὰ τὸν φόβον, οὐκ ἐνέμεινε ταῖς γενομέναις συν-
/ \
θήκαις, ἀλλ᾽ ἐσύλησε τὸ ἱερὸν καὶ τοὺς θησαυροὺς
3 ~ = , a
ἐξεκένωσε τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ τοὺς βασιλικούς, χρυσοῦ
\ 3 ’ὔ UA
Kal ἀργύρου μυριάδας ἀναριθμήτους βαστάσας
a \ \
959 Kal μηδὲν ὅλως ὑπολιπών. περιεῖλε δὲ καὶ TOUS
~ 4
χρυσοῦς θυρεοὺς καὶ τὰς ἀσπίδας, ἃς κατεσκεύασε
1 καταλαμβάνει τε RO. 2 ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ROM,
a Scripture adds the Sukkiim, rxx Ῥρωγλοδύται. Margo-
liouth in Hastings’ Dictionary of the Bible, iv. 627, suggests
that the rxx rendering ‘‘ Troglodytes ’’ was due to the fact
that a place called Siiché was one of the cities in the country
710
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VITT. 255-259
Ethiopians. So then, after invading the country of
the Hebrews, he seized the strongest cities of Robo-
amos’s kingdom without a battle and, having secured
them with garrisons, at last advanced upon Jerusalem.
(3) Although Roboamos and the multitude, who
were shut up in the city by the advance of Isdkos’s
army, entreated God to grant them victory and
deliveranee,? they did not prevail upon God to side
with them. Then the prophet Samaias © told them
that God threatened to abandon them just as they
had abandoned their worship of Him. When they
heard this, their spirits at once fell and, no longer
seeing any hope of deliverance, they all hastened to
acknowledge that God might justly turn away from
them since they had acted impiously toward Him and
had violated His ordinances. But when God saw
them in this state of mind and confessing their sins,
He said to the prophet that He would not destroy
them but would, nevertheless, make them subject to
the Eg gyptians, in order that they might learn which
was the easier task, whether to serve man or God.
And when Isdkos tock the city without a battle,
Roboamos admitting him because he feared him, he
did not abide by the terms of the agrcement they had
made,? but sacked the temple, emptied the treasurics
of God and the king, and carried off untold amounts
of gold and silver, leaving not a single thing behind.
He also ecpiouad the colden ehicide and Suckers,
of the Troglodytes, and cites Pliny, Hist. Nat. vi. 172 and
Strabo xvi. 3. 8.
®’ Amplification of Scripture, which says merely “ἢ Reho-
boam and the princes of Judah . . . were gathered togcther
in Jerusalem because of Shishak.””
© So most Lxx mss. (cod. B Σαμμαίας) 3 bibl. Shemaiah.
¢ No agreement is mentioned in Scripture.
VOL. V IZ 111]
Shishak
sacks
Jerusalem
2? Chron.
ΧΙ]. δι
200
26]
208
JOSEPHUS
‘ ¢ [4 > w Ἁ 9 8 A a
Σολομὼν ὁ βασιλεύς, οὐκ εἴασε δὲ οὐδὲ TAS χρυσᾶς
,ὔὕ “A > ’ὔ / ~ ~ A Ἁ
φαρέτρας, ἃς ἀνέθηκε Δαυίδης τῷ θεῷ λαβὼν παρὰ
τοῦ τῆς Σωφηνῆς βασιλέως, καὶ τοῦτο ποιήσας
ἀνέστρεψεν εἰς τὰ οἰκεῖα. μέμνηται δὲ ταύτης
~ / A € ¢ ᾿ ¢ é
τῆς στρατείας Kat ὁ ‘AAtkapvacevs ‘Hpddoros
περὶ μόνον τὸ τοῦ βασιλέως πλανηθεὶς ὄνομα, Kat
2 ” ~ > ~ ld 4 A
ὅτι ἄλλοις τε πολλοῖς ἐπῆλθεν ἔθνεσι καὶ τὴν
“ ἡ / > ; \ > A
Παλαιστίνην Συρίαν ἐδουλώσατο λαβὼν ἀμαχητὶ
τοὺς ἀνθρώπους τοὺς ἐν αὐτῇ. φανερὸν δ᾽ ἐστὶν
ee \ ¢ / ΨΥ 7 ~
ὅτι TO ἡμέτερον ἔθνος βούλεται δηλοῦν κεχειρω-
μένον ὑπὸ τοῦ Λἰγυπτίου: ἐπάγει γὰρ ὅτι στήλας
κατέλιπεν ἐν τῇ τῶν ἀμαχητὶ παραδόντων €av-
4 ὃ “ : “~ > / Ἐ ἫῬ , δ᾽
τοὺς αἰδοῖα γυναικῶν ἐγγράψας οβόαμος
αὐτῷ “παρέδωκεν ὁ ἡμέτερος βασιλεὺς ἀμαχητὶ
τὴν πόλιν. φησὶ δὲ καὶ Αἰθίοπας παρ᾽ Αἰγυπτίων
μεμαθηκέναι τὴν τῶν αἰδοίων περιτομήν" “ Doi-
νικες γὰρ καὶ Σύροι οἱ ἐν τῇ [Παλαιστίνῃ ὁμο-
λογοῦσι παρ᾽ Αἰγυπτίων μεμαθηκέναι.᾽᾽ δῆλον
οὖν ἐστιν ὅτι εἴη εἰς ἄλλοι ,περιτέμνονται τῶν ἐν
τῇ Παλαιστίνῃ Σ Σύρων ἢ μόνοι ἡμεῖς. ἀλλὰ περὶ
μὲν τούτων ἕκαστοι λεγέτωσαν 6 τι ἂν αὐτοῖς
δοκῇ.
(4) ᾿λναχωρήσαντος δὲ ᾿Ισώκου ‘PoBdapos ὁ
βασιλεὺς ἀντὶ μὲν τῶν χρυσέων θυρεῶν καὶ τῶν
ἀσπίδων χάλκεα ποιήσας τὸν αὐτὸν ἀριθμὸν παρ-
/ “ ~ ,ὔ / > \ \ “~
ἔδωκε τοῖς τῶν βασιλείων φύλαξιν. ἀντὶ δὲ τοῦ
μετὰ στρατηγίας ἐπιφανοῦς καὶ τῆς ἐν τοῖς πράγ-
μασι λαμπρότητος διάγειν ἐβασίλευσεν ἐν ἡσυχίᾳ
πολλῇ καὶ δέει πάντα τὸν χρόνον ἐχθρὸς ὧν ὑΪερο-
4 This detail is based on the txx addition to 1 Kings xiv.
26; this, however, has δόρατα ‘‘ spears”? instead of φαρέτρας
“quivers.”” Cf. 2. vii. 10-4 note.
712
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 259-263
which King Solomon had made. nor did he overlook
the golden ‘quivers which David had set up as an
offering to God after taking them from the King of
Sophéné.? This done, he returned to his own country.
This expedition is also mentioned by Herodotus of
Halicarnassus, who was in error only about the king’s
name and in saying that he marched against many
other nations and reduced Palestinian Syria to slavery
after capturing the inhabitants without a battle?
Now it is evident that it is our nation which he means
to refer to as subdued by the Egyptians, for he adds
that their king left behind, in the country of those
who had surrendered without a battle, pillars on
which he had female sex-organs engraved.¢ But it
was Roboamos, our king, who surrendered the city
without a battle. Herodotus also says that the
Ethiopians had learned the practice of circumcision
from the Egyptians, “for the Phoenicians and the
Syrians in Palestine admit that they learned it from
the Egyptians.”’ Now it is clear that no others of the
Syrians in Palestine practise circumcision beside our-
selves. But concerning these matters everyone may
speak as he sees fit.
(4) Now when Isékos had withdrawn, King Robo-
amos, in place of the golden shields and bucklers,
made an equal number of bronze and delivered them
to the guards of the palace. And instead of leading
the life of an illustrious commander and a brilliant
statcsman, he reigned in great quiet and fear,
being all his days an enemy of Jeroboam. He
> Herod. ii. 102 ff. ‘The latter part of the citation from
Herodotns appears also in fp. i. 168.
¢ Indicating, according to Ierod., that his enemies were
as weak aS women.
118
The end of
Rehoboam.,
2 Chron, ΧΗ.
ΙΟ0: 1 Kings
χν, ὃ γς
26-4
266
267
268
JOSIEPILUS
3 ’ 4 / vw ,
βοάμῳ. ἐτελεύτησε δὲ βιώσας ἔτη πεντήκοντα
καὶ ἑπτά, βασιλεύσας δ᾽ αὐτῶν ἑπτακαίδεκα, τὸν
τρόπον Bacon ἀνὴρ καὶ ἀνόητος καὶ διὰ τὸ μὴ
προσέχειν τοῖς πατρῴοις φίλοις τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀπ-
ολέσας: ἐτάφη δ᾽ ἐν ᾿Ϊεροσολύμοις ἐν ταῖς θήκαις
τῶν βασιλέων. διεδέξατο δ᾽ αὐτοῦ τὴν βασιλείαν
e ey b , "7 yw A , ἐ
ὁ υἱὸς ᾿Αβίας, ὄγδοον ἤδη καὶ δέκατον ἔτος ‘lepo-
βοάμου τῶν δέκα φυλῶν βασιλεύοντος. καὶ ταῦτα
μὲν τοιοῦτον ἔσχε τὸ τέλος" τὰ δὲ περὶ ᾿Ιεροβόαμον
ἀκόλουθα τούτων ἔχομεν πῶς κατέστρεψε τὸν βίον
διεξελθεῖν" οὗτος γὰρ οὐ διέλιπεν οὐδ᾽ ἠρέμησεν εἰς
τὸν θεὸν ἐξυβρίζων, ἀλλὰ καθ᾽ ἑκάστην ἡμέραν ἐπὶ
τῶν ὑψηλῶν ὀρῶν βωμοὺς ἀνιστὰς καὶ ἱερεῖς ἐκ
τοῦ πλήθους ἀποδεικνὺς διετέλει.
. rr “ἃ 5.» 3 > \ 3
(xi. 1) Tatra δ᾽ ἔμελλεν οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν τάσε-
βήματα καὶ τὴν ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν δίκην εἰς τὴν αὐτοῦ
κεφαλὴν καὶ πάσης αὐτοῦ τῆς γενεᾶς τρέψειν τὸ
θεῖον. κάμνοντος δ᾽ αὐτῷ κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον τὸν καιρὸν
τοῦ παιδός, ὃν Ὀβίμην ἐκάλουν, τὴν γυναῖκα
αὐτοῦ προσέταξε τὴν στολὴν ἀποθεμένην καὶ
σχῆμα λαβοῦσαν ἰδιωτικὸν πορευθῆναι πρὸς ᾿Αχίαν
τὸν προφήτην" εἶναι γὰρ θαυμαστὸν ἄνδρα περὶ
τῶν μελλόντων προειπεῖν" καὶ γὰρ περὶ τῆς βασι-
λείας αὐτῷ τοῦτον δεδηλωκέναι:" “παραγενομένην δ᾽
ἐκέλευσε περὶ τοῦ παιδὸς ἀνακρίνειν ὡς ξένην, εἰ
διαφεύξεται τὴν νόσον. ἡ δὲ «μετασχηματισα-
μένη, καθὼς αὐτῇ προσέταξεν ὖ ἀνήρ, ἧκεν εἰς
Σιλὼ πόλιν: ἐκεῖ γὰρ διέτριβεν ὁ ᾿Αχίας. καὶ
? 3 A ? , 3 “- 3 ? A wv
μελλούσης εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν αὐτοῦ εἰσιέναι Tas ὄψεις
3 , A A ~ 3 A ς A 3 ᾽
ἡμαυρωμένου διὰ τὸ γῆρας, ἐπιφανεὶς ὁ θεὸς ἀμφό-
« According to Scripture, he began to reign at the age of |
7114
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 264-268
died at the age of fifty-seven, after a reign of seven-
teen years 7; he was a man of boastful and foolish
nature, who, by not heeding his father’s friends, lost
his royal power. He was buried in Jerusalem in the
tombs of the kings and was sueeeeded on the throne
by his son Abias in the eighteenth year of Jeroboam’s
reign over the ten tribes. This, then, is the end of
Roboamos’s history. But now in what follows we
have to relate the events of Jeroboam’s reign and
how he ended his life. For he did not eease nor desist
from outraging God, but all the time eontinued to
ereet altars on the high mountains and to appoint
priests from among the common people.
(xi. 1) These impieties, however, and the punish-
ment attendant on them, the Deity was at no far
distant time to visit upon both his own head and the
heads of all his line. For when, at that time, his
son, whom they called Obimé,® was ill, he ordered his
wife to remove her robe and put on the dress of a
simple woman and go to the prophet Aehias,° who
was, he said, a man with a wonderful power of fore-
telling the future and who had indeed revealed to
him that he would be king, He bade her go and
inquire, as if she were a stranger, whether the ehild
would survive his illness. So she changed her dress,
as her hushand had ordered her,? and eame to the
city of 5116, where Achias was living. And as she
was about to enter the house of the prophet, whose
2yes were dim from age, God appeared to him and
forty-one ; thus he would have been fifty-eight years old at
his death.
ὃ Bibl. Abijah (δίχα), xx ᾿Αβιά.
¢ Bibl. Ahijah ; cf. § 206 note.
4 Josephus omits the Seriptural details of the gifts she
brought the prophet.
715
Jeroboam
sends his
wife to
consult the
prophet
Ahjyah
about thelr
son’s
iliness,
1 Kings
χῖν. 1.
269
270
271
JOSEPHUS
τερα αὐτῷ μηνύει τήν τε ᾿Ιεροβοάμου γυναῖκα
πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀφιγμένην καὶ τί δεῖ περὶ ὧν πάρεστιν
ἀποκρίνασθαι. παριούσης δὲ τῆς γυναικὸς εἰς τὴν
οἰκίαν ὡς ἰδιώτιδος καὶ ξένης ἀνεβόησεν “᾿ εἴσελθε,
ὦ γύναι ᾿Ἱεροβοάμου: τί κρύπτεις σαυτήν; τὸν
γὰρ θεὸν οὐ λανθάνεις, ὃ ὃς ἀφιξομένην τέ μοι φαν εἰς
ἐδήλωσε καὶ προσέταξε τίνας ποιήσομαι τοὺς
λόγους. ἀπελθοῦσα οὖν πρὸς τὸν ἄνδρα φράζε
αὐτὸν' ταῦτα λέγειν: ᾿ ἐπεί σε μέγαν ἐκ μικροῦ
καὶ μηδενὸς ὄντος ἐποίησα καὶ ἀποσχίσας τὴν
βασιλείων ἀπὸ τοῦ Δαυίδου γένους σοὶ ταύτην
ἔδωκα, σὺ δὲ τούτων ἠμνημόνησας καὶ τὴν ἐμὴν
θρησκείαν καταλιπὼν χωνευτοὺς θεοὺς κατασκευά-
σας ἐκείνους ἐτίμας, οὕτω σε πάλιν καθαιρήσω
καὶ πᾶν ἐξολέσω σου τὸ γένος καὶ κυσὶ καὶ ὄρνισι
βορὰν ποιήσω γενέσθαι. βασιλεὺς γὰρ ἐξεγείρεταί
τις ὑπ᾽ ἐμοῦ τοῦ λαοῦ παντός, ὃς οὐδένα ὑπολείψει
τοῦ ἹἹεροβοάμου. γένους" μεθέξει" δὲ τῆς τιμωρίας
καὶ τὸ πλῆθος ἐκπεσὸν τῆς ἀγαθῆς γῆς καὶ δια-
σπαρὲν εἰς τοὺς πέραν ἰΣὐφράτου τόπους, ὅτι τοῖς
τοῦ βασιλέως ἀσεβήμασι κατηκολούθησε καὶ τοὺς
ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ γενομένους προσκυνεῖ θεοὺς τὴν ἐμὴν
θυσίαν ἐγκαταλιπόν. σὺ δέ, ὦ γύναι, ταῦτ᾽ ἀπ-
αγγελλοῦσα' σπεῦδε πρὸς τὸν ἄνδρα. τὸν δὲ υἱὸν
καταλήψῃ τεθνηκότα: σοῦ γὰρ εἰσιούσης εἰς τὴν
πόλιν ἀπολείψει τὸ ζῆν αὐτόν. ταφήσεται δὲ
κλαυσθεὶς ὑπὸ τοῦ πλήθους παντὸς κοινῷ τιμηθεὶς
πένθει" καὶ γὰρ μόνος τῶν ἐκ τοῦ “ἱεροβοάμου
1 ex Lat. conj. Niese: αὐτῷ codd.
2M Exe.: τιμήσας RO: ἐτίμησας SPE: τιμᾷς Suidas.,
3 KE Lat.: μεθέξειν codd. Exe.
4 Niese: ἀπαγγέλλουσα ROSP: παραγγέλλουσα M Exc.
716
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 268-272
told him both that Jeroboam’s wife had come to him
and how he was to answer what she had come there
to ask. So, when the woman entered the house in
the guise of a commoner and a stranger, he eried out,
‘Come in, wife of Jeroboam! Why do you disguise
yourself? For your coming here is not unknown to
God, who has appeared to me and revealed your
coming, and has instructed me in the things I am to
say. Jeturn, therefore, to your husband and tell ἌΜΕ
him that God has spoken as follows. ‘ Just as I made the doom of
you great when you were a little man, indeed were jereboam’s
nothing, and tock the kingdom away ΕἾ om David’s 1 Kings
line to give it to you—of which things you have been *®
unmindful and have given up worshipping me, to make
gods of molten metal, and have honoured them,—
so too 1 will again put you down and will utterly
destroy all your line and will make them the prey of
dogs and birds. For a certain one will be set up by
me as king over all this people, and not one of Jero-
hoam’s line will he leave alive. The people too shal]
share this punishment by being driven from their
good land and scattered over the country beyond the
Luphrates,* because they have followed the impious
ways of the king and worship the gods made by him,
abandoning their saerifices to me.’ And you, woman,
hasten to your husband and tell him these things.
But your son you will find dead, for, as you enter the
city, his life will leave him. And, when he is buried,
he shall be w ept for by all the people and honoured
with general mourning, for of all of Jeroboam’s line
* Bibl. “the river.’ Josephus, like the Targum, takes
this to mean, as it ee does in Scripture, the Euphrates
river.
417
JOSEPHUS
»" , 3 Ἁ χὰ > ~ 3 ~
273 γένους ἀγαθὸς οὗτος Hv.’ ταῦτ᾽ αὐτοῦ προφη-
274
to
or
τεύσαντος ἐκπηδήσασα ἡ γυνὴ τεταραγμένη καὶ
τῷ τοῦ προειρημένου παιδὸς θανάτῳ περιαλγής,
~ ‘ ~ t “ \ Ἁ “
θρηνοῦσα διὰ τῆς ὁδοῦ καὶ τὴν μέλλουσαν τοῦ
τέκνου κοπτομένη τελευτὴν ἀθλία τοῦ πάθους
ἡπείγετο κακοῖς ἀμηχάνοις καὶ σπουδῇ μὲν
ἀτυχεῖ χρωμένη διὰ τὸν υἱὸν αὐτῆς (ἔμελλε γὰρ
al ~ x 2
αὐτὸν ἐπειχθεῖσα θᾶττον ὄψεσθαι νεκρόν), ἀναγ -
καίᾳ δὲ διὰ τὸν ἄνδρα. καὶ παραγενομένη τὸν μὲν
ἐκπεπνευκότα καθὼς εἶπεν ὁ προφήτης εὗρε, τῷ
δὲ βασιλεῖ πάντα ἀπήγγειλεν.
(2) ‘lepoBdapos δ᾽ οὐδενὸς τούτων φροντίσας
Ἀ 3 f \ > N ‘ € 4
πολλὴν ἀθροίσας στρατιὰν ἐπὶ τὸν ‘PoBodpov
- “ , ~ \ f ~ ‘
παῖδα τῶν δύο φυλῶν τὴν βασιλείαν τοῦ πατρὸς
/ 3 ͵ 3 f 4
διαδεξάμενον ᾿Αβίαν ἐξεστράτευσε πολεμήσων"
’ A 3 ~ Ἁ \ 4 / © \
κατεφρόνει yap αὐτοῦ διὰ τὴν ἡλικίαν. ὁ δὲ
3 4 \ v A ¢ ’ Ἁ > A
ἀκούσας τὴν ἔφοδον τὴν ᾿Ιεροβοάμου πρὸς αὐτὴν
οὐ κατεπλάγη, γενόμενος δ᾽ ἐπάνω καὶ τῆς νεότη-
τος τῷ φρονήματι καὶ τῆς ἐλπίδος τοῦ πολεμίου,
A 3 4 9 ~ , ~ 3 ’
στρατιὰν ἐπιλέξας ἐκ τῶν δύο φυλῶν ἀπήντησε
τῷ ‘lepoBodpw εἰς τόπον τινὰ καλούμενον ὄρος
Σαμαρῶν καὶ στρατοπεδευσάμενος ἐγγὺς αὐτοῦ
τὰ πρὸς τὴν μάχην εὐτρέπιζεν. ἦν δ᾽ ἡ δύναμις
αὐτοῦ μυριάδες τεσσαράκοντα, ἡ δὲ τοῦ “Ἰερο-
βοάμου στρατιὰ διπλασίων ἐκείνης. ὡς δὲ τὰ
στρατεύματα πρὸς τὰ ἔργα καὶ τοὺς κινδύνους
3 4 A “A ” Ἁ 3.
ἀντιπαρετάσσετο καὶ συμβαλεῖν ἔμελλε, στὰς ἐφ
ὑψηλοῦ τινος ᾿Αβίας τόπου καὶ τῇ χειρὶ κατα-
“- \ € ~
σείσας, TO πλῆθος Kat τὸν ἱΙεροβόαμον ἀκοῦσαι
276 πρῶτον αὐτοῦ μεθ᾽ ἡσυχίας ἠξίωσε. γενομένης δὲ
718
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 273-276
he alone was good.” When he had prophesied these
things, the woman rushed out, thrown into confusion
and deeply grieved at the death of the son spoken of ;
along the way she lamented and beat her breast at
the thought of the child’s approaching end, and
wretched over her misfortune and beset by irre-
mediable woe, she pressed on with a haste that meant
ill luck for her son—for the more she hurried, the
sooner she was destined to see him dead—but was
necessary on her husband’s account.? And, when
she arrived, she found the child breathing his last, as
the prophet had said; and she told the ‘king every-
thing.
(2) But Jeroboam took no thought of these things,
and, eollecting a large army, led τ out to make war
on Abias, fhe? son of Roboamos, who had succeeded
his father as king of the two tribes and whom Jero-
boam despised on aecount of his youth. And, when
the other heard of Jeroboam’s approach, he was not
dismayed, but, with a spirit rising above his youth and
the hopes of the enemy, raised an army from among
the two tribes and confronted Jeroboam at a plaee
ealled Mount Samarodn,? near which he eneamped
and prepared for battle. His force amounted to four
hundred thousand, while Jeroboam’s army was twice
as large. Now, as the armies were drawn up against
each other, ready for aetion and the hazards of war,
and were about to engage, Abias, who stood on an
elevated spot, motioned with his hand and asked the
people and Jeroboam first to hear him in quiet 5 and,
“ Amplification of the brief Scriptural statement, "And
Jeroboam’s wife arose and departed and came to ‘Tirzah.’
> Bibl. Zemaraim (Semdrayim), Lxx Σομορών ; its site is
unidentified.
110
Jeroboam
prepares
for war
with Abijah
of Judah,
2 Chron.
xii. ὃ,
277
278
279
JOSEPHUS
σιωπῆς ἤρξατο λέγειν" “ὅτι μὲν τὴν ἡγεμονίαν ὁ
θεὸς Δαυίδῃ καὶ τοῖς ἐκγόνοις αὐτοῦ κατένευσεν
εἰς ἅπαντα χρόνον, οὐδ᾽ ὑμεῖς ἀγνοεῖτε: θαυμάζω
δὲ πῶς ἀποστάντες τοὐμοῦ πατρὸς τῷ δούλῳ
“Ἱεροβοάμῳ προσέθεσθε καὶ μετ᾽ ἐκείνου πάρεστε
viv ἐπὶ τοὺς ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ βασιλεύειν κεκριμένους
πολεμήσοντες καὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀφαιρησόμενοι τὴν
ὑπάρχουσαν: τὴν μὲν γὰρ πλείω μέχρι νῦν ΠΤ}
βόαμος ἀδίκως ἔχει. ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ οἶμαι ταύτης"
αὐτὸν ἀπολαύσειν ἐπὶ πλείονα χρόνον, ἀλλὰ δοὺς
καὶ τοῦ παρεληλυθότος δίκην τῷ θεῷ παύσεται
τῆς παρανομίας καὶ τῶν ὕβρεων, ἃς οὐ διαλέλοιπεν
εἰς αὐτὸν ὑβρίζων καὶ ταὐτὰ ποιεῖν ὑμᾶς ἀναπε-
πεικώς, οἱ μηδὲν ἀδικηθέντες ὑπὸ τοὐμοῦ πατρός,
ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι μὴ πρὸς ἡδονὴν ἐκκλησιάζων ὡμίλησεν,
ἀνθρώπων πονηρῶν συμβουλίᾳ πεισθείς, ἐγκατ-
ελίπετε τῷ μὲν δοκεῖν ὑπ᾽ ὀργῆς ἐκεῖνον, ταῖς δ᾽
ἀληθείαις αὑτοὺς ἀπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ τῶν ἐκείνου
νόμων ἀπεσπάσατε. καίτοι συνεγνωκέναι καλῶς
εἶχεν ὑμᾶς οὐ λόγων μόνον δυσκόλων ἀνδρὲ νέῳ
καὶ δημαγωγίας ἀπείρῳ, ἀλλ᾽ εἰ καὶ πρός τι
δυσχερὲς ἡ νεότης αὐτὸν καὶ ἡ ἀμαθία τῶν πρατ-
τομένων ἐξῆγεν ἔργον, διά τε Σολομῶνα τὸν πα-
τέρα καὶ τὰς εὐεργεσίας τὰς ἐκείνου: παραίτησιν
γὰρ εἶναι δεῖ τῆς τῶν ἐκγόνων ἁμαρτίας τὰς τῶν
πατέρων εὐποιίας. ὑμεῖς δ᾽ οὐδὲν τούτων ἐλογί-
σασθε οὔτε τότε οὔτε νῦν, ἀλλ᾽ ἧκεξ στρατὸς ἐφ᾽
ἡμᾶς τοσοῦτος" τίνι καὶ πεπιστευκὼς περὶ τῆς
1 καὶ ταύτης RO. 3. ἥκετε MSP.
720
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 276-279
when silence was obtained, he began to speak, saying, Abijah’s
‘“ That God has granted the sovereignty to David and ae
his descendants for all time, not even you are un- Jeroboam's
aware. I wonder, therefore, how you ‘could revolt 2 Chron.
from my father and go over to his servant Jeroboam, ἣν m=
and have now eome here with him to make war on
those who were chosen by God to reign, and to deprive
them of the royal power which stil] remains to them,
for the larger part of the realm Jeroboam has until
now been unjustly holding. But I do not believe that
he will enjoy possession of this for very long, but,
when he has paid God the penalty for what he has
done in the past, he will end his transgressions and
the insults whieh he has never ceased 16 offer Him,
persuading you to do the same. As for you who
were never wronged in any way by my father, but
because, following the advice of wicked men, in a
public assembly he spoke in a manner that displeased
you,—you deserted him, as it seemed, but in reality
you have separated yourselves from God and His
laws. And yet it would have been fair for you to
forgive not only the unpleasant words of a man so
young and inexperieneed in governing people, but
also any further disagreeable act to which his youth
and_ his ignorance of publie affairs might have led
him, for ane sake of his father Solomon and the
benefits you have reeeived from him. Tor the merits
of the fathers should be a palliation of the sins of
their children. You, however, took no aceount of
these things either then or now, but have brought
this great army of yours against us ; and in what does
4 This arguinent is not found in Scripture. On the late
biblical doctrine of the ‘* merits of the fathers ’’ cf. R. Marcus,
Law in the Apocrypha, p. 11.
ΤΩΙ
JOSEPHUS
νίκης; ἢ' ταῖς χρυσαῖς δαμάλεσι Kai τοῖς ἐπὶ τῶν
ὁρῶν βωμοῖς, ἃ δείγματα τῆς ἀσεβείας ἐστὶν ὑμῶν
ἀλλ᾽ οὐχὶ τῆς θρησκείας; Ἶ TO ,πλῆθος ὑμᾶς
εὐέλπιδας ἀπεργάζεται τὴν ἡμετέραν στρατιὰν
280 ὑπερβάλλον; ἀλλ᾽ οὐδ᾽ ἡτισοῦν" ἰσχὺς μυριάδων
στρατοῦ μετ᾽ ἀδικημάτων πολεμοῦντος" ἐν γὰρ
μόνῳ τῷ δικαίῳ καὶ πρὸς τὸ θεῖον εὐσεβεῖ τὴν
βεβαιοτάτην ἐλπίδα τοῦ κρατεῖν τῶν ἐναντίων
ἀποκεῖσθαι συμβέβηκεν, ἥτις ἐστὶ παρ᾽ ἡμῖν τε-
τηρηκόσιν ἀπ᾽ ἀρχῆς τὰ νόμιμα καὶ τὸν ἴδιον θεὸν
σεβομένοις, ὃν οὐ χεῖρες ἐποίησαν ἐξ ὕλης φθαρτῆς
οὐδ᾽ ἐπίνοια πονηροῦ βασιλέως ἐπὶ τῇ τῶν ὄχλων
ἀπάτῃ κατεσκεύασεν, ἀλλ᾽ ὃς ἔργον ἐστὶν αὑτοῦ
28] καὶ ἀρχὴ καὶ τέλος τῶν ἁπάντων. συμβουλεύω
τοιγαροῦν ὑμῖν ἔτι καὶ νῦν μεταγνῶναι καὶ λαβὸν -
τας ἀμείνω λογισμὸν παύσασθαι τοῦ πολεμεῖν καὶ
τὰ πάτρια καὶ τὸ προαγαγὸν ὑμᾶς ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον
μέγεθος εὐδαιμονίας γνωρίσαι.
282 (9) Ταῦτα μὲν ᾿Αβίας διελέχθη πρὸς τὸ πλῆθος"
ἔτι δὲ αὐτοῦ λέγοντος λάθρα τινὰς τῶν στρατιω-
τῶν ‘lepoBdapos ἔπεμψε περικυκλωσομένους τὸν
᾿Αβίαν ἔκ τινων οὐ φανερῶν τοῦ στρατοπέδου
μερῶν. μέσου δ᾽ αὐτοῦ περιληφθέντος τῶν πολε-
μίων ἡ μὲν στρατιὰ κατέδεισε καὶ ταῖς ψυχαῖς
ἀνέπεσεν, 0 δ᾽ ᾿Αβίας παρεθάρρυνε καὶ τὰς ἐλ-
πίδας ἔχειν ἐν τῷ θεῷ παρεκάλει: τοῦτον γὰρ οὐ κε-
283 κυκλῶσθαι πρὸς τῶν πολεμίων. οἱ δὲ ὁμοῦ πάν-
τες ἐπικαλεσάμενοι τὴν παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ συμμαχίαν
τῶν ἱερέων τῇ σάλπιγγι σημανάντων ἀλαλάξαντες
984 ἐχώρησαν ἐπὶ τοὺς ΤῊ ον: καὶ τῶν μὲν ἔθραυσε
1 ex Lat. Niese: # codd. E.
2 Naber: οὐδ᾽ ἥτις οὖν Sp; οὐ δή τις RO: οὐ δή τις οὖν Νῖ,
122
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 279-284
it plaee its hope of victory ? Is it, perhaps, in the
golden heifers and the altars on the mountains, which
are proofs of your impiety and not by any means of
your devoutness ? Or is it your numbers, which far
exceed those of our army, that make you confident ?
But there is no strength whatever in many tens of
thousands when an army fights in an unjust eause.
For it is only in justice and piety toward God that
the surest hope of conquering one’s adversaries is
bound to lie, and this belongs to us who have from
the beginning observed the laws and w orshipped our
own God, whom no hands have formed out of perish-
able matter and no wicked king has cunningly made
to deeeive the populace, but who is His own work
and the beginning and end of all things. I advise
you, therefore, even now to repent and adopt the
better plan of ceasing from warfare and to respeet the
rights of your country and the power whieh has led
ou on to so great a height of prosperity.”’ 4
(3) Such was the speech which Abias made to the
people. But, while he was still speaking, Jeroboam
secretly sent some of his soldiers to surround Abias
from certain parts of the camp that were not observed.
And, when he was eaught in the enemy’s midst, his
army was alarmed and their spirits sank, but Abias
encouraged them and urged them to put their hope in
God, saying that Ile was not encireled by the enemy.®
And all of them together called upon God to be their
ally and, when the priests had sounded the trumpets,
they rushed upon the encmy with an exultant shout.
® Josephus greatly amplifies the speech of Abijah.
® The Judacans’ discouragement and Abijah’s exhortation
are unscriptural details.
723
Abijah’s
victory
over
Jeroboain,
2 Chron.
xhi. 13,
285
286
287
JOSEPAUS
τὰ φρονήματα Kat τὰς ἀκμὰς αὐτῶν ἐξέλυσεν ὁ
θεός, τὴν δὲ ᾿Αβία στρατιὰν ὑπερτέραν ἐποίησεν"
ὅσος γὰρ οὐδέποτ᾽ ἐμι' ἡμονεύθη φόνος ἐν πολέμῳ
γεγονέναι οὐθ᾽ ᾿Βλλήνων οὔτε βαρβάρων, τοσούτους
ἀποκτείναντες τῆς ‘lepoBodpov δυνάμεως θαυμα-
στὴν καὶ διαβόητον νίκην παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ λαβεῖν
ἠξιώθησαν: πεντήκοντα γὰρ μυριάδας τῶν ἐχθρῶν
κατέβαλον καὶ τὰς πόλεις αὐτῶν τήρπασαν τὰς
ὀχυρωτάτας ἑλόντες κατὰ κράτος, τήν τε Βηθήλην
καὶ τὴν τοπαρχίαν αὐτῆς καὶ τὴν ᾿Ισανὰν καὶ τὴν
τοπαρχίαν αὐτῆς. καὶ “Ἰεροβόαμος “μὲν οὐκέτι
μετὰ ταύτην τὴν ἧτταν ἰσχυσεν ἐφ᾽ ὅσον ᾿Αβίας
περιῆν χρόνον. τελευτᾷ δ᾽ οὗτος ὀλίγον τῇ νίκῃ
χρόνον ἐπιζήσας € ἔτη βασιλεύσας τρία, καὶ θάπτεται
μὲν ἐν “Ἱεροσολύμοις ἐν ταῖς προγονικαῖς θήκαις,
ἀπολείπει δὲ υἱοὺς μὲν δύο καὶ εἴκοσι θυγατέρας
δὲ ἑκκαίδεκα. πάντας τούτους ἐκ γυναικῶν δεκα-
τεσσάρων ἐτεκνώσατο. διεδέξατο δ᾽ αὐτοῦ τὴν
βασιλείαν ὁ υἱὸς" "Ασανος" καὶ ἡ μήτηρ τοῦ νεα-
νίσκου δίαχαία τοὔνομα. τούτου κρατοῦντος εἰρή-
vns ἀπέλαυεν ἡ χώρα τῶν ᾿Ισραηλιτῶν ἐπὶ ἔτη
δέκα.
(+) Kat τὰ μὲν περὶ ᾿Αβίαν τὸν ‘PoBoapov τοῦ
Σολομῶνος οὕτως παρειλήφαμεν. ἐτελεύτησε δὲ
καὶ ᾿Ιεροβόαμος ὁ τῶν δέκα φυλῶν βασιλεύς,
ἄρξας ἔτη δύο καὶ εἴκοσι. διαδέχεται δ᾽ αὐτὸν ὁ
1 καὶ... αὐτῆς om. ΠΟ Eat: 2 4 αὐτοῦ RO.
α The phrase ‘such . . . was never recorded to have been
made ἢ is reminiscent of Thucydides ii, 47.
5 0) } this phrase cf. 1. Vie 300.
¢ Bibl. Jeshanah ( YVesdnah), txx Kava, Luc. ‘lecava.
121
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 284-287
Then God erushed the spirit of the enemy and broke
their strength, while He made Abias’s army stronger.
Sueh a slaughter was never recorded to have been
made? in any war of Greeks or barbarians as they
made in slaying the soldiers of Jeroboam when they
were permitted by God to win so wonderful and
celebrated a victory,? for they struek down five hun-
dred thousand of their foes and plundered their
strongest cities after taking them by storm; these
were Bethel and its province and IJsana ¢ and its
provinee.? And Jeroboam, after this defeat, was
never again powerful so long as Abias lived. The Abijan's
latter, however, lived only a short time beyond his ΩΝ
victory, dying after a reign of three years, ‘and was xiv.1
buried in Jerusalem in the tomb of his forefathers ; ae oon
he left behind twenty-two sons and sixteen daughters.
All these children he had by fourteen wives. And
he was sueeeeded on the throne by his son Asanos,f
this youth's mother being named Machaia.? During 1 Kings
his government the land of the Israelites * enjoyed *“: 10:
peace for ten years.
(+) Sueh, then, is the aceount we have received Jeroboam is
concerning Abias, the son of Roboamos the son of Seah
Solomon. Now Teco: the king of the ten tribes, (Nabaitos).
ings
also died, after ruling twenty-two years.? He was χν 25
4 Scripture adds the city of Ephraim, 1xx ‘E¢pdér. On the
variant aceount (2 Chron. xvii. 2) that Asa, the son of Abijah,
captured these cities cf. § 393 note.
“Tn Seriptre, πεν wives and children are mentioned
before his death.
/ Bibl. Asa, rxx "Aca.
9 bibl. Maachah, Lxx δΙααχά, Weill understands Josephus’s
text to mean that Asa’s mother was associated with him on the
throne.
» A slip for “‘ the two tribes ” or “ Jerusalem ἦς Asa was
king of Judah. * EoKinges x ive 20,
725
JOSEPHUS
παῖς NaBados' δευτέρου ἔτους ἤδη τῆς βασιλείας
᾿Ασάνου διεληλυθότος. ἦρξε de? ὁ τοῦ ‘Tepo-
βοάμου παῖς ἔτη δύο, τῷ πατρὶ τὴν ἀσέβειαν καὶ
288 τὴν πονηρίαν ἐμφερὴς wv. ἐν δὲ τούτοις τοῖς
δυσὶν ἔτεσι στρατευσάμενος ἐπὲ Τ᾿αβαθῶνα πόλιν
Παλαιστίνων οὖσαν πολιορκίᾳ λαβεῖν αὐτὴν προσ-
έμενεν: ἐπιβουλευθεὶς δ᾽ ἐκεῖ ὑπὸ φίλου τινὸς
Βασάνου" ὄνομα Σειδοῦ" δὲ παιδὸς ἀποθνήσκει,
ὃς μετὰ τὴν τελευτὴν αὐτοῦ τὴν βασιλείαν παρα-
289 λαβὼν ἅπαν τὸ ‘lepoBodpov γένος διέφθειρε. καὶ
συνέβη κατὰ τὴν τοῦ θεοῦ προφητείαν τοὺς μὲν ἐν
τῇ πόλει τῶν ‘lepoPoapov συγγενῶν ἀποθανόντας
ὑπὸ κυνῶν σπαραχθῆναι καὶ δαπανηθῆναι, τοὺς
δ᾽ ἐν τοῖς ἀγροῖς ὑπ᾽ ὀριίθων. ὁ μὲν οὖν ‘lepo-
βοάμου οἶκος τῆς ἀσεβείας αὐτοῦ καὶ τῶν ἀ-
νομημάτων ἀξίαν ὑπέσχε δίκην.
2900 (xii. 1) ὋΟ δὲ τῶν ἹΙεροσολύμων βασιλεὺς ᾿ ᾿Ασανος
ἦν τὸν τρόπον ἄριστος καὶ πρὸς τὸ θεῖον
ἀφορῶν καὶ μηδὲν μήτε πράττων μήτ᾽ ἐννοούμενος
ὃ μὴ πρὸς τὴν εὐσέβειαν εἶχε καὶ τὴν τῶν νομίμων
φυλακὴν τὴν ἀναφοράν. κατώρθωσε δὲ τὴν αὑτοῦ"
βασιλείαν ἐκκόψας εἴ τι πονηρὸν ἦν ἐν αὐτῇ καὶ
291 καθαρεύσας ἁπάσης κηλῖδος. στρατοῦ δ᾽ εἶχεν
ἐπιλέκτων ἀνδρῶν ὡπλισμένων θυρεὸν καὶ σιρο-
1 Νάδαβος S: Nadab Lat.
* on ROSE.
3 QO: Βασσάμου R: Ἰοασάμου MSP.
4 Εἴδου M: Εἴλου S: Ἴλου PE: Maxeidou ed. pr. (Lat. ?).
5 Niese: αὐτοῦ codd. FE.
α Variant Nadabos; bibl. Nadab, yxx Ναδάβ (v.l. Ναβάτ.
> So txx; bibl. Gibbethon, perhaps to be identified with
720
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 287-291
succeeded by his son Nabados ἃ in the second year
of the reign of Asanos. And the son of Jeroboam,
who ruled two years, resembled his father in impiety
and wickedness. In the course of these two years he
led an army against Gabathin,® a city belonging to
the Philistines, and undertook a long siege to capture
it. But he was killed as the victim of a plot formed
by one of his friends named Basanés,¢ the son of
Seidos,? who took over the royal power after Asanos’s
death and destroyed the entire family of Jeroboam.
And so it came about, in accordance with the pro-
phecy of God, that some of Jeroboam’s kin met death
in the city and w ere torn to pieces and devoured by
dogs, w hile others died in the fields and were eaten
by birds.¢ Thus did the house of Jeroboam suffer
fitting punishment for his impiety and lawlessness.
(xii. 1) But Asanos, the king of Jerusalem, was of
an excellent character: looking to the Deity for
guidance and neither doing nor thinking anything
that did not show due regard for piety and the obser-
vance of the laws. He put his kingdom in order by
cutting away whatever evil growths were found in it
and cleansing it from every impurity.’ And he had
an army of picked men, three hundred thousand from
the modern Qibbia, ¢. 5 miles N. of Modin, in the low hill
country W. of Ephraim.
¢ Bibl. Baasha, υχχ Baacd. Scripture does not call him a
friend of Nadab.
4 ‘The variants Kilos, Macheilos are possibly corruptions
of LXx BedXady, the name of his father’s family, not given in the
Ileb. ; bibl. Ahijah, rxx 'Axeia.
¢ ‘These details (ef. § 270) are not referred to in Scripture
at this point, 1 Kings xv. 29.
! Josephus passes over the Scriptural statement about the
idols and altars of strange gods removed by Asa (cf. § 297
hote).
TOL. ¥ Ok 727
The king of
Ethiopia
attacks Asa,
2 Chron.
xiv. 2 (Heb,
xiv. 1).
JOSEPHUS
μάστην' ἐκ μὲν τῆς ᾿Ιούδα φυλῆς μυριάδας τριά-
κοντα, ἐκ δὲ τῆς Ἰθενιαμίτιδος ἀσπί ας φορούντων
292 καὶ τοξοτῶν μυριάδας πέντε καὶ εἴκοσι. ἤδη δὲ
αὐτοῦ δέκα ἔτη βασιλεύοντος στρατεύει μεγάλῃ
δυνάμει Zapatos ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ὁ τῆς Αἰθιοπίας βασι-
λεὺς ἐνενήκοντα μὲν πεζῶν μυριάσιν ἱππέων δὲ
δέκα τριακοσίοις δ᾽ ἅρμασι. καὶ μέχρι πόλεως
Maptoas, ἔστι δ᾽ αὕτη τῆς ᾿Ιούδα φυλῆς, ἐλάσαντος
αὐτοῦ μετὰ τῆς οἰκείας δυνάμεως ἀπήντησεν
293 ἼΑσανος, καὶ ἀντιπαρατάξας αὐτῷ τὴν στρατιὰν
” 7 Vo ; A ,
ἔν τινι φάραγγι Σαφαθὰ" λεγομένῃ τῆς πόλεως
? 4 ς ~ \ ~ v3 / ~
οὐκ ἄπωθεν, ws κατεῖδε τὸ τῶν Αἰθιόπων πλῆθος,
3 ~ ~ \
ἀναβοήσας νίκην ἥτει mapa τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ τὰς
\ ε ~ / ~ , > \ \
πολλὰς ἐλεῖν μυριάδας τῶν πολεμίων: οὐδὲ yap
wv Ἁ 7 3 a“ ~ > >) “~
ἄλλῳ τινὶ θαρσήσας ἔλεγεν ἢ TH παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ βοη-
θείᾳ δυναμένῃ καὶ τοὺς ὀλίγους ἀπεργάσασθαι
κρείττους τῶν πλειόνων καὶ τοὺς ἀσθενεῖς τῶν
ὑπερεχόντων ἀπαντῆσαι πρὸς μάχην τῷ Ζαραίῳ.
9 mA , > , ’ ὍΣΟΣ 3 ¢
294 (9) ‘Taira λέγοντος ᾿Ασάνου νίκην ἐσήμαινεν ὁ
θεός, καὶ συμβαλὼν μετὰ χαρᾶς τῶν προδεδη-
λωμένων ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ πολλοὺς ἀποκτείνει τῶν
2 / \ / ? \ 0.) »”
Αἰθιόπων Kat τραπέντας εἰς φυγὴν ἐδίωξεν ἄχρι
~ ?
τῆς Τεραρίτιδος χώρας. ἀφέμενοι δὲ τῆς av-
.
αιρέσεως ἐπὶ τὴν διαρπαγὴν τῶν πόλεων" (ἥλω
γὰρ ἡ Τεράρων) ἐχώρησαν καὶ τῆς παρεμβολῆς
1 θυρεῷ καὶ σειρομάστῃ Naber cum cod. Vat. ap. Hudson.
2M Lat.: Nagata RO: Sagda SP.
3 πολεμίων M: τῆς πόλεως Bekker.
29 So rxx; Heb. and Luc. 280,000.
” Scripture does not explicitly state at what pened of Asa’s
reign the Eh thiopian invasion occurred, but in 2 Chron. XIV. l
it is said that “ in his days the land h: ad rest for ten years.”’
¢ Cf. Lue. Zapal; bibl. Zerah (Zerah), uxx “ape.
728
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 291-294
the tribe of Judah armed with shields and barbed
lances, and two hundred and fifty thousand ἃ from
the tribe of Benjamin carrying round shields and
bows. Now he had been reigning for ten years?
when Zaraios,° the king of Ethiopia, marched against
him with a large force consisting of nine hundred
thousand foot-soldiers, one hundred thousand horse-
men” and three hundred chariots. And when he
had marehed as far as the eity of Marisa¢—this being
in the tribe of Judah—, Asanos met him with his own
foree and drew up his army over against him in a
certain valley ealled Saphatha,’ not far from the eity.
But on seeing the Ethiopian host he cried aloud and
prayed to God for vietory and the destruction of
many myriads of the enemy, for, he said, in nothing
else than His help,’ which can make the few triumph
over the many, and the weak over the strong, would he
put his trust when going out to meet Zaraios in battle.
(2) While Asanos spoke these words, God gave a Asa’s_
sign that he would be victorious, and so, with joy at (Cty,
what had been foretold by God,” he eneountered the opto seas
foe and slew many of the Ethiopians ; and those who ie
turned to flee he pursued as far as the territory of “eb. 1D.
Gerar.t Then they left off slaughtering and_pro-
ceeded to plunder the cities—Gerar had already been
taken—and the camp of the enemy, so that they
¢ Bibl. “ with a host of a thousand thousand”’; the
separate numbers of infantry and cavalry are not given.
¢ Bibl. Mareshah, cf. § 246 note.
? Bibl. Zephathah (Sephathah); uxx, reading sdphénah,
“τὸ the north,” has κατὰ βορρᾶν.
9 This seems to be a misunderstanding of Heb., “it is noth-
ing for thee (God) to help” 3; LXX οὐκ ἀδυνατεῖ παρά σοι σώζειν.
Scripture does not mention any sign given by God.
* So Heb. and Luc. ; ixx ledup; it lay in the south of
Philistia, not far from the sea.
729
200
297
JOSEPHUS
αὐτῶν, ὡς πολὺν μὲν ἐκφορῆσαι χρυσὸν πολὺν δὲ
ἄργυρον λείαν τε πολλὴν ἀπαγαγεῖν καμήλους τε
καὶ ὑποζύγια καὶ βοσκημάτων ἀγέλας. Ασανος
μὲν οὖν καὶ ἡ σὺν αὐτῷ στρατιὰ τοιαύτην παρὰ
τοῦ θεοῦ νίκην λαβόντες καὶ ὠφέλειαν ἀνέστρεφον
εἰς Ἱεροσόλυμα, παραγενομένοις δὲ αὐτοῖς ἀπήν-
τησε κατὰ τὴν ὁδὸν προφήτης ᾿Αζαρίας ὄνομα.
οὗτος ἐπισχεῖν κελεύσας τῆς ὁδοιπορίας ἤρξατο
λέγειν πρὸς αὐτοὺς ὅτι ταύτης εἶεν τῆς νίκης παρὰ
τοῦ θεοῦ τετυχηκότες, ὅτι δικαίους καὶ ὁσίους
ἑαυτοὺς παρέσχον καὶ πάντα κατὰ βούλησιν θεοῦ
πεποιηκότας. ἐπιμένουσι μὲν οὖν ἔφασκεν ἀεὶ
κρατεῖν αὐτοὺς τῶν ἐχθρῶν καὶ τὸ ζῆν μετ᾽ εὐ-
δαιμονίας παρέξειν τὸν θεόν, ἀπολιποῦσι δὲ τὴν
θρησκείαν ἅπαντα τούτων ἐναντία συμβήσεσθαι
καὶ γενήσεσθαι χρόνον ἐκεῖνον, “ev ᾧ μηδεὶς
ἀληθὴς εὑρεθήσεται προφήτης ἐν τῷ ὑμετέρῳ
” ? Ἀπ Α \ , , 3 Ἁ 3
ὄνλῳ οὐδὲ ἱερεὺς τὰ δίκαια χρηματίζων, ἀλλὰ καὶ
αἱ πόλεις ἀνάστατοι γενήσονται καὶ τὸ ἔθνος κατὰ
πάσης σπαρήσεται γῆς, ἔπηλυν βίον καὶ ἀλήτην
ιωσόμενον.᾿᾿ καιρὸν δ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἔχουσι συνεβού-
λευεν ἀγαθοῖς γίνεσθαι καὶ μὴ φθονῆσαι τῆς εὐ-
μενείας αὑτοῖς" τοῦ θεοῦ. ταῦτ᾽ ἀκούσας ὁ βασι-
λεὺς καὶ ὃ λαὸς ἐχάρησαν καὶ πολλὴν πρόνοιαν
ἐποιοῦντο κοινῇ τε πάντες καὶ κατ᾽ ἰδίαν τοῦ δι-
καίου: διέπεμψε δ᾽ ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ τοὺς ἐν τῇ
χώρᾳ τῶν νομίμων ἐπιμελησομένους.
1: ἐπὶ τὴν διαρπαγὴν ... αὐτῶν corrupta esse putat Niese.
2 Niese: αὐτοῖς codd. E.
@ Gold and silver are not mentioned in Scripture.
750
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VITT. 294-297
earried off much gold and silver ® and brought away
a great deal of spoil and camels, beasts of burden and
flocks of sheep. And so, when Asanos and the army
with him had received from God this great victory
and gain, they turned back to Jerusalem, As they
were approaching it, there met them on the road a
prophet named Azarias. ὃ He bade them halt their
journey, and began to speak to them, saying that
they had obtained this victory from God beeause they
had shown themselves righteous and pure and had
always acted in accordance with the will of God. If,
then, he said, they so continued, God would grant
them always to overeome their foes and live happily,
but, if they abandoned His worship, everything would
turn out to the contrary and the time would eome
“when no true prophet will be found among your
people nor any priest to give righteons judgement,
but your cities shall be laid waste and the nation
seattered over all the earth to lead the life of aliens
and wanderers.’’° He therefore advised them to
be virtuous while they still had time, and not un-
graciously refuse to aecept the benevolence of God.
When the king and the people heard these words,
they rejoiced, "and all together and each privately
took thonght for what was right. The king also sent
men throughout the country to watch over the en-
foreenient of the laws.¢
δ So uxx; bibl. Azariah ( Azaryahi) . Scripture adds that
he was the son of Oded,
¢ This unseriptural reference to the future exile is perhaps
an interpretation of 2 Chron. xv. 5, “ In those days (there will
be) no peace to him that goes out nor to him that comes in.”
4 Flere again (cf. § 290 note) Josephus passes over the
Seriptural details of Asa’s removal of idols and unlawful
Shrines,
731
The
admonition
of the
prophet
Azariah,
2 Chron,
XVE1%
298
290
300
301
JOSEPHUS
(3) Kai τὰ μὲν ᾿Ασάνου τοῦ βασιλέως τῶν δύο
~ ~ ‘\
φυλῶν ἐν τούτοις ὑπῆρχεν. ἐπάνειμι δ᾽ ἐπὶ TO
~ ~ > ~ Ἁ ‘ / ’ ~
πλῆθος τῶν ᾿Ισραηλιτῶν Kat τὸν βασιλέα αὐτῶν
\
λασάνην' τὸν ἀποκτείναντα τὸν ‘TepoBodpov viov
Νάβαδον καὶ κατασχόντα τὴν ἀρχήν. οὗτος γὰρ
ἐν Θαρσῇ" πόλει διατρίβων καὶ ταύτην οἰκητήριον
πεποιημένος" εἴκοσι μὲν ἐβασίλευσεν ἐ ἔτη καὶ τέσ-
σαρα, πονηρὸς δὲ καὶ ἀσεβὴς ὑπὲρ ‘“lepoBoapov
‘
Kal TOV υἱὸν αὐτοῦ γενόμενος, πολλὰ καὶ τὸ
“- 3 7 [4]
πλῆθος κακὰ διέθηκε καὶ τὸν θεὸν ἐξύβρισεν. ὃς
αὐτῷ πέμψας ᾿Ιηοῦν" τὸν προφήτην προεῖπε δια-
φθερεῖν αὐτοῦ πᾶν τὸ γένος καὶ τοῖς αὐτοῖς οἷς καὶ
τὸν ἱΙεροβοάμου κακοῖς περιέβαλεν οἶκον ἐξολέσειν,
> ~
ὅτι βασιλεὺς ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ γενόμενος οὐκ ἠμείψατο
Ἁ ~ ~ ~
τὴν εὐεργεσίαν τῷ δικαίως προστῆναι τοῦ πλήθους
~ t ~ ~ ~ > 4
Kal εὐσεβῶς, ἅπερ αὐτοῖς πρῶτον Tots οὖσι TOLOV-
> / 3, ~ ~ tA \ A /
τοις ἀγαθά, ἔπειτα τῷ θεῷ φίλα, τὸν δὲ κάκιστον
᾿Ἱεροβόαμον ἐμιμήσατο καὶ τῆς ψυχῆς ἀπολομένης
τῆς ἐκείνου ζῶσαν αὐτοῦ τὴν πονηρίαν ἐνεδείξατο"
πεῖραν οὖν ἕξειν εἰκότως τῆς ὁμοίας συμφορᾶς
αὐτὸν ἔλεγεν ὅμοιον αὐτῷ γενόμενον. Βασάνης
“. /
δὲ προακηκοὼς τὰ μέλλοντα. αὐτῷ συμβήσεσθαι
κακὰ μεθ᾽ ὅλης Τῆς γενεᾶς ἐπὶ τοῖς τετολμημένοις
οὐ πρὸς τὸ λοιπὸν ἡσύχασεν, ἵνα “μὴ μᾶλλον
πονηρὸς δόξας ἀποθάνῃ καὶ περὶ τῶν παρῳχη-
μένων ἔκτοτε γοῦν μετανοήσας συγγνώμης παρὰ
τοῦ θεοῦ" τύχῃ, ἀλλ᾽ ὥσπερ οἱ προκειμένων αὐτοῖς
1 τὸ πλῆθος. .. Βασάνην] τὸν τοῦ πλήθους τῶν ᾿Ισραηλιτῶν
βασιλέα Βασάνην MSP Lat.
2 Hudson: θαρσάλῃ codd.: Tersalin Lat.
3 πεποιηκὼς RO.
4 Schotanus: Ἰησοῦν RO: Ἰοῦν MSP: Γιμοῦ E: Gimun
Lat, 5 παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ om. RO.
732
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 298-302
(3) Such was the state of things under Asanos, the
king of the two tribes. I shall now return to the
people of Israel] and their king Basanés, who killed}
Jeroboam’s son Nabados and seized the royal power.
Now he lived in the city of Tharsé,? w hich he had
made his residence, and reigned there twenty-four
years. But being more wicked and impious than
Jeroboam and his son, he brought many evils upon
the people and gravely outraged God, who sent to
him the prophet δῆς ἢ and warned him that He
would destroy all his line and would utterly crush
them under the same calamities as He had brought
upon the house of Jeroboam, because, after having
been made king by Him, he had not requited His
kindness by justly and piously governing the people
—a course which would, in tlie first place, be of
benefit to those who followed it, and then pleasing to
God as well—but had imitated Jeroboam, the vilest
of men, and, although Jcroboam himself was dead,
had revealed his wickedness as still living. There-
fore, He said, Basanés should justly experience a like
ill fate since he had aeted in a like manner.* But
Basanés, although he heard beforehand what evils
were destined to befall him together with his whole
family because of his reckless conduct, did not restrain
himself thereafter in order to avoid being thought
still more wicked and so meeting death, nor seek, by
repenting thenceforth at least of his past misdeeds, to
obtain pardon from God ; on the contrary, like those
¢ Emended text; mss. Tharsalé; bibl. Tirzah (Tirsah),
LXx Θερσά, tentatively identified by Albright with the modern
Tell el-Farah, c. 7 miles N.E. of Nablus.
’ Variant Jess; bibl. Jehu (Ἐπί, txx Elio’, Lue.
To’ (?); Scripture adds that he was the son of Ifanani.
¢ Josephus greatly amplifies Jchu’s speech.
198
The reign
of Baasha
of Israel.
1 Kings
Baasha’s
wickedness,
JOSEPHUS
Ww 9 4 ’ ta 3 ’
ἄθλων ἐπὰν περί τι σπουδάσωσιν οὐ διαλείπουσι
A ~ “-
περὶ τοῦτο ἐνεργοῦντες, οὕτω καὶ Βασάνης προ-
’ 9 ~ “Ἐς 4 4 ’ὔ ς 9 "
εἰρηκότος αὐτῷ τοῦ προφήτου τὰ μέλλοντα ὡς ἐπ
“- A κι A
ἀγαθοῖς τοῖς μεγίστοις κακοῖς ὀλέθρῳ γένους Kal
3 é 3
οἰκίας ἀπωλείᾳ χείρων ἐγένετο, Kat καθ᾽ ἑκάστην
[τὰ A
ἡμέραν ὥσπερ ἀθλητὴς κακίας τοῖς περὶ ταύτην
nw 4
303 πόνοις προσετίθει. καὶ τελευταῖον τὴν στρατιὰν
παραλαβὼν πάλιν ἐπῆλθε πόλει τινὲ τῶν οὐκ
3 ~ 3 nw a bd ’ 3 ᾿
ἀφανῶν ᾿Αραμαθῶνι τοὔνομα σταδίους ἀπεχούσῃ
ς
Ἱεροσολύμων τεσσαράκοντα, καὶ καταλαβόμενος
A a“ 9 ~
αὐτὴν ὠχύρου προδιεγνωκὼς καταλιπεῖν ἐν αὐτῇ
7 ag > 9 “᾿ ς 7 4 ? 7
δύναμιν, ww’ ἐκεῖθεν ὡρμημένοι τὴν Ασάνου βασι-
λείαν κακώσωσι.
9 “-
804 (4) Φοβηθεὶς δὲ "Acavos τὴν ἐπιχείρησιν τοῦ
7 4 ’ φ 4 A
πολεμίου Kat λογισάμενος ws πολλὰ διαθήσει
κακὰ τὴν ὑπ᾽ αὐτῷ βασιλευομένην ἅπασαν ὁ κατα-
X 9 9 ~ 4 # 4 A
λειφθεὶς ἐν ᾿Αραμαθῶνι στρατός, ἔπεμψε πρὸς Tov
~ A
Δαμασκηνῶν βασιλέα πρέσβεις καὶ χρυσὸν καὶ
wn A A 7
ἄργυρον, παρακαλῶν συμμαχεῖν' καὶ ὑπομιμνὴσ-
« 4 , 4 a > , > 4
κων OTL Kal πατρῴα φιλία πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἐστὶν
aA “τ 4 A >]
305 αὐτοῖς. ὁ δὲ τῶν χρημάτων TO πλῆθος ἀσμένως
9 ’
ἐδέξατο καὶ συμμαχίαν ἐποιήσατο πρὸς αὐτόν, δια-
7 εἶ ἢ 4 ’ ’ A 7
λύσας τὴν πρὸς τὸν Βασάνην φιλίαν, καὶ πέμψας
3 4 4 9 9 ww ’ é A
εἰς tas ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ βασιλευομένας πόλεις τοὺς
ἡγεμόνας τῆς ἰδίας δυνάμεως ἐκέλευσε κακοῦν
1 Niese: συμμαχίαν codd.
734
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 302-305
who have a prize held out before them and, in their
earnest effort to obtain it, do not leave off striving
toward it, so too Basanés, after the prophet had fore-
told what was to eome, acted as if these greatest of
misfortunes, the death of his family and the destruc-
tion of his house, were blessings instead, and beeame
still worse ; every day, like a champion of wicked-
ness, he inereased his labours on its behalf.t And
finally he took his army and again attaeked a eertain
city of no little importanee, named Aramathon,?
which was forty stades from Jerusalem,? and, after
taking it, fortified it, for he had previously deter-
mined to leave a force in it in order that they might
use it as a base from which to set out and ravage the
kingdom of Asanos.
(4) But Asanos, who feared the enemy’s attack and
thought that the army left in Aramathin might
infliet great damage upon the entire country ruled
by him, sent envoys to the king of Damascus © with
gold and silver, requesting him to become his ally,
and reminding him that there had been friendship
between them since their fathers’ time. This king
gladly accepted the large sum of money and formed
an allianee with him after breaking off friendly
relations with Basanés ; and he sent the commanders
of his own foree to the cities of Basanés’ realm with
2 These reflections on Baasha’s conduct are, of course, an
addition to Scripture.
δ Bibl. Ramah, rxx ‘Paapa (v.l. ᾿αμά)ὴ: elsewhere in
Josephus (e.g. A. vi. 220) it is called Armatha; it is the
modern er-Rdm, c. 5 miles N. of Jerusalem. Josephus’s
reckoning of its distance from Jerusalem (an unscriptural
detail) is therefore correct.
¢ Scripture gives his name, Ben-hadad (Lxx υἱὸν ᾿Αδέρ),
son of ‘Vabriniunon.
7135
1 Kings xv.
17; 2 Chron
xvi; 1
Asa allies
himself
with the
Syrians
against
Baasha,
1 Kings
XV 13;
2 Chron,
xv ὥς
JOSEPHUS
αὐτάς. οἱ δὲ Tas μὲν ἐνεπίμπ τρασαν τὰς δὲ δι-
ἥρπασαν πορευθέντες, τήν τε Λίἰῶνα' λεγομένην
806 καὶ Adva καὶ ᾿Αβελλάνην καὶ ἄλλας πολλάς. ταῦτ᾽
ἀκούσας 6 τῶν ᾿Ισραηλιτῶν βασιλεὺς τοῦ μὲν
οἰκοδομεῖν καὶ ὀχυροῦν τὴν ᾿Αραμαθῶνα ἐπαύσατο,
μετὰ δὲ" σπουδῆς ὡς βοηθήσων τοῖς οἰκείοις
κακουμένοις ἀνέστρεψεν, ὁ δ᾽ “Acavos ἐκ τῆς
παρεσκευασμένης ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ “πρὸς οἰκοδομίαν ὕλης
πόλεις ἀνήγειρεν ἐν αὐτῷ τῷ τόπῳ δύο καρτεράς,
307 ἢ μὲν Γαβαὰ! ἐκαλεῖτο, ἡ δὲ Maodd.! καὶ μετὰ
ταῦτα καιρὸν οὐκ ἔσχεν ὁ Βασάνης τῆς ἐπὶ τὸν
᾿Ασανον στρατείας" ἐφθάσθη γὰρ ὑπὸ τοῦ χρεών,
καὶ θάπτεται μὲν ἐν Θαρσῇ" πόλει, παραλαμβάνει
δ᾽ αὐτοῦ τὴν ἀρχὴν παῖς a Nevoe. οὗτος ἄρξας
ἐπ᾿ ἔτη δύο τελευτᾷ φονεύσαντος αὐτὸν ἐξ
ἐπιβουλῆς Δαμβρίου" τοῦ ἱππάρχου Τῆς ἡμι-
908 σείας τάξεως: κατευωχηθέντα γὰρ αὐτὸν παρὰ τῷ
οἰκονυόμῳ αὐτοῦ ’Qaa'’ τοὔνομα πείσας ἐπιδραμεῖν
τῶν ὑφ᾽ αὑτὸν ἱππέων turds ἀπέκτεινε δι᾿ αὐτῶν
μεμονωμένον τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν ὁπλιτῶν καὶ ἡγε-
: Hudson: ᾿Ιωάνον M: ᾿Ιωάννον ROSP: Helon Lat.
2 καὶ μετὰ RO.
8 ex Lat. Niese: Tafa MSP: Χαβαᾶ RO.
4 ex Lat. Hudson: Macragas RO: Mearagas MSP.
§ Hudson: ᾿Αρσῇ RO: ᾿Αρσάνῃ MSP: Thersa Lat.
6 Zauapiou MSPE Lat.
7 ᾽Ολσᾷ SPE: ’Opoa Hudson.
α Emendcd text, cf. exx 2 Chron. Aidy 5 mss. Joanna, ete. 5
bibl. Ijon (Jyyén), rxx 1 Kings "Aw (v0.1. Naiv); its site is
unidentified.
> Bibl. 1 Kings Abel-beth-maaehah, txx ᾿Αβὲλ oixov
Maayd—b/th means *‘ house ’’—(v.l.’Adedua8), Luc. ᾿Αβελμαά;
2 Chron. Abel-maim, txx ᾿Αβελμαίν, Josephus’s form seems
to be a corruption of that in txx 2 Chron.
736
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII. 305-308
orders to ravage them. So they set out and burnt
some of the cities and sacked others, including Aiodn,?
as it was ealled, Dan, Abellané ὃ and many ieee
When the king of Israel heard of this, he left off
building and fortifying Aramathdn and returned in
haste to bring help to his injured subjeets. Then
Asanos took the materials prepared by Basanés for
building Aramathin, and with them erected two
strong cities in the same region, one of which was
called Gabaa ὁ and the other, Maspha.¢ And after
this Basanés had no further opportunity to march
against Asanos, for he was very soon overtaken by
Pare and was buried in the city of Tharsé,? where-
upon his son Elanos 2 took over his kingdom. He, 1 Kings
in turn, died after a reign of two years, being *“’ >
treacherously slain by Zambrias,” the commander of
half of his body of horsemen,? in this w ay: as he was
being entertained at table by his steward, whose
name was Osa,’ Zambrias persuaded some of the
horsemen under his command to rush upon him, and
had him killed * while he was quite alone, without his
¢ Located, aceording to Scripture, in the territory of
Naphtali, N.W. of the lake of Chinnereth.
4 So txx 2 Chron. (v./. Vasaé) . bibl. Geba (of Benjamin) ;
Exx | kings, taking the name Geba as a common noun mean-
ing “ hill,” has βουνὸν (Bercaueir),
€ So txx 2 Chron. ; bibl. Mizpah (Wispah); txx 1 Kings,
taking the name Mizpah as a common noun meaning “ἡ look-
out,’ has σκοπιάν.
7 Bibl. Tirzah, cf. § 299 note.
9 Bibl. Elah, rxx Ha.
’ Bibl. Zimri, uxx Zaufpel.
ΕἼΤΕ, and Lue. ‘‘ commander of half of his chariots,”
Lxx “ commander of half of his horses.”’
§ This ferm and the variant Olsa are both found in the
ΕΧΧ bibtioaA rea {1} 1}.
* According to Scripture, Zimri himself killed Elah.
Ω9
~~
JOSEPHUS
ie \
μόνων: οὗτοι γὰρ ἅπαντες περὶ τὴν πολιορκίαν
~ | [4 3 ,ὔ ~ ΕΠ
τῆς Γαβαθώνης ἐγίνοντο τῆς [[αλαιστίνων.
809 (5) Φονεύσας δὲ τὸν ᾿Ἤλανον ὁ ἵππαρχος
/ ᾽ \ , A ~ \ ’ὔ
Δαμβρίας αὐτὸς βασιλεύει καὶ πᾶσαν τὴν Bacavov
A ~
γενεὰν κατὰ τὴν ᾿Ιηοῦ προφητείαν διαφθείρει:
τῷ γὰρ αὐτῷ τρόπῳ συνέβη τὸν οἶκον αὐτοῦ
/ 3 λέ θ ὃ 4 s > f € A A
πρόρριζον ἀπολέσθαι διὰ τὴν ἀσέβειαν, ὡς καὶ TOV
310 “lepoBodpov διαφθαρέντα γεγράφαμεν. ἡ δὲ πο-
λιορκοῦσα τὴν Γαβαθώνην στρατιὰ πυθομένη τὰ
Α 3 ’ὔ \ ¢ ; 3 7
περὶ tov βασιλέα Kat ὅτι Ζαμβρίας ἀποκτείνας
αὐτὸν ἔχει τὴν βασιλείαν καὶ αὐτὴ τὸν ἡγούμενον
2 A 3 “~ > f ld Δ 3 \ ~
αὐτῆς ᾿Αμαρῖνον ἀπέδειξε βασιλέα, ὃς ἀπὸ τῆς
Γαβαθώνης ἀναστήσας τὸν στρατὸν εἰς Θαρσὴν
παραγίνεται τὸ βασίλειον καὶ προσβαλὼν τῇ πόλει
‘ f ¢€ ~ γ᾿ 4 ‘ ‘ ‘4 3 ‘
311 κατὰ κράτος αἱρεῖ. ZapPpias δὲ τὴν πόλιν ἰδὼν
ἡρημένην" συνέφυγεν εἰς τὸ μυχαίτατον τῶν βασι-
λείων καὶ ὑποπρήσας αὐτὰ συγκατέκαυσεν ἑαυτὸν
’ « ’ὔ e / 4 3 3 Α φ ~
βασιλεύσας ἡμέρας ἕπτά. διέστη δ᾽ εὐθὺς ὁ τῶν
᾿Ισραηλιτῶν λαὸς καὶ ot μὲν αὐτῶν Oapavaior*
’ὔ "» φ Α 4 3, ~ é
βασιλεύειν ἤθελον, ot δὲ Tov ᾿Αμαρῖνον. νικήσαντες
δ᾽ οἱ τοῦτον ἄρχειν ἀξιοῦντες ἀποκτείνουσι τὸν
~ 3 ~ ~
Θαμαναῖον, καὶ παντὸς βασιλεύει ὁ “Apapivos τοῦ
cya ~ ‘ ” ~ 3 , ,
312 ὄχλου. τριακοστῷ δὲ ἔτει τῆς ᾿Ασάνου βασιλείας
a ἃ ς 2 ΡΞ ” 5 "ὃ ͵ 4 1 ὦ
ἦρξεν ὁ “Apapivos ἔτη δώδεκα" τούτων τὰ μὲν ἐξ
ἐν Odpow πόλει, τὰ δὲ λοιπὰ ἐν Σωμαρεῶνιδ λε-
’
γομένῃ πόλει ὑπὸ δὲ ᾿Ιδλλήνων Σαμαρείᾳ καλου-
1 Hudson: ᾿Ιηοῦς RO: ᾿Ιοῦς MSP.
2 ex Lat. Bekker: ἠρημωμένην (ἐρημ. RO) codd.
3 Niese: αὐτὸ codd.
4 Θαμναῖον OP: Θάμανον M: Θάναιον S: Thaman Lat.
5 Niese (duce Hudson): Μαρεώνῃ codd. E Zonaras.
738
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 308-312
soldiers and commanders, who were all occupied in
the siege of Gabathon ¢ in the Philistine country.
(5) After slaying Elanos, Zambrias, the com-
mander of the horse, made himself king and destroyed
the entire family of Basanés in aceordance with the
propheey of Jéis. For it eame about that, because
of his impiety, his house perished root and braneh in
the same way as the house of Jeroboam was de-
stroyed, as we have narrated.’ Now, when the army
besieging Gabathin learned what had befallen the
king and that Zambrias had killed him and was ruling
the kingdom, they, in turn, ehose their commander
Amarinos ¢ as king, whereupon he withdrew his army
from Gabathon and eame to Tharsé, the royal city,
attaeked it and took it by storm. Zambrias, seeing
the city’s fall,? fled into the inmost part of the
palaee and, setting it on fire, allowed himself to be
eonsumed with it, after a reign of only seven days.
Immediately thereafter the people of Israel were
divided into two parties, some wishing Thamanaios ὁ
to be their king, others, Amarinos. And, as those
who wanted Amarinos to rule were vietorious, they
killed Thamanaios, and Amarinos beeame king of
all the people in the thirtieth 9 year of the reign of
Asanos ; he reigned twelve years, six of them in the
city of Tharsé and the rest in a eity called Sdmaredn,’
known to the Greeks as Samaria. So it was called
* Bibl. Gibbethon, ef. § 288 note. > § 289,
¢ Bibl. Omri, txx Ζαμβρεί, Luc. "Appi.
4 mended text.
Bibl. ‘Tibni, rxx Θαμνεί, Luc. Θαβεννεί,
Scripture says merely that Tibni died.
Bibl. "" thirty-first.” Ε
* Emended text; Heb. Sdmerén (A.V. Samaria), cxx
Σεμερών, Luc. Σομορών.
e -~ ©
739
The end
of Zimri
of Israel.
1 Kings
xvi. LI,
The reign
of Omri of
Israel.
1 Kings
XVi, 22.
JOSEPHUS
μένῃ. προσηγόρευσε δ᾽ αὐτὴν οὕτως ᾿Αμαρῖνος"
ἀπὸ τοῦ teen ὄρος ἀποδομένου αὐτῷ ἐφ᾽ ᾧ κΚατ-
313 εσκεύασε τὴν πόλιν Nupapov. διέφερε δ᾽ οὐδὲν
914
τῶν πρὸ αὐτοῦ βασιλευσάντων 1 ἢ τῷ χείρων αὐτῶν
εἶναι" ἅπαντες γὰρ ἐζήτουν. πῶς ἀποστήσωσιν ἀ ἀπὸ
τοῦ θεοῦ τὸν λαὸν τοῖς καθ᾽ ἡμέραν ἀσεβήμασι καὶ
διὰ τοῦτο δι᾽ ἀλλήλων αὐτοὺς ὁ θεὸς ἐποίησεν
ἐλθεῖν καὶ μηδένα τοῦ γένους ὑπολιπεῖν. ἐτελεύ-
Tyoe δὲ καὶ οὗτος ἐν Σαμαρείᾳ, διαδέχεται δ᾽
αὐτὸν 6 παῖς Λχαβος.
(6) Mafety δ᾽ ἔστιν ἐκ τούτων ὅσην τὸ θεῖον
ἐπιστροφὴν ἔχει τῶν ἀνθρωπίνων πραγμάτων, καὶ
πῶς μὲν ἀγαπᾷ τοὺς ἀγαθούς, μισεῖ δὲ τοὺς πονὴη-
povs* καὶ προρρίζους ἀπόλλυσιν: οὗ μὲν γὰρ τῶν
᾿Ισραηλιτῶν βασιλεῖς ἄλλος ἐπ᾽ ἄλλῳ διὰ τὴν παρα-
νομίαν καὶ τὰς ἀδικίας ἐν ὀλίγῳ χρόνῳ πολλοὶ
κακῶς διαφθαρέντες ἐγνώσθησαν" καὶ τὸ γένος
αὐτῶν, ὁ δὲ τῶν ‘lepocoAvpwv καὶ τῶν δύο φυλῶν
βασιλεὺς “Acavos δι΄ εὐσέβειαν καὶ δικαιοσύνην
εἰς μακρὸν καὶ εὔδαιμον ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ προ-
ἤχθη γῆρας καὶ τεσσαράκοντα καὶ ἕν ἄρξας ἔτος
εὐμοίρως ἀπέθανε. τελευτήσαντος δ᾽ αὐτοῦ δι-
εδέξατο τὴν ἡγεμονίαν ὁ υἱὸς ᾿Ιωσαφάτης ἐκ,
γυναικὸς ᾿Αβιδᾶς τοὔνομα γεγενημένος. τοῦτον
μιμητὴν Δαυίδου τοῦ προπάππου κατά τε ἀνδρείαν,
καὶ εὐσέβειαν ἅπαντες ἐν τοῖς ἔργοις ὑπέλαβον.
ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν τούτου τοῦ βασιλέως οὐ κατεπείγει.
νῦν λέγειν.
1 οὕτως ‘Apapivos con). : αὐτὸς Swuapatos RO: αὐτὸς = Σαμάραιον |
MSP: αὐτὸς Σεμαρεῶνα Hudson.
2 μοχθηροὺς MSP. |
3 εὑρέθησαν MSP: npé@noav Hudson.
740
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 312-315
by Amarinos ἃ after Sdmaros,® the man who had sold
him the mountain on which he built the city. Now
he was in no way different from those who had reigned
before him except in being worse than they, for they
all sought to turn the people away from God by daily
impieties, and therefore God caused them to destroy
one another and leave no one of their family alive
Amarinos also died in Samaria and was succeeded by
his son Achab.°¢
(6) From these events one may learn how close a
watch the Deity keeps over human affairs and how
He loves good men but hates the wicked, whom He
destroys font and branch. Tor many of the kings of
Israel, because of their lawlessness and iniquity, one
after the other in a short space of time were marked
for destruction together with their families, while
Asanos, the king of Jerusalem and the two tribes,
because of his piety and righteousness was brought by
God to a long and blessed old age and, after a reign
of forty-one years, died in a happy state.4 Upon his
death he was succeeded in the kingship by Josaphat,¢
his son by a wife named Abida.’ That Asanos
imitated his great-grandfather David in eourage and
picty, all men hove recognized from his deeds. But
there is no great necessity to speak of this king just
now.
@ Text emended, following a hint of Niese that the reading
Sdmaraios, etc., of the mss. conecaled the name of King
Amarinos (Omri). δ Bibl. Shemer, wxx Σαμήρ (υ.]. Σεμήρ).
¢ Gr. Achabos ; bibl. Ahab (tha), uxx ᾿Αχαάβ.
4 Josephus omits the disease of the feet with which Asa
was afflicted in his old age.
¢ Gr. Jésaphatés; bibl. Jehoshaphat, Ltxx ᾿Ιωσαφάθ
(v.l. "lwoapdr).
Bibl. Azubah (Aziébah), txx ᾿Αζαεβά (all. ᾿Αζουβά,
Ιαζονβά).
111
The end of
Asa of
Judah.
1 Kings xv.
24... ὃ CHOI,
χα; 18;
1 Kings xxii.
12 (ἙΛ LX
XViD),
JOSEPHUS
816 (xiii. 1) “O δὲ _ AxaBos ὁ τῶν ᾿Ισραηλιτῶν βασι-
λεὺς κατῴκει μὲν ἐν Σαμαρείᾳ, τὴν δ᾽ ἀρχὴν κατ-
ἔσχεν ἕως ἐτῶν εἴκοσι καὶ δύο, “μηδὲν καινίσας
τῶν πρὸ αὐτοῦ βασιλέων, εἰ μὴ ὅσα γε πρὸς τὸ
χεῖρον καθ᾽ ὑπερβολὴν πονηρίας ἐπενόησεν, ἅπαντα
δ᾽ αὐτῶν τὰ κακουργήματα καὶ ΤῊΝ: πρὸς τὸ θεῖον
ὕβριν ἐκμιμησάμενος καὶ μάλιστα τὴν “lepoBoapor
317 ζηλώσας παρανομίαν: καὶ γὰρ οὗτος τὰς δαμάλεις
τὰς ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνου κατασκευασθείσας προσεκύνησε
καὶ τούτοις ἄλλα παράδοξα προσεμηχανήσατο.
ἔγημε δὲ γυναῖκα θυγατέρα μὲν ᾿Ιθωβάλου τοῦ
Τυρίων καὶ Σιδωνίων βασιλέως ᾿Ϊεζαβέλην δὲ
ὄνομα, ἀφ᾽ ἧς τοὺς ἰδίους αὐτῆς θεοὺς προσκυνεῖν
918 ἔμαθεν. ἦν δὲ τὸ “γύναιον δραστήριόν τε καὶ τολ-
μηρόν, εἰς τοσαύτην δ᾽ ἀσέλγειαν καὶ μανίαν
προύπεσεν, ὥστε καὶ ναὸν τῷ Τυρίων θεῷ ὃν
Ιθελίαν' προσαγορεύουσιν φκοδόμησε καὶ ἄλσος
παντοίων δέν ὅρων κατεφύτευσε: κατέστησε δὲ καὶ
ἱερεῖς καὶ ψευδοπροφήτας τούτῳ τῷ θεῷ" καὶ
αὐτὸς δ᾽ ὁ βασιλεὺς πολλοὺς τοιούτους περὶ αὑτὸν
εἶχεν ἀνοίᾳ καὶ πονηρίᾳ πάντας ὑπερβεβληκὼς
‘ \ > ~
τοὺς πρὸ αὐτοῦ.
819 (9) ἸΙροφήτης δέ τις τοῦ μεγίστου" θεοῦ ἐκ
πόλεως Θεσβώνης" τῆς αλαδίτιδος χώρας προσ-
ελθὼν ᾿Αχάβῳ προλέγειν αὐτῷ τὸν θεὸν ἔφασκε
1 Ber (in marg. Βελεὶ) ΔΙ: Βῆλαν P: Βῆλα 5: Βὴλ i
Zonaras: ΔΠῸ]} Lat.
2 μεγάλου RO. 8 OcoceSarns RO.
@ Bibl. ‘And Ahab made an ‘asérah’’ (A.V. “‘ grove’’)s
the ‘usfrah was a tree trunk representing the Canaanite god
of fertility.
742
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 316 319
(xiii. 1) Now Achab, the king of Israel, dwelt in Ahab of
Samaria and exercised the royal power for twenty- τάμα
two years ; in no way did he make a new departure Jezebel
from the kings before him exeept, indeed, to invent 1 1 Kies
even worse eourses in his surpassing wickedness, Ἐν 29.
while closely imitating all their misdeeds and their
outrageous behaviour to God and, in particular,
emulating the lawlessness of Jeroboam. For he too
worshipped the heifers which Jeroboam had made
and, in addition, constructed other unheard of objects
of worship. And he took to wife the daughter of
Ithdbalos,® the king of Tyre and Sidon, whose name
was Jezabelé,° and from her learned to worship her
native gods. Now this woman, who was a creature
both forceful and bold. went to such lengths of licen-
tiousness and madness that she built a temple to the
Tyrian god whom they call Belias,? and planted a
grove of all sorts of trees ; she also appointed priests
and false prophets to this cod. And the king himself
had many such men about him, and in folly and
wickedness surpassed all the kings before him.¢
(2) Now there was a certain prophet f of the most Elijah —
high God, from the city of Thesboné 2 in the country Ptpeheses
a drought,
of ἘΠ Ἢ who came to Achab and said that God Beings
> Bibl. Ethbaal, uxx ᾿Ιεθεβαάλ,
¢ Bibl. Jezebel ( /zebel), uxx "TefaBer.
4 Bibl. Baal, rxx Baad; cf. § 145 note.
¢ Josephus, like Lue., omits the reference to the building
of Jericho by Iliel, |} Kings xvi. Sf.
7 Elijah, the prophet meant, is named at this point in
Scripture. Weill raises the question whether the naine may
not have fallen out of Josephns’s text here.
9 Uf xx θεσσβών reading, in the Web. miftishi “ from
Tishbi,’’ instead of mittésabé “of the inhabitants of ”’
(Gilead).
VOb. Sn 743
990
991
00
JOSEPHUS
μήθ᾽ ὕσειν αὐτὸν ἐν ἐκείνοις τοῖς ἔτεσι μήτε
δρόσον καταπέμψειν εἰς τὴν χώραν, εἰ μὴ φανέντος"
one ee eee: ane oa
αὐτοῦ. καὶ τούτοις ἐπομόσας ἀνεχώρησεν εἰς τὰ
πρὸς νότον μέρη, ποιούμενος παρὰ χειμάρρῳ τινὶ
τὴν διατριβήν, ἐξ οὗ καὶ τὸ ποτὸν εἶχε: τὴν γὰρ
τροφὴν αὐτῷ καθ᾽ ἡμέραν κόρακες προσέφερον.
ἀναξηρανθέντος δὲ τοῦ ποταμοῦ δι᾿ ἀνομβρίαν εἰς
Σ αρεφθὰΣ πόλιν οὐκ ἄπωθεν τῆς Σιδῶνος καὶ
Τύρου (μεταξὺ γὰρ κεῖται) παραγίνεται τοῦ θεοῦ
κελεύσαντος" εὑρήσειν γὰρ ἐκεῖ γυναῖκα χήραν,
ἥτις αὐτῷ παρέξει τροφάς. ὧν δ᾽ οὐ πόρρω τῆς
πύλης ὁρᾷ γυναῖκα χερνῆτ τιν ξυλιζομένην: τοῦ δὲ
θεοῦ δηλώσαντος ταύτην εἶναι τὴν μέλλουσαν av-
τὸν διατρέφειν, προσελθὼν ἠσπάσατο καὶ κομίσαι
ὕδωρ παρεκάλεσεν, ὅπως πίῃ, καὶ “πορευομένης
μετακαλεσάμενος καὶ ἄρτον ἐνεγκεῖν ἐκέλευσε.
τῆς δ᾽ ὁμοσάσης μηδὲν ἔχειν ἔνδον ἢ μίαν
ἀλεύρου δράκα καὶ ὀλίγον ἔλαιον, πορεύεσθαι δὲ
συνειλοχυῖαν τὰ ξύλα, ἵνα φυράσασα ποιήσῃ αὑτῇ
καὶ τῷ τέκνῳ ἄρτον, μεθ᾽ ὃν ἀπολεῖσθαι λιμῷ
δαπανηθέντα" μηκέτι μηδενὸς ὄντος ἔλεγεν, “ ἀλλὰ
θαρσοῦσα;,᾽ εἶπεν, “᾿ ἄπιθι καὶ τὰ κρείττω προσ-
δοκῶσα, καὶ ποιήσασα πρῶτον ἐμοὶ βραχὺ κόμισον"
προλέγω γάρ σοι μηδέποτ᾽ ἐπιλείψειν ἀλεύρων
1 φάναντος RO: φήσαντος con}. Weill.
2 Σαριφθὰν KR: Σαριφθὰ O: ᾿Αρεφθὰν EK,
3 δαπανηθέντας RO.
¢ That is, until Elijah should appear to Ahab. Weill, on
the basis of the Scriptural phrase, spoken by Elijah, “ but
according to my word,” conjectures that Josephus’s text may
originally have read “ until he himself should say so.”
Publ “eastward.”
14}
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 319-322
had foretold to him that He would not give rain in
those years nor send down dew upon the land until
he himself should appear.?. And, having sworn to
these things, he withdrew into the south eountry?
and made his home beside a stream © which also gave
him water to drink; as for his food, the ravens
brought it to him every day. But, when the river
dried up for want of rain, he came to the eity of
Sarephtha,? not far from Sidon and Tyre—it lies
between them—at the command of God, for He said
that he would there find a widow who would provide
him with food. Now when he was a little way from Elijah and
the city gate, he saw a labouring woman who was fee
gathering wood. Thereupon, as God revealed to *vii. 10.
him that this was she who was to give him food,® he
went up to her and, after greeting her, asked her to
feteh him some water to drink but, when she started
out, he called her back and bade her bring some bread
as well. But she swore that she had nothing in the
house except a handful of meal and a little oil, and
said that she was setting out for home, after gathering
the wood, to knead the meal and make bread for
herself and her child’; after this was caten they
must perish, consumed by hunger, for there was no
longer anything left. Whereupon he said, “ Even so,
be of good courage and go your way in have of better
things ; but first prepare a little food and bring it to
me, for I prophesy ta you that neither the bow] ἀν γηδα]
¢ Bibl. “πὸ brook Cherith, that is before Jordan.’’
4 Bibl. Zarephath (Sdrephath), uxx Ξαρεπτά (νι... as in
Josephus).
¢ 'Phis detail of God’s prompting Ilijah is unscriptural.
7 So Feb. 3 uxx τέκνοις “ children.”
323
324
326
JOSHPHUS
ἐκεῖνο TO ἄγγος μηδ᾽ ἐλαίου TO κεράμιον, μέχρις
οὗ ἂν ὕσῃ ὁ θεός. ταῦτ᾽ εἰπόντος τοῦ προφήτου
παραγενομένη πρὸς αὑτὴν ἐποίησε τὰ εἰρημένα
A ~ ᾽ ~ A
καὶ αὑτῇ TE ἔσχε καὶ τῷ τέκνῳ χορηγεῖν τὴν
διατροφὴν καὶ τῷ προφήτῃ, ἐπέλιπε δ᾽ οὐδὲν
αὐτοὺς τούτων, ἄχρις οὗ καὶ ὁ αὐχμὸς ἐπαύσατο.
μέμνηται δὲ τῆς ἀνομβρίας ταύτης καὶ Μένανδρος
ἐν ταῖς ᾿Ιθωβάλου τοῦ Τυρίων βασιλέως πράξεσι
λέγων οὕτως" “ aBpoxta T ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῦ ἐγένετο ἀπὸ
τοῦ “ἵπερβερεταίου μηνὸς ἕως τοῦ ἐχομένου ἔτους
“Ὑπερβερεταίου, ἱκετείαν, δ᾽ αὐτοῦ ποιησαμένου
κεραυνοὺς ἱκανοὺς βεβληκέναι. οὗτος πόλιν Βότρυν
ἔκτισε τὴν ἐπὶ Φοινίκῃ καὶ Adlay τὴν ἐν Λιβύῃ."
καὶ ταῦτα μὲν δηλῶν τὴν ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αχάβου γενομένην
ἀνομβρίαν (κατὰ γὰρ τοῦτον καὶ ᾿Ιθώβαλος ἐβα-
σίλευε ‘Tuptwy) ὁ Μένανδρος ἀναγέγραφεν.
(3) Ἢ δὲ γυνὴ περὶ ἧς πρὸ τούτων εἴπομεν,
ἡ τὸν προφήτην διατρέφουσα, τοῦ παιδὸς αὐτῇ
καταπεσόντος εἰς νόσον, ὡς καὶ τὴν ψυχὴν ἀφεῖναι
καὶ δόξαι νεκρόν, ἀνακλαιομένη καὶ Tats TE χερσὶν
αὑτὴν αἰκιζομένη καὶ φωνὰς οἵας ὑπηγόρευε τὸ
πάθος ἀφιεῖσα κατῃτιᾶτο τῆς παρ᾽ αὐτῇ παρουσίας
τὸν προφήτην ὡς ἐλέγξαντα τὰς ἁμαρτίας ad-
τῆς καὶ διὰ τοῦτο τοῦ παιδὸς τετελευτηκότος. ὁ
δὲ παρεκελεύετο θαρρεῖν καὶ παραδοῦναι τὸν υἱὸν
αὐτῷ: ζῶντα γὰρ αὐτὸν ἀποδώσειν. παραδούσης
οὖν βαστάσας εἰς τὸ δωμάτιον, ἐν ᾧ διέτριβεν
αὐτός, καὶ καταθεὶς ἐπὶ τῆς κλίνης ἀνεβόησε πρὸς
τὸν θεὸν οὐ καλῶς ἀμείψεσθαι" τὴν ὑποδεξαμένην
καὶ θρέψασαν, τὸν υἱὸν αὐτῆς ἀφαιρησόμενον,
1 ante ἱκετείαν lacunam statuit Niese.
2 Niese: ἀμείψασθαι codd.
746
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, Will, 809: )50
nor the jar of oil shall be empty until God sends rain.”
When the prophet had said these things, she went to
her home and did as he had told her; and she had
enough food for herself and her child as well as for
the prophet, nor did they lack anything to eat until
the drought finally ended. This rainless time is also
mentioned by™rfe snander α in his aecount of the δεῖς
of Ithdbalos, the king of Tyre, in these words :
“There was a drought in his reign, whieh lasted
from the month of Hyperber etaios until the month
of Hyperberetaios in the following year. But he
made supplication to the gods, whereupon a heavy
thunderstorm broke out. He it was who founded
the city of Botrys in Phoenieia, and Auza in Libya.”
This, then, is what Menander wrote, referring to the
drought whieh came in Achab’s reign, for it was in
his time that Ithdbalos was king of Tyre.
(9) Now the woman of whom we spoke above, who
gave food to the prophet—hcer son fell ill so seriously
that he eeased to breathe and seemed to be dead,
wherenpon she wept bitterly, injuring herself with
her hands and uttering such eries as her grief
prompted ὃ; and she reproached the prophet for
having eome to her to conviet her of sin and on that
aeconnt eausing the death of her son. But he urged
her to take heart and give her son over to him, far he
would, he said, restore him to her alive. So she
gave him over, and he carried him into the chamber
in whieh he himself lived, and placed him on the bed ;
then he eried aloud to God, saying that He vould
ill requite the woman who had received him and
nourished him, if He took her son from her, and he
o- - Ch Ane 116 note,
> These details of the woman’s grief are unscriptural.
TAT
Elijah
revives
the widow's
son.
1 Kings
NVLS Ἰεῖς
JOSEPHUS
ἐδεῖτό τε τὴν ψυχὴν εἰσπέμψαι πάλιν τῷ παιδὶ
327 Kal παρασχεῖν αὐτῷ τὸν βίον. τοῦ δὲ θεοῦ κατ-
οικτείραντος μὲν τὴν μητέρα, βουληθέντος δὲ καὶ
τῷ προφήτῃ χαρίσασθαι τὸ μὴ δόξαι πρὸς αὐτὴν ἐπὶ
κακῷ παρεῖναι, παρὰ πᾶσαν προσδοκίαν ἀνεβίωσεν.
ἡ δ᾽ εὐχαρίστει τῷ “προφήτῃ καὶ τότε σαφῶς ἔλεγε
μεμαθηκέναι ὅτι τὸ θεῖον αὐτῷ διαλέγεται.
328 (0) Χρόνου δ᾽ ὀλίγου διελθόντος παραγίνεται πρὸς
"AxaPov τὸν βασιλέα κατὰ βούλησιν τοῦ θεοῦ,
δηλώσων αὐτῷ τὸν γενησόμενον ὑετόν. λιμὸς δὲ
τότε κατεῖχε τὴν χώραν ἅπασαν καὶ πολλὴ τῶν
ἀναγκαίων ἀπορία, ὡς μὴ μόνον ἀνθρώπους ὁ ἄρτων'
σπανίζειν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν γῆν μηδ᾽ ὅσα τοῖς ἵπποις
καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις κτήνεσι πρὸς νομήν ἐστι χρήσιμα
329 διὰ τὴν ἀνομβρίαν ἀναδιδόναι. τὸν οὖν ἐπιμελό-
μενον αὐτοῦ τῶν κτημάτων ὁ βασιλεὺς καλέσας
᾿Ωβεδίαν, ἀπιέναι" βούλεσθαι πρὸς αὐτὸν εἶπεν ἐπὶ
Tas πηγὰς τῶν ὑδάτων καὶ τοὺς χειμάρρους, ἵν᾿ εἴ
που παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς εὑρεθείη πόα ταύτην εἰς τροφὴν
ἀμησάμενοι τοῖς κτήνεσιν ἔχωσι. καὶ" περιπέμ-
αντα κατὰ πᾶσαν τὴν οἰκουμένην τοὺς ζητήσοντας
τὸν προφήτην *HAtav οὐχ εὑρηκέναι" συνέπεσθαι
330 δ᾽ ἐκέλευσε κἀκεῖνον αὐτῷ. δόξαν οὖν ἐξορμᾶν
αὐτοῖς, μερισάμενοι τὰς ὁδοὺς ὅ τε ᾿Ωβεδίας καὶ
ὁ βασιλεὺς ἀπήεσαν ἕτερος ἑτέραν τῶν ὁδῶν.
συνεβεβήκει δὲ καθ᾽ ὃν ᾿Ιεξαβέλη ἡ βασίλισσα
καιρὸν τοὺς προφήτας ἀπέκτεινε τοῦτον ἑκατὸν
ἐν τοῖς ὑπογείοις' σπηλαίοις κρύψαι προφήτας καὶ
1 αὐτῶν SP.
* Hudson: ἀπεῖναι codd.
3 ante καὶ lacunam statuit Niese.
4 ὑπὸ Vapis R: ὑπὸ γάροις O: om. Lat.
748
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 326-330
prayed God to send the breath into the child again
and give him life. ‘Thereupon God, beeause He took
pity on the mother and also beeause He wished
graciously to spare the prophet from seeming to have
come to her for the purpose of harming her,” beyond
all expectation brought the ehild back to life.
Then the mother thanked the prophet and_ said
that now she clearly realized that the Deity spoke
with him.
(4) After a little time ὃ had passed, the prophet, in anab sends
aeeordanee with the will of God, went to King Achab mili ind
to inform him that rain was coming. Now at that 1 Kings
time a famine held the whole country in its power, ἦν ‘i
and there was a lack of necessary provisions so that
not only did men have a seareity of bread but,
because of the drought, the earth did not yield even
the grass necessary for the pasturing of horses and
other beasts. So the king called Obedias,° who was
in charge of his estate, and told him that he wished
him to go out to the springs of water and winter
streams in order to cut any grass that they might
find near them and give it to the beasts for fodder ;
he also said that he had sent men throughout the
entire earth to look for the prophet Elijah, but they
had not found him ; and he commanded Obedias to
accompany him. So, when they had decided to set
out, Obedias and the king, dividing the roads, went
each by a different road. Now it had happened at
the time when Queen Jezabelé killed the prophets
that Obedias hid a hundred prophets in underground
¢ This explanation of God’s motive is an addition to
Scripture.
> Bibl. “ after many days .. . in the third year.”
¢ Bibl. Obadiah (Obadydhi), Luxx ᾿Αβδιού (v.l. ᾿Δβδειού).
719
39]
332
333
334
335
JOSEPHUS
τρέφειν αὐτοὺς ἄρτον χορηγοῦντα μόνον καὶ
ὕδωρ. μονωθέντι δ᾽. ἀπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως ᾿Ωβεδίᾳ συν-
ἤντησεν ὁ προφήτης Ἢλίας: καὶ πυθόμενος παρ᾽
αὐτοῦ τίς εἴη καὶ μαθὼν προσεκύνησεν αὐτόν' ὁ
δὲ πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα βαδίζειν ἐκέλευσε καὶ λέγειν
ὅτι παρείη πρὸς αὐτόν. ὁ δὲ τί κακὸν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ
πεποιθότα πρὸς τὸν ἀποκτεῖναι ζητοῦντα καὶ
πᾶσαν ἐρευνήσαντα γῆν πέμπειν αὐτὸν ἔλεγεν"
ἢ τοῦτ᾽ ἀγνοεῖν αὐτὸν ὅτι μηδένα τόπον κατέλιπεν,
> 4) b] 3 / A > ’ ? ’
εἰς Ov οὐκ ἀπέστειλε τοὺς ἀνάξοντας εἰ λάβοιεν
ἐπὶ θανάτῳ; καὶ γὰρ εὐλαβεῖσθαι πρὸς αὐτὸν
ἔφασκε, μὴ τοῦ θεοῦ φανέντος αὐτῷ πάλιν εἰς
» ? ; ’ 2 ‘ ? ~
ἄλλον ἀπέλθῃ τόπον, εἶτα διαμαρτὼν αὐτοῦ,
πέμψαντος τοῦ βασιλέως, μὴ δυνάμενος" εὑρεῖν
ὅπου ποτ᾽ εἴη γῆς ἀποθάνῃ. προνοεῖν our αὐτοῦ
τῆς σωτηρίας παρεκάλει ΤῊΝ περὶ τοὺς ὁμοτέχνους
αὐτοῦ σπουδὴν λέγων, ὅτι σώσειεν ἑκατὸν προ-
φήτας ‘TeCaBéAns πάντας τοὺς ἄλλους ἀνῃρηκυίας,
καὶ ἔχοι κεκρυμμένους αὐτοὺς καὶ τρεφομένους
ς 2
ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ. ὁ δὲ μηδὲν δεδιότα βαδίζειν ἐκέλευε
πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα δοὺς αὐτῷ πίστεις ἐνόρκους ὅτι
3 3
πάντως κατ᾽ ἐκείνην ᾿Αχάβῳ φανήσεται τὴν
ἡμέραν.
(5) ΔΙηνύσαντος δὲ τῷ βασιλεῖ ᾿Ωβεδίου τὸν
3 ΄ ς ’ ς ” \ » >
Ἡλίαν ὑπήντησεν ὁ “AyaBos καὶ ἤρετο μετ
1 δ᾽ αὖ MSP. 2 καὶ μὴ δυναμένου MSP.
« The word “πο τοι πα, adopted as the correct read-
ing, is an unscriptural detail; the variant “ in caves under
Garis ’’ is unintelligible. [ is just possible, however, that
ὑπὸ Lapis arises from a careless reading of Heb. méarah (or
Targum méarthd) “ cave’; the syllable me may have been
taken as the Heb. prep. from, * and ‘arah transliterated
(as normally) as Γαρά, thus giving ἀπὸ Tapa (or lapéd),
750
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 330-335
eaves α and fed them, though giving them only bread
and water. As Obedias, therefore, was separated
from the king and was alone, the prophet Elijah ®
met him. Obedias inquired of him who he was,¢ and,
when he found out, did obeisance to him. Thereupon
the prophet bade him go to the king and tell him that
“lijah was coming fo him. The other then asked
him what harm he: himself had done him that he was
sending him to one who was seeking to kill the
prophet and had searehed every land for him ; ; did
he perhaps not know that the king had not over-
looked a single plaee to which he might send men
who were to lead Flijah to his death if they caught
him? Indeed, he said, he was afraid that if God
appeared to Elijah a second time, the prophet might
go away to another place and then, when the king
sent for him, he would not be able to find him in
whatever part of the world he might be, and so he
himself would be put to death. He therefore urged
him to look out for his safety, telling him of his zeal
on behalf of Elijah’s fellows in the prophetie art,? for
he had saved a hundred prophets after Jezabelé had
destroyed all the others, and had kept them hidden
and fed them. But Elijah bade him go without any
fear to the king, first giving him sworn assurances that
he would positively appear ‘before Achab that ver y day.
(5) When Obedias informed the king of Ih lijaly’ 5
appearance, Achab went to meet him and asked him
which was further corrupted to ὑπὸ Paps. This suggestion is
advanced with great hesitancy. _
® Gr. Elias as in Lue.; Heb. να Ὡς uxx "Hyecov.
ο ἴῃ Scripture Obadiah recognizes Ehij: th immediately,
but asks, for certainty (or in astonishment), “Is it thou, my
mastér, Elijah 7 CNV. Art thou that my lord Elijah ?”’).
“Lit. “ fellow-craftsmen.”
101
JOSEPHUS
ὀργῆς εἰ αὐτὸς εἴη ὁ τὸν “i βραίων λαὸν κακώσας
καὶ Τῆς ἀκαρπίας αἴτιος γεγενημένος. ὁ δ᾽ οὐδὲν
ὑποθωπεύσας αὐτὸν εἶπεν ἅπαντα τὰ δεινὰ πεποιη-
κέναι καὶ τὸ γένος αὐτοῦ, ξενικοὺς ἐπεισενηνοχότας"
τῇ χώρᾳ θεοὺς καὶ τούτους σέβοντας,ἢ τὸν δ᾽ ἴδιον
αὐτῶν, ὃς μόνος ἐστὶ θεός, ἀπολελοιπότας καὶ
336 μηδεμίαν ἔτι πρόνοιαν αὐτοῦ ποιουμένους. νῦν
μέντοι γε ἀπελθόντα" ἐκέλευε πάντα τὸν λαὸν εἰς
τὸ ἹΚαρμήλιον ὄρος ἀθροῖσαι πρὸς αὐτὸν καὶ τοὺς
προφήτας αὐτοῦ καὶ τῆς γυναικός, εἰπὼν ὅσοι τὸν
ἀριθμὸν εἴησαν, καὶ τοὺς τῶν ἀλσῶν προφήτας ὡς
τετρακοσίους τὸ πλῆθος ¢ ὄντας. ὡς δὲ συνέδραμον
πάντες εἰς τὸ προειρημένον ὄρος ᾿Αχάβου δια-
πέμψαντος, σταθεὶς αὐτῶν ὁ προφήτης ᾿Ηλίας
μεταξύ, μέχρι πότε διῃρημένους αὐτοὺς τῇ διανοίᾳ
καὶ ταῖς δόξαις οὕτως βιώσειν ἔφασκε: νομίσαντας
μὲν γὰρ τὸν ἐγχώριον θεὸν ἀληθῆ καὶ μόνον,
ἕπεσθαι τούτῳ καὶ ταῖς ἐντολαῖς αὐτοῦ παρῇνει,
μηδὲν δὲ τοῦτον ἡγουμένους ἀλλὰ περὶ τῶν ξενικῶν
ὑπειληφότας ὡς ἐκείνους δεῖ θρησκεύειν αὐτοῖς
338 συνεβούλευε κατακολουθεῖν. τοῦ δὲ πλήθους μηδὲν
πρὸς ταῦτ᾽ ἀποκριναμένου ἠξίωσεν ᾿Ηλίας πρὸς
διάπειραν τῆς τε τῶν ξενικῶν θεῶν ἰσχύος καὶ τῆς
τοῦ ἰδίου, μόνος ὧν αὐτοῦ προφήτης ἐκείνων δὲ
τετρακοσίους ἐχόντων, λαβεῖν αὐτός τε βοῦν καὶ
ταύτην θύσας ἐπιθεῖναι ξύλοις πυρὸς οὐχ ὑφαφθέν -
τος, κἀκείνους ταὐτὸ ποιήσαντας ἐπικαλέσασθαι
τοὺς ἰδίους θεοὺς ἀνακαῦσαι τὰ ξύλα" γενομένου
33
~]
.
1 ἐνηνοχότας RO: ἐπεισενηνοχότα S?P: εἰσενηνοχότα E.
2 ¢éBovra SP?.
3 ἀνελθόντα R(QO).
@ £50, according to Scripture.
752
—
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 335-338
in anger whether it was he who had brought evil upon Elijah’s
the Hebr ew people and had caused the arcenness of ὙΠΕΡ τὸ
the soil. Thereupon the prophet, without flattering braphets |
him in the least, said that it was Achab himself and Sit. carmel.
his family who had brought on all these misfortunes {fis
by introducing forcign ods into the country and
Ww ‘orshipping them, while their own God, who was the
only true one, they had abandoned and no longer
gave Him any thought. Now, however, he bade him
go off and gather all the people to him on Mount
Carmel as well as his prophets and those of his wife—
telling him how many there were @—and also the
prophets of the groves, some four hundred in number.
And, when at Achab’s summons they had all gathered
together on the afore-mentioned mountain, the
prophet Elijah stood up in their midst and asked how
long they would go on living in that way, divided in
thought and opinion. If they believed the native
God to be the only true God, he urged them to
follow Him and His commandments, Sit if they
thought nothing of Him and, instead, considered that
they” ought Ἔν serve the foreign gods, he advised
them to go with these. Then, as the people made no
answer to these words, Elijah asked that a test be
made of the respective powers of the foreign gods
and his own and that he, being His only prophet,
while their gods had four hundred,? be allowed to
take an ox and, after slaughtering it, place it on a pile
of wood without kindling a fire, and that they do the
same ; then they shonld call upon their gods and he
upon his to set the wood on fire, for if this happened,
> Josephus here seems to be referring to the 400 prophets
of the asherah (A.V. “ groves ’’), who are mentioned with the
450 prophets of Baal in the Lxx 1 Kings xviii. 22.
153
JOSEPHUS
\ , , ,» ΠΝ 1 \ 3 im ,
yap τούτου μαθήσεσθαι αὐτοὺς; τὴν ἀληθῆ φύσιν
339 τοῦ θεοῦ. ἀρεσάσης δὲ τῆς γνώμης ἐκέλευσεν
3 / A ? ? 7 ~ [4
Ηλίας τοὺς προφήτας ἐκλεξαμένους βοῦν πρώτους
τε θῦσαι καὶ τοὺς αὑτῶν" ἐπικαλέσασθαι θεούς.
ἐπεὶ δ᾽ οὐδὲν ἀπήντα παρὰ τῆς εὐχῆς" καὶ τῆς
ἐπικλήσεως θύσασι τοῖς προφήταις, σκώπτων ὁ
᾿Ηλίας μεγάλῃ βοῇ καλεῖν αὐτοὺς ἐκέλευε τοὺς
340 θεούς" ἢ γὰρ ἀποδημεῖν αὐτοὺς ἢ καθεύδειν. τῶν
δ᾽ ἀπ᾽ ὄρθρου τοῦτο ποιούντων μέχρι μέσης ἡμέρας
καὶ τεμνόντων αὑτοὺς μαχαίραις καὶ σιρομάσταις
κατὰ τὸ πάτριον ἔθος, μέλλων αὐτὸς ἐπιτελεῖν τὴν
θυσίαν ἐκέλευσε τοὺς μὲν ἀναχωρῆσαι, τοὺς δ᾽
ἐγγὺς προσελθόντας τηρεῖν αὐτόν, μὴ πῦρ λάθρα
341 τοῖς ξύλοις ἐμβάλῃ. τοῦ δὲ ὄχλου προσελθόντος
\ ’ ’ A A ~ ~ ~
λαβὼν δώδεκα λίθους κατὰ φυλὴν τοῦ λαοῦ τῶν
“Εβραίων ἀνέστησεν ἐξ αὐτῶν θυσιαστήριον καὶ
A >? \ A ” , A 4
περὶ αὐτὸ δεξαμενὴν wpvEe βαθυτάτην, καὶ συνθεὶς
τὰς σχίζας ἐπὶ τοῦ βωμοῦ καὶ κατ᾽ αὐτῶν ἐπι-
θεὶς τὰ ἱερεῖα, τέσσαρας ἀπὸ τῆς κρήνης ὑδρίας
προσέταξε πληρωθείσας" ὕδατος κατασκεδάσαι τοῦ
θυσιαστηρίου, ὡς ὑπερβαλεῖν αὐτὸ καὶ τὴν δεξα-
μενὴν ἅπασαν γεμισθῆναι ὕδατος ὡς πηγῆς" ava-
942 δοθείσης. ταῦτα δὲ ποιήσας ἤρξατο εὔχεσθαι τῷ
θεῷ καὶ παρακαλεῖν αὐτὸν" ποιεῖν τῷ πεπλανημένῳ
1 τότε MSP.
2 Niese: αὐτῶν codd. FE. 3 4 αὐτοῖς MSPE.
4 ὑδρίας. . . πληρ.] ἐκέλευσεν ὑδρίας RO.
5
ws πηγῆς Niese: πηγῆς codd.
6 παρακαλεῖν αὐτὸν ex Lat. conj. Niese (aliter in ed.): καλεῖν
αὐτὸν καὶ codd.
* In Seripture Elijah speaks of one god.
δ So Heb.; Lxx omits. Josephus, however, omits
754
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIIT. 338-342
they would learn the true nature of God. When this
proposal was aecepted, Elijah bade the prophets
seleet an ox and saerifiee first and eall upon their own
gods. But, sinee nothing eame of the prophets’
prayers and appeals after ‘they had saerifieed, Ἰὼ lijah
mocked them and told them to eall their gods @ in a
loud voiee, for either they were on a journey ? or
were asleep. So they did this from dawn to midday ¢
and eut themselves with knives and barbed lanees
after the custom of their country, until, when about
to offer his saerifiee, he bade them retire and the
others draw near to wateh that he should not seeretly
apply fire to the wood.4 Then, when the crowd had
eome near, he took twelve stones, one for each tribe
of the Hebrew people, and with them ereeted an
altar, around whieh he dug a very deep treneh ; next
he plaeed the faggots on the altar and upon them laid
the vietims, after ‘which he ordered the people to take
four jars filled with water from the fountain and pour
them over the altar so that the water overflowed and
the whole treneh was filled as though from a welling
spring. Having done these things, he began to pray
to God and entreat Him to make His power manifest
Hlijah’s tannt about their god being busied with “ thinking
or conversation,’ if that is what the Heb. means (A τ
“either he is talking, or he is pursning’’; Targum
‘eases himself,” which interpretation Sommelas may have
followed and therefore omitted the unseemly detail).
¢ Bibl. “ until the offering of the evening (or “ late after-
noon.*’) sacrifice.”
4 This explanation of Elijah’s invitation to the people to
draw near is an addition to Scripture. A rabbinic tradition
speaks of Elijah’s precantions against the tampering with the
kindling wood by the prophets of Baal, ef. Ginzberg, iv. (98.
* According to Scripture, the jars of water were filled and
poured three times.
708
343
944
345
346
JOSEPAUS
, ~ A
πολὺν ἤδη χρόνοι λαῷ φανερὰι τὴν αὑτοῦ" δύναμιν.
καὶ ταῦτα λέγοντος ddiw πῦρ ἐξ οὐρανοῦ, τοῦ
πλήθους ὁρῶντος, ἐπὶ τὸν βωμὸν ἔπεσε καὶ τὴν
θυσίαν ἐδαπάνησεν, ὡς ἀνακαῆναι καὶ τὸ ὕδωρ καὶ
ψαφαρὸν γενέσθαι τὸν τόπον.
(6) Οἱ δ᾽ ᾿Ισραηλῖται τοῦτ᾽ ἰδόντες ἔπεσον ἐπὶ
\ ~ «
τὴν γῆν καὶ προσεκύνουν ἕνα θεὸν καὶ μέγιστον
A 5 ~ , 5 ~ A > »
καὶ ἀληθῆ μόνον ἀποκαλοῦντες, τοὺς δ᾽ ἄλλους
3 fA ¢ ‘ 4 Ἁ > f ὔ
ὀνόματα ὑπὸ φαύλης καὶ ἀνοήτου δόξης πεποιὴη-
7 2 / 3 3 “- ‘ i ,
μένα": συλλαβόντες δ᾽ αὐτῶν καὶ τοὺς προφήτας
> f > , ~ é 3) \
ἀπέκτειναν, ᾿Ηλία τοῦτο παραινέσαντος. ἔφη δὲ
καὶ τῷ βασιλεῖ πορεύεσθαι πρὸς ἄριστον μηδὲν ἔτι
3 3 , Α » A \
φροντίσαντα: μετ᾽ ὀλίγον yap ὄψεσθαι τὸν θεὸν
ὕοντα. καὶ ὁ μὲν "λχαβος ἀπηλλάγη, ᾿Ηλίας δ᾽
3 ‘ Ἁ Ἂ / ~ f 3 A yy
ἐπὶ TO ἀκρωτήριον τοῦ Ἱζαρμηλίου ἀναβὰς ὄρους
καὶ καθίσας ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς προσηρείσατο τοῖς γόνασι
Ἁ ‘4 \ εἶ ὔ 3 / > 7
τὴν κεφαλήν, τὸν δὲ θεράποντα ἐκέλευσεν ἀνελθόντα
3 f A 3 A 4 3 /
ἐπί τινα σκοπὴν εἰς τὴν θάλασσαν ἀποβλέπειν,
nN ” / 3 Ψ 7 / 3 -
κἂν ἴδῃ νεφέλην ἐγειρομένην ποθέν, φράζειν αὐτῷ:
μέχρι γὰρ τότε καθαρῷ συνέβαινε τῷ ἀέρι εἶναι.
~ \ 3 / Ἁ Ἁ ‘4 { ~ ?
τοῦ δὲ ἀναβάντος καὶ μηδὲν πολλάκις ὁρᾶν φήσαν-
[2 » / ¢ / ,
Tos, ἕβδομον ἤδη βαδίσας ἑωρακέναι μελαινόμενον
εἶπέ τι τοῦ ἀέρος οὐ πλέον ἴχνους ἀνθρωπίνου. ὁ
‘ae , ae 8 , , ‘ , oF,
δὲ ᾿Πλίας ταῦτ᾽ ἀκούσας πέμπει πρὸς τὸν ΓΑχαβον
a 3 A 3 ΕἾ ὔ 5 7 A “Ἂ
κελεύων αὐτὸν εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἀπέρχεσθαι πρὶν ἢ
~ 3, 3 ,
καταρραγῆναι τὸν ὄμβρον. Kat ὁ μὲν εἰς ᾿[Ιεζά-
1 Niese: αὐτοῦ eodd.
2 ὀνόματα... « πεποιημένα] ovéuare ... πεποιημένους RO,
ἐ
750
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 342-316
to the people whieh had now for so long a time been
in error. And, as he said this, suddenly, in the sight
of the multitude, fire fell from heaven and eonsumed
the altar, so that even the water went up in steam,
and the ground beeame eompletely dry.
(6) W Ken the Israclites saw this, they fell upon
the earth and worshipped the one God, whom they
aeknowledged as the Almighty and only true God,
while the others were mere names invented by un-
worthy and senseless opinion.? Then they seized
their prophets and killed them at Elijah’s behest.¢
He also told the king to go to his midday ὦ meal
without further eare, for in a little while he should
see the rain sent by God. And so Aehab departed,
while Elijah went up to the summit of Mount Carmel
and, sitting © on the ground, leaned his head upon his
knees ; and he ordered his servant to go up toa
eertain look-out and gaze at the sea and ‘if he saw a
eloud rising in any direetion to tell him of it, for
until then the sky had been elear. The servant,
therefore, went up and several times informed him
that he saw nothing, but after the seventh time he
eaine and told him that he had seen a spot of black-
ness in the sky no larger than a man’s footprint./
When Elijah heard this, he sent to Achab, bidding
him go back to the city before the rain should pour
down in torrents. So the king went to the city of
ait,” wwaskanied.? * burnt up.”
ae bi Sata no reference is made to the false gods.
‘ft was Elijah himself who slew them, aceording to
Se ripture. a εἰ nscriptural detail.
“ Or “supporting himself’?; bibl. ‘ bowed himself”
(A.V. cast himself’),
! So Lxx, ee Heb. kaph, which may mean cither
“ sole of the foot’ ‘ palin of the hand ” (so Targuni here).
δῖ
Elijah’s
triumph
over the
prophets
of Baal.
1 Kings
XVili. 39.
347
348
349 ἢ
350
JOSEPHUS
pyAav' πόλιν παραγίνεται: μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ δὲ τοῦ
ἀέρος ἀχλύσαντος καὶ νέφεσι καλυφθέντος πνεῦμά
τε λάβρον ἐπιγίνεται καὶ πολὺς ὄμβρος. δ δὲ προ-
φήτης ἔνθεος γενόμενος τῷ τοῦ βασιλέως ἅρματι
μέχρι τῆς ᾿Ιεζξαρήλας" πόλεως συνέδραμε.
{ ) Μιαθοῦσα δὲ ἡ τοῦ ᾿Λχάβου γυνὴ ᾿Ιεζαβέλη
ΤΕ σημεῖα Ta. ὑπὸ ᾽ἪΗλία γενόμενα καὶ ὅτι τοὺς
προφήτας αὐτῶν ἀπέκτεινεν, ὀργισθεῖσα πέμπει
πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀγγέλους ἀπειλοῦσα δι᾿ αὐτῶν ἀποκτεί-
νειν αὐτόν, ὡς κἀκεῖνος τοὺς προφήτας αὐτῆς
ἀπολέσειε. φοβηθεὶς δ᾽ ὁ ᾿ΙΙλίας φεύγει εἰς πόλιν
Βερσουβεὲ λεγομένην (ἐπ᾿ ἐσχάτης δ᾽ ἐστὶν αὕτη
τῆς χώρας τῶν τῆς ᾿Ιούδα φυλῆς ἐχόντων τὰ κατὰ
τὴν ᾿Ιδουμαίων γῆν) κατ ταλιπὼν δ᾽ ἐκεῖ τὸν θερά-
ποντα εἰς τὴν ἔρημον ἀνεχώρησεν" εὐξάμενος δ᾽
ἀποθανεῖν, οὐ γὰρ δὴ κρείττων εἶναι τῶν πατέρων,
ἵνα ἐκείνων ἀπολωλότων αὐτὸς ζῆν γλίχηται,
κατεκοιμήθη πρός τινι δένδρῳ" διεγείραντος
αὐτόν τινος ἀναστὰς εὑρίσκει παρακειμένην αὑτῷ
τροφὴν καὶ vowp: φαγὼν δὲ καὶ συλλεξάμενος ἐκ
τῆς τροφῆς ἐκείνης τὴν δύναμιν εἰς τὸ Σιναῖον
καλούμενον ὄρος παραγίνεται, οὗ Μωυσῆς τοὺς
νόμους παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ λέγεται λαβεῖν. εὑρὼν δ᾽
ἐν αὐτῷ σπήλαιόν τι κοῖλον εἴσεισι καὶ διετέλει
1 conj.: ᾿Ιερέζηλα RO: ᾿ΤΙεσράηλ MSP: ᾿Ιεσράηλαν Hudson.
2 + ’A¢apov MSP: + ᾿Ισαχάροιυ Cocceji.
@ Emended form (ef. 88 355 ff.), mss. Jerezéla, Jezraél ;
hibl. Jezreel (Yezreél), txx ᾿Ισραήλ (v.l. “legpaéd), Laie.
‘Tecpann. δ Bibl. “ ran before.”’
¢ Bibl. “a messenger ’’; the Armenian version of Serip-
ture agrees with Josephus in using the plural.
4“ By their hands” is an Sateaipeieal detail. ‘The Greek
758
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 346-350
Jezaréla,? and not long after the sky was darkened
and overcast with clouds, a violent wind came up and
a heavy rain fell. And the prophet, who was filled
with the spirit of God, ran beside ὃ the king’s chariot
as far as the city of Jezaréla.
(7) When Achab’s wife Jezabelé learned of the
prophetie signs given by Elijah and that he had killed
their prophets, she was filled with anger and sent
messengers © to him, threatening to kill “him by their
hands ὦ “just as he had destroy ed her own prophets.
In fear of this Elijah fled to the city called Berstibee ¢
—it is the furthest city in that part of the territory
of the tribe of Judah which borders on the country of
the Idumaeans—and. after leaving his servant there,
withdrew into the wilderness. Then he prayed that
he might dic, saying he was no better than his fathers
that he should long for life when they were gone, and
lay down to sleep underatree.f But he was wakened
by someone and, when he arose, found food and
water laid before him.’ So he ate it and, after
gathering strength from the food, went to the moun-
tain called Sinai,” where Moses is said to have re-
ceived the laws from God. And he found in it a
eertain hollow eave, whieh he entered, and there
may, however, mean “threatening through them ἴο kill
him.”
¢ Bibl. Beersheba, txx Ῥηρσάϑεε. Variant forms are
found in earlier books of the -lntiquities.
f A juniper-tree (Heb. rétem, Lxx, transliterating, ῥαθμέν).
9 Josephus paraphrases the Lxx text, ‘and someone
touched him and said, Arise and eat’?; Heb. “San angel
touched him and said, ete.” Both Heb. and itxx speak of
a second appearance of the angel.
» Bibl. Woreb (elsewhere in Scripture identified with Sinai).
Scripture adds that Elijah reached it after a journey of forty
days and forty nights,
ἐν Ὁ Ἔ ὃ 759
Elijah flees
from
Jezebel
to the
wilderness,
1 Kings
ὙΠ.
35
]
bo
JOSEPHUS
ποιούμενος ἐν αὐτῷ τὴν μονήν. ἐρομένης δέ τινος
3 ‘ ~ 3 5 7 / / \
αὐτὸν φωνῆς ἐξ ἀδήλου τί παρείη καταλελοιπὼς
τὴν πόλιν ἐκεῖσε, διὰ τὸ κτεῖναι μὲν τοὺς προ-
φήτας τῶν ξενικῶν θεῶν, πεῖσαι δὲ τὸν λαὸν ὅτι
tg ” θ ἣ ς ” Ὶ “a 3 3 3 ~ 9 /
μόνος εἴη θεὸς ὁ ὦν, ὃν ἀπ᾽ ἀρχῆς ἐθρήσκευσαν,
ἔφησε: ζητεῖσθαι yap ἐπὶ τούτῳ πρὸς τιμωρίαν
ὑπὸ τῆς γυναικὸς τοῦ βασιλέως. πάλιν δὲ ἀκούσας
προελθεῖν" εἰς τὸ ὕπαιθρον τῇ ἐπιούσῃ (γνώσεσθαι
γὰρ οὕτως τί δεῖ ποιεῖν), προῆλθεν ἐκ τοῦ σπηλαίου
> ~
μεθ᾽ ἡμέραν Kai σεισμοῦ τε ἐπακούει Kat Aap-
πρὰν πυρὸς αὐγὴν ὁρᾷ. καὶ γενομένης ἡσυχίας
\ , ‘ pes ae ? ee
φωνὴ θεία μὴ ταράττεσθαι τοῖς γινομένοις αὐτον
παρακελεύεται, κρατήσειν γὰρ οὐδένα τῶν ἐχθρῶν
αὐτοῦ, προσέταξέ τε ὑποστρέψαντα εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν
ἀποδεῖξαι τοῦ πλήθους βασιλέα ᾿Ιηοῦν τὸν Νεμε-
σαίου παῖδα, Δαμασκοῦ" δὲ τῶν Σύρων ᾿Αζάηλον':
ἀντ᾽ αὐτοῦ δὲ προφήτην ᾿Ιϑλισσαῖον ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ
γενήσεσθαι ἐκ πόλεως ᾿ΑΛβέλας:-" “᾿ διαφθερεῖ δὲ τοῦ
3 ~ ” A A ‘ 3 7 A \ Ἵ ~ 2?
ἀσεβοῦς ὄχλου τοὺς μὲν ᾿Αζάηλος τοὺς δὲ ‘Inods.
1. ὁ ὧν om. MSPE Lat. 2 προσελθεῖν ROMSE.
3 Niese: ἐκ Δαμασκοῦ codd.
@ Bibl. ‘and behold, the word of the Lord (came) to him.’
The following verses in both texts, moreover, show that Elijah
knew that it was God who spoke to him.
δ Lit. “ the existing one ’—a common Hellenistic Jewish
rendering of the tctragram YHWH. It is found in the rxx
Ex. ili. 14 where Ileb. has, “1 am who I am.’”’ In this pass-
age (1 Kings xix. 10), however, Heb. has “τὰς Lord God of
hosts,” xx τῷ κυρίῳ παντοκράτορι.
¢ So 1xx : Heb. does not specify the time.
ἀ Weill justly complains of Josephus’s colourless rationaliz-
ing of Scripture’s finely poetic account of the divine mani-
festation.
¢ Josephus omits the Scriptural repetition (1 Kings xix.
13b, 14) of Elijah’s explanation to God of his reasons for
760
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIff. 350-352
made his abode for some time. But a voice which
came from someone, he knew not whom,? asked him
why he had left the eity to come to that spot, where-
upon he said that it was because he had killed the
prophets of the strange gods and had convinced the
people that the only true God was the Eternal.?
whom they had worshipped from the beginning ; it
was for this reason that he was being sought for
punishment by the wife of the king. And again he
heard a voiee telling him to come out into the open
air on the morrow,¢ for so he should learn what he
must do. The next day, therefore, he came out of
the eave and heard the earth rumble and saw a
brilliant fiery light.¢ And, when all became quiet, a
divine voice exhorted him not to be alarmed by what
was happening, for none of his enemies should have
him in their power &; and it commanded him to
return to his own land and appoint Jehu,’ the son of
Nemesaios,? to be king of the people,” and AzaZlos ἢ
to be king of Damaseus in Syria,? while he should
make Elisha,” of the eity of Abela,’ prophet in his
place. “ But,” said the voice, “ of the impious people
Azatélos shall destroy some, and Jehu others.” ”
fleeing to the wilderness, and substitutes for it this statement
of God that Elijah’s enemies should not harm him.
7 Gr. Jéfis; Heb. VYéhi, uxx Klovs (v.l. Tot),
9 Bibl. Nimshi, rxx Ναμεσσεί (1.1. Napeodei).
» That is, of Israel. {10}. Hazael,-uxx Atay,
7 Emended text; mss. “ Azaélos of Damascus to be king
of Syria.”
¥ Gr. ’EXwoates, cf. Lxx ᾿Ελισσαῖε (v.l. ᾿Ελεισαῖε) ; Heb.
hlisd.
' Bibl. Abel-meholah, txx ᾿Αβελμαουλά, tentatively identi-
hed by Albright with the modern Tell fbi Sifri near ‘fin
Hlelweh, a little W. of the Jordan in the latitude of Samaria.
™ Scripture adds, “ and him that escapes the sword of Jchu,
shall Flisha slay.”
761
JOSEPHUS
patie Ue > 9 ; ς ; Pe ees , δ \
353.0 δ᾽ ᾿Πλίας ὑποστρέφει ταῦτ᾽ ἀκούσας εἰς τὴν
ἡ ὦ / , ἊΝ \ ν᾽ , a ΓΔ
“βραίων χώραν καὶ τὸν Nadatov παῖδα ᾿Ἰϑλισ-
σαῖον καταλαβὼν ἀροῦντα καὶ μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ τινας
” 3 / ᾽7ὔ / \ 3
ἄλλους ἐλαύνοντας ζεύγη δώδεκα προσελθὼν ἐπ-
f 9 ~ \ ” € , € 3 3 ~
354 ἔρριψεν αὐτῷ τὸ ἴδιον ἱμάτιον. ὁ δ᾽ ᾿Βλισσαῖος
εὐθέως προφητεύειν ἤρξατο καὶ καταλιπὼν τοὺς
, 3 ’ > ? \ \ ~
βόας ἠκολούθησεν “Hrta. δεηθεὶς δὲ συγχωρῆσαι
αὐτῷ τοὺς γονεῖς ἀσπάσασθαι, κελεύοντος τοῦτο
ποιεῖν, ἀποταξάμενος αὐτοῖς εἵπετο καὶ ἦν ᾿Ηλίου
τὸν ἅπαντα χρόνον τοῦ ζῆν καὶ μαθητὴς καὶ
διάκονος. καὶ τὰ μὲν περὶ τοῦ προφήτου τούτου
78) N ἦν.
) NaBwOost δέ τις ἐξ ᾿Ιεζαρήλου πόλεως
As ὧν τοῦ βασιλέως παρακαλοῦντος αὐτὸν
ἀποδόσθαι τιμῆς ὅσης βούλεται τὸν πλησίον αὐτοῦ
τῶν ee ἀγρόν, ἵνα συνάψας ἕν αὐτὸ ποιήσῃ
κτῆμα, | O€ pH βούλοιτο χρήματα λαβεῖν ἐπι-
τρέποντος ¢ ὀκλέξασθαι τῶν ἀγρῶν τινα τῶν ἐκείνου,
τοῦτο μὲν ov φησι ποιήσειν, αὐτὸς δὲ τὴν ἰδίαν
καρπώσεσθαιΣ γῆν, ἣν ἐκληρονόμησε τοῦ πατρός.
356 λυπηθεὶς δ᾽ ὡς ἐφ᾽ ὕβρει τῷ μὴ τἀλλότρια λαβεῖν
ὁ βασιλεὺς οὔτε λουτρὸν προσηνέγκατο οὗτε
ΠῚ ἢ τῆς δ᾽ ᾿Ιεζαβέλης τῆς “γυναικὸς αὐτοῦ
πυνθανομένης ¢ ὅ τι λυπεῖται καὶ μήτε λούεται μήτε
ἄριστον αὑτῷ παρατίθεται μήτε δεῖπνον, διηγήσατο
“" ’
αὐτῇ τὴν Ναβώθου σκαιότητα καὶ ὡς χρησάμενος
1 Niese: Ναβώθης RO: Νάβουθος MSP Exc.: Ναβουϑθαῖος
FE: Naboth Lat
2 Exe. Suidas: καρπώσασθαι codd.
¢ Bibl, Shaphat, rxx Za pad (δεξὶ Ξ αφᾶτ).
’ Elisha’s prophesying is an unscriptural detail.
¢ Josephus adds the detail about Elisha’s leave-taking but
702
es
on
σι
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, Χ{ΠῚ: 353-356
When Elijah heard these words, he returned to the
eountry of the Hebrews and eame upon Elisha, the
son of Saphatés,? as he was ploughing and some
others with him, who were driving twelve yoke of
oxen, and, going up to him, he threw his own mantle
over him. Thereupon Elisha immediately began to
prophesy,’ and, leaving his oxen, followed Elijah.
But he asked to be allowed to take Jeave οὗ his
parents, and, when Elijah bade him do so, he parted
from them and then went with the prophet ©; and
so long as Elijah was alive he was his diseiple and
attendant. Sueh, then, is the history of this prophet.
(8) @ Now a eertain Naboth,? from the city of Ahab and
Jezarél f had a field adjoining those of the king, who eva
asked him to sell this field next to his own lands at any 1 #nss
price, in order that he might join it to them and make (xx xx. 1).
them one property ; or, if he did not wish to take
money for it, he would permit him to seleet any one
of his own fields. But the other refused to do this,
saying that he would himself enjoy the fruits of his
own land, whieh he had inherited from his father.
Then the king, who was aggrieved, as if at an insult,
at not getting the other’s property, would neither
bathe 2 nor take food; and, when his wife Jezabelé
inquired why he grieved and would neither bathe nor
have his midday meal or supper served to him, he
told her of Naboth’s contrariness and how, in spite of
omits the Scriptural statement (t Kings xix. 21) that Ehsha
slaughtered a yoke of oxen to feed his people.
4 Josephus follows the Lxx in narrating the story of Naboth
(Ileb. ch. xxi) before the war of Ahab and Benhadad (Heb.
che νον ἘΞ 303 Mt. ¢ Gr. Nabdthos; Lxx Ναβουθαί.
! Bibl. Jezreel, cf. § 346 note.
9 Unseriptural detail. Josephus, however, omits the
Scriptural detail that Ahab took to his bed.
763
909
900
JOSEPHUS
ἐπιεικέσι πρὸς αὐτὸν λόγοις καὶ βασιλικῆς ἐξουσίας
ὑποδεεστέροις ὑβρισθείη μὴ τυχὼν ὧν ἠξίου. ἡ
δὲ μὴ μικροψυχεῖν ἐπὶ τούτοις παρεκάλει, παυ-
σάμενον δὲ τῆς λύπης ἐπὶ τὴν συνήθη τρέπεσθαι'
τοῦ σώματος πρόνοιαν" μελήσειν γὰρ αὐτῇ περὶ
τῆς Ναβώθου τιμωρίας. καὶ παραχρῆμα πέμπει
γράμματα πρὸς τοὺς ὑπερέχοντας τῶν “lela-
ρηλιτῶν" ἐκ tot ᾿Αχάβου ὀνόματος νηστεῦσαί τε
κελεύουσα καὶ ποιησαμένους ἐκκλησίαν προκαθίσαι
μὲν αὐτῶν Νάβωθον (εἶναι γὰρ αὐτὸν γένους ἐπι-
φανοῦς), ᾿παρασκευασαμένους δὲ τρεῖς “τολμηρούς
τινας τοὺς καταμαρτυρήσοντας αὐτοῦ, ὡς τὸν θεόν
τε εἴη βλασφημήσας καὶ τὸν βασιλέα, καταλεῦσαι
καὶ τούτῳ διαχρήσασθαι τῷ τρόπῳ. καὶ Νάβωθος
μέν, ὡς ἔγραψεν ἡ βασίλισσα, οὕτως ᾿καταμαρ-
τυρηθεὶς βλασφημῆσαι τὸν θεόν τε καὶ "AxaBov
βαλλόμενος ὑπὸ τοῦ πλήθους ἀπέθανεν, ἀκούσασα
δὲ ταῦτα ᾿Ϊεζαβέλη εἴσεισι πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα
καὶ κληρονομεῖν τὸν Ναβώθου ἀμπελῶνα προῖκα
ἐκέλευσεν. ὁ δὲ Λχαβος ἥσθη τοῖς γεγενημένοις
καὶ ἀναπηδήσας ἀπὸ τῆς κλίνης ὀψόμενος ἧκε τὸν
ἀμπελῶνα. τὸν Ναβώθου. ἀγανακτήσας δ᾽ ὁ θεὸς
πέμπει τὸν προφήτην ᾿Πλίαν εἰς τὸ Ναβώθου
χωρίον ᾿Αχάβῳ συμβαλοῦντα καὶ περὶ τῶν πε-
πραγμένων ἐρησόμενον ὅτι κτείνας τὸν ἀληθῆ
δεσπότην τοῦ χωρίου κληρονομήσειεν αὐτὸς ἀδίκως.
1 τραπέσθαι (M)SP Exe. Suidas.
2 Niese (duce Hfudson): ᾿Ισραηλιτῶν codd.
@ Amplification.
δ᾽ Unscriptural detail, but according to rabbinic tradition
he was a cousin of Ahab.
τ04
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 356-360
his having used mild words toward him, hardly in
keeping with the royal authority,* he had been
insulted by being refused what he had asked for.
She, however, urged him not to be dispirited over
these things but to cease grieving and turn to caring
for his body as usual, for she would attend to Naboth’s
punishment. And she at onee sent letters in Achab’s
name to the chief men among the Jezarélites, order-
ing them to keep a fast and hold an assembly over
whieh Naboth, since he came of an illustrious family,?
was to preside ; and, after they should have brought
three ὁ unscrupulous men to bear witness against
him to the effect that he had blasphemed both God
and the king,? they were to stone him to death and
so make an end of him. Thus, as a result of the
queen’s letter, Naboth was accused of having blas-
phemed both God and Achab, and was stoned to
death by the people. When Jezabelé heard of this,
she went in to the king and bade him take possession
of Naboth’s vineyard without paying for it. There-
upon Achab, who was pleased ὁ at what had happened,
leaped from his bed and went to see Naboth’s vine-
yard. But God was angry and sent the prophet
{hjah to Naboth’s field to meet Achab and ask him
about what he had done and why, after killing the
real owner of the field, he had himself unjustly taken
¢ Bibl. “two.” | Ginzberg writes, vi. 312, that Josephus’s
reference to three witnesses ** presupposes the older Hatakah
flaw], according to which, in cases involving capital punish-
ment, three witnesses (or to be more accurate, one accuser and
two witnesses) are necessary.”
4 Crimes forbidden by the Mosaic law, Tix. xxii. 28.
¢é pxx | Kings xxi. 16, ‘‘ and he tore his clothes and put on
sackcloth ’’; Heb. omits the sentenee at this point, but has
it further on (vs. 27), after the warning sent to Ahab by God.
765
Naboth is
killed
through
Jezebel’s
plot.
1 Kings xxi.
(Ex Xx.) 18,
90]
362
063
364
JOSEPHUS
e > ce A ᾽ ’ > ,ὔ ~ 4 o
ws δ᾽ ἧκε πρὸς αὐτόν, εἰπόντος τοῦ βασιλέως ὃ τι
~ 98
βούλεται χρήσασθαι αὐτῷ (αἰσχρὸν γὰρ ὄντα ἐπὶ
> ~
ἁμαρτήματι ληφθῆναι ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ), κατ ἐκεῖνον
ἔφη τὸν τόπον ἐν ᾧ τὸν Ναβώθου νεκρὸν ὑπὸ
κυνῶν δαπανηθῆναι συνέβη, τό τε αὐτοῦ καὶ τὸ
~ is ~ ~ \
THs γυναικὸς γυθήσεσθαι αἷμα Kat πᾶν αὐτοῦ τὸ
- ~ a ,
γένος ἀπολεῖσθαι, τοιαῦτα ἀσεβῆσαι τετολμηκότος
\ / > ,ὔ
καὶ παρὰ τοὺς πατρίους νόμους “πολίτην ἀδίκως
>
ἀνῃρηκότος. ᾿Αχάβῳ δὲ λύπη τῶν πεπραγμένων
‘\
εἰσῆλθε καὶ μετάμελος, καὶ σακκίον ἐνδυσάμενος
γυμνοῖς τοῖς ποσὶ διῆγεν οὐχ ἁπτόμενος τροφῆς
ἀνθομολογούμενός τε τὰ ἡμαρτημένα καὶ" τὸν θεὸν
οὕτως ἐξευμενίζων. ὁ δὲ ζῶντος μὲν αὐτοῦ πρὸς
“- \ ~ /
Tov προφήτην εἶπεν" ὑπερβαλεῖσθαι τὴν τοῦ γένους
τιμωρίαν ἐπεὶ ἐπὶ τοῖς τετολμημένοις μετανοεῖ,
7 A A > \ > Ἁ ~ ta ~ 9 ,
τελέσειν δὲ τὴν ἀπειλὴν ἐπὶ TH vid Tob ᾿Αχάβου.
A φ \ 7 --“ΑχἯν > a ¥ ~ A “A
Kal ὁ μὲν προφήτης ταῦτ᾽ ἐδήλωσε τῷ βασιλεῖ.
(xiv. 1) Τῶν δὲ περὶ τὸν “AyaBov ὄντων τοιούτων
A A > \ \ e ~ > , ἐν"
κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρὸν ὁ τοῦ ᾿Αδάδου υἱὸς βα-
ὔ ~ / \ ~ (4 3
σιλεύων τῶν Σύρων καὶ Δαμασκοῦ δύναμιν ἐξ
e / ~ ‘
ἁπάσης τῆς χώρας συναγαγὼν καὶ συμμάχους
,ὔ
τοὺς πέραν Evdparov βασιλέας ποιησάμενος τριά-
᾽
κοντα καὶ δύο, ἐστράτευσεν ἐπὶ τὸν [Λχαβον. ὁ ὃ
~ ~ ~ \ , \
οὐκ ὧν ὅμοιος αὐτῷ TH στρατιᾷ πρὸς μάχην μὲν
> > ‘
ov παρετάξατο, πάντα δ᾽ εἰς Tas ὀχυρωτάτας
a
1 ws Naber. 2 εἶπεν om. RO.
3 ἐπεὶ ἐπὶ conj.: εἶπεν ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἐπὶ RO: ἐπὶ M: ἐπεὶ SVE
Exe.
α This confession of sin by Ahab is an unseriptural detail.
δ 1} Thaekcray, Josephus, the Man, ete., Ὁ. 82, has pointed
out Josephus’s dependence here on the Targum, which has
τοῦ
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 361-364
possession of it. And when he eame to him, the king
said that the prophet might do with 1: ΤῊ as he
wished, for he had aeted shamefully and had been
taken by him in sin,? whereupon the other said that
in that very place Rchere Naboth’s body had been
devoured by dogs, his own blood and his wife’s should
be shed and all his family should perish beeause
he had unscrupulously eommitted these so impious
deeds, and, in violation of his country’s laws, had
unjustly slain a citizen. Then Achab began to feel
grief and remorse for what he had done ; putting on
sackeloth, he went with bare feet ® and touehed no
food and eonfessed his sins, seeking in this way to
propitiate God. And God said to the prophet that
while Achab lived, He would put off punishing his
family, sinee he repented of © his violent deeds, but
IIe would earry out His threat on Achab’s son. And
so the prophet revealed these things to the king.
(xiv. 1) ¢ At the same time that this state of affairs Ben-hadad
existed for Achab, the son of Adados,@ who was king (448409 of
Syria
of Syria and Damaseus, colleeted a foree from all besieges
ὃ A ‘ Ahab in
parts of his country and, after making allies of the Samaria.
thirty-two kings beyond the Euphrates,f mizrcied.» SUes xs:
(LXX xxi.) L
against Achab. ‘The latter, not haying an army equal
to his, did not draw up his men for battle, but shut up
all the wealth of the country in the most strongly
* barefoot,” while Ileb. has ‘at ** quietly ” (: AV. “softly ἢ
and Lxx mss. omit or render ‘“* bowed down.”
¢ Emended text.
4 Cf. $355 note.
“ Bibl. Ben-hadad (it. “the son of TTadad”’), Lxx vids
Adep; it has been conjectured that the king's full name was
Ben-hadad bir-adri.
! scripture does not say that the kings came from beyond
the Euphrates.
707
Lou)
Cc
cr
366
36
~J
368
JOSEPHUS
’ 3 ld A 3 ~ fa 9 \ A ww
πόλεις ἐγκλείσας τὰ ἐν TH χώρᾳ αὐτὸς μὲν ἔμεινεν
ἐν Σαμαρείᾳ: τείχη γὰρ αὕτη; λίαν ἰσχυρὰ περι-
εβέβλητο καὶ τὰ ἄλλα δυσάλωτος ἐδόκει: ὁ δὲ Σύρος
ἀναλαβὼν τὴν δύναμιν ἧκεν ἐπὶ τὴν Σαμάρειαν
καὶ περικαθίσας αὐτῇ τὸν στρατὸν ἐπολιόρκει.
πέμψας δὲ κήρυκα πρὸς ᾿Λχαβον ἠξίου πρεσβευτὰς
δέξασθαι παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ, δι ὧν αὐτῷ δηλώσει τί
βούλεται. τοῦ δὲ τῶν ᾿Ισραηλιτῶν βασιλέως
“ 9 ’ὔ 3 / € / wv
πέμπειν ἐπιτρέψαντος ἐλθόντες ot πρέσβεις ἔλεγον
κατ ἐντολὴν τοῦ βασιλέως τὸν ᾿Αχάβου πλοῦτον
καὶ τὰ τέκνα αὐτοῦ καὶ τὰς γυναῖκας ᾿Αδάδου
τυγχάνειν" ἂν δ᾽ ὁμολογήσῃ καὶ λαβεῖν αὐτὸν τού-
των ὅσα βούλεται συγχωρήσῃ, τὴν στρατιὰν ἀπάξει
καὶ παύσεται πολιορκῶν αὐτόν. ὁ δ᾽ ἼΑχαβος τοῖς
/ 3 7 a“ f ~ ”
πρέσβεσιν ἐκέλευσε πορευθεῖσι λέγειν τῷ βασιλεῖ
αὐτῶν ὅτι καὶ αὐτὸς καὶ οἱ ἐκείνου πάντες κτήματά
εἰσιν αὐτοῦ. ταῦτα δ᾽ ἀπαγγειλάντων πέμπει
πάλιν πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀξιῶν ἀνωμολογηκότα πάντα
. δ , , \ , >
εἶναι ἐκείνου δέξασθαι τοὺς πεμφθησομένους εἰς
A > ~ ~ e
τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ δούλους, ois ἐρευνήσασι
τά τε βασίλεια καὶ τοὺς τῶν φίλων καὶ συγγενῶν
οἴκους ἐκέλευε διδόναι πᾶν ὅ τι ἂν ἐν αὐτοῖς εὕρωσι
4 ¢¢ \ 3 > 4 Ἁ 4
κάλλιστον, “᾿τὰ δ᾽ ἀπαρέσαντα σοὶ καταλείψου-
}) Ww > ? 3 . οὗ ~ 7
aw.’ "“AyaBos δ᾽ ἀγασθεὶς ἐπὶ τῇ δευτέρᾳ πρεσ-
~ “~ 3
βείᾳ τοῦ τῶν Σύρων βασιλέως, συναγαγὼν εἰς
>? 4 \ ~ ” « ᾽ 3 \ € ΄
ἐκκλησίαν τὸ πλῆθος ἔλεγεν ὡς αὐτὸς μὲν ἑτοίμως
εἶχεν ὑπὲρ σωτηρίας αὐτοῦ καὶ εἰρήνης καὶ γυ-
A ~ ‘ \
vatkas Tas ἰδίας προέσθαι τῷ πολεμίῳ καὶ τα
τέκνα καὶ πάσης παραχωρῆσαι κτήσεως" ταῦτα
3 - ~
yap ἐπιζητῶν ἐπρεσβεύσατο πρῶτον ὁ Σύρος.
1 airy RO.
~
5)
2)
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 364-368
fortified cities, while he himself remained in Samaria,
for this city was surrounded by exceedingly strong
walls and seemed in all ways difficult to take. But
the Syrian with his force came to Samaria, placed his
army around it and besieged it. Then he sent a
herald to Achab, asking that his envoys be received
by him, that through them he might inform him of
his wishes.@ And, when the Israelite king gave him
leave to send them, the envoys came and, at their
king’s command, said that Achab’s wealth, children
and wives belonged to Adados; if Achab came to
terms and allowed him to take of these what he
pleased, he would withdraw his army and raise the
siege. Thereupon Achab bade the envoys go and
tell their king that both he and all those belonging
to him were the possessions of Adados. When they
reported these words to him, he again sent to Achab
and demanded, since he adinitted that all his belong-
ings were Adados: s, that he receive the servants who
were to be sent to him the next day to search the
palace and the houses of his friends and relatives,
and give them whatever they might find there that
was most desirable, adding, ““ What doesn’t please
them, they will leave for you.” & But Achab, who
was indignant at the second message of the Syrian
king, brought the people together in assembly and
told them that he himself was ready, in the interests
of their safety and peace, to give up his own wives
and children to the enemy and yield all his posses-
sions, for this was what the Syrian had demanded
when he sent his envoys the first time. “ But now
¢ This description of Samaria and Ben-hadad’s request
that his envoys be reecived are additions to Scripture.
> This last sentence is an addition to Scripture.
769
η00 “'
97
87
1
Ω
JOSEPHS
~ >. I¢/ ὃ 1A » , ’,
vov ἠξίωκε δούλους πέμψαι τάς τε πάντων
οἰκίας ἐρευνῆσαι καὶ μηδὲν ἐν αὐταῖς καταλιπεῖν
“- f
τῶν καλλίστων κτημάτων, πρόφασιν βουλόμενος
πολέμου λαβεῖν, εἰδὼς ὅτι τῶν μὲν ἐμαυτοῦ bu
ὑμᾶς οὐκ ἂν φεισαίμην, ἀφορμὴν δ᾽ ἐκ τοῦ περὶ
τῶν ὑμετέρων ἀηδοῦς" πραγματευόμενος ets TO
πολεμεῖν' ποιήσω γε μὴν τὰ ὑμῖν δοκοῦντα. "τὸ
δὲ πλῆθος μὴ δεῖν ἀκούειν τῶν κατ᾽ αὐτὸν ἔλεγεν,
3 4 a “a
ἀλλὰ καταφρονεῖν καὶ πρὸς TO πολεμεῖν ἑτοίμως
ἔχειν. τοῖς οὖν πρεσβευταῖς ἀποκρινάμενος λέγειν
ἀπελθοῦσιν ὅτι τοῖς τὸ πρῶτον ἀξιωθεῖσιν ὑπ᾽
~ ~ 3 ~ ~ ~
αὐτοῦ Kat νῦν ἐμμένει τῆς TOV πολιτῶν ἀσφαλείας
, \ ‘ ‘
ἕνεκα πρὸς δὲ τὴν δευτέραν ἀξίωσιν οὐχ ὑπακούει,
ἀπέλυσεν αὐτούς.
[ 3 2 , ~ \ 4
(9) Ὃ δ᾽ ΓΛδαδος ἀκούσας ταῦτα καὶ δυσχεράνας
7 ” 4 ” sy , 3 ~
τρίτον ἔπεμψε “πρὸς Axapov τοὺς πρέσβεις ἀπειλῶν
ὑψηλότερον τῶν τειχῶν οἷς καταφρονεῖ. χῶμα τού-
τοις ἐπεγείρειν αὐτοῦ τὴν στρατιὰν κατὰ δράκα γῆς
λαμβάνουσαν, ἐμφανίζων αὐτῷ τῆς δυνάμεως τὸ
~ \ 4 r ~ ? 3 4
πλῆθος καὶ καταπληττόμενος. τοῦ δ᾽ ᾿Αχάβου
‘ ~ a
μὴ καυχᾶσθαι δεῖν ἀποκριναμένου καθωπλισμένον
“ ¢e
ἀλλὰ τῇ μάχῃ κρείττω γενόμενον, ἐλθόντες ot
f . 4 : ~ ’ \ ’
πρέσβεις καὶ δειπνοῦντα καταλαβόντες τὸν βασιλέα
\ 4 4
μετὰ τριάκοντα καὶ δύο βασιλέων συμμάχων
Ὡς 2 2 A \ > δ ἢ ᾿ς 69) γΩ7 as
ἐδήλωσαν αὐτῷ τὴν ἀπόκρισιν' ὁ δ᾽ εὐθέως τοῦτο
1 αἰδοῦς RO.
5 post τοῦτο lacunam statuit Niese, recte videtur.
@ Josephus greatly amplifies Ahab’s speech.
> Josephus seems to have misinderstood the Heb. (and
Lic.) text of I Kings xx. 10, which reads “ the dust of Samaria
will not be enough for handfuls (séa@/im) for all the people at
my feet (7.e. “ following me ’’),”’ that is, there were more men
in Ben-hadad’s army than there were handfuls of dust in
770
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 369-372
he insists on sending his servants to seareh all houses
and leave none of the most desirable possessions in
them, for he wishes to find a pretext for making war,
and though he knows that on your aeeount I would
not spare what belongs to me, he is trying hard to
make this disagreeable tre ROAR of you an occasion
for war. Nevertheless, I shall do what you think
best.Ӣ Then the people said that he ought not to
listen to Adados’s terms but should treat him seorn-
fully and prepare for war. Aceordingly, in reply to
the eny oys he told them to go back and say that for
the sake of the eitizens’ safety he still agr eed to the
demands first made by Adados, but w Stld not submit
to the seeond demand. He then dismissed them.
(2) When Adados heard these words, he was anab is
greatly vexed and sent envoys to Aehab a third time, age
fircatenite that his army would take eaeh man a Diovbeey
handful of earth and ereet earthworks higher than Seen
the walls ® in which he had such sublime Pon adence: ς ΠΣ oe
in this way displaying to him the great number ἐν, χε!)
his force and see king to strike terror into him. But τυ:
Aehab replied that the time to boast was not when
arming onesclf but after eoming off vietorious in
battle. And, when the envoys eame to the king,
they found fi dining with ‘the thirty-two kings
who were his allies, aa reported this answer to hina.
Samaria. The vxx, reading sddlin “ foxes”’ instead of
sédlim δ handfuls,’ has εἰ ἐκποιήσει ὁ χοῦς Σαμαρείας ταῖς
ἀλώπεξιν παντὶ τῴ λαῷ τοῖς πεζοῖς μοῦ, Which makes no sense.
‘On this meaning of καταφρονεῖν with the dative cf.
A. vii. GI note.
¢ So Targuin; Feb, ‘ Let not the one w ho girds on (his
sword) boast like the one who takes it off," uxx μὴ καὶ χάσθω
ὁ κυρτὸς ws ὁ ὀρθὸς * Jet not the crooked man boast like the
erect man.”’
(ee!
37
Ge
Jit
375
377
JOSEPHUS
προσέταξε Kal περιχαρακοῦν τὴν πόλιν Kal χώματα
βάλλεσθαι καὶ μηδένα τρόπον ἀπολιπεῖν πολιορκίας.
ἦν δ᾽ Λχαβος τούτων πραττομένων ἐν ἀγωνίᾳ δεινῇ
σὺν παντὶ τῷ λαῷ: θαρρεῖ δὲ καὶ τῶν φόβων ἀπο-
λύεται προφήτου τινὸς αὐτῷ προσελθόντος καὶ
φήσαντος αὐτῷ τὸν θεὸν ὑπισχνεῖσθαι ποιήσειν τὰς
τοσαύτας τῶν πολεμίων μυριάδας ὑποχειρίους.
πυθομένῳ δὲ διὰ Tivwy ἂν ἡ νίκη γένοιτο, " Ota
“ δ)
τῶν παίδων," εἶπε, > τῶν ἡγεμόνων, ἡγουμένου
σοῦ διὰ τὴν ἀπειρίαν ἐκείνων. καλέσας δὲ τοὺς
τῶν ἡγεμόνων υἱούς, εὑρέθησαν δ᾽ ὡς διακόσιοι
Kal τριακονταδύο, μαθὼν τὸν Σύρον πρὸς εὐωχίαν
καὶ ἄνεσιν τετραμμένον, ἀνοίξας τὰς πύλας ἐξ-
ἔπεμψε τοὺς παῖδας. τῶν δὲ σκοπῶν δηλωσάντων
τοῦτο τῷ ᾿Αδάδῳ πέμπει τινὰς ὑπαντησομένους,
ἐντειλάμενος, ἂν μὲν εἰς μάχην ὦσι προεληλυθότες,
ἵνα δήσαντες ἀγάγωσι πρὸς αὐτόν, ἂν δ᾽ εἰρηνικῶς,
» & > ‘ ~
οὐ το TAVTO TOLWOLY. εἶχε 8 ἑτοίμην. “AxaBos
καὶ τὴν ἄλλην στρατιὰν ἐντὸς τῶν τειχῶν. οὗ δὲ
τῶν ἀρχόντων παῖδες συμβαλόντες τοῖς φύλαξι
πολλοὺς αὐτῶν ἀποκτείνουσι καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ἄχρι
τοῦ στρατοπέδου διώκουσιν. ἰδὼν δὲ τούτους
~ ¢ ~ > ~ \ > ,
νικῶντας ὁ τῶν ᾿Ισραηλιτῶν βασιλεὺς ἐξαφίησι
\ \ ¢ \ ΄ ¢ 3 > ,
Kat τὴν ἄλλην στρατιὰν ἅπασαν. ἡ δ᾽ αἰφνιδίως
ἐπιπεσοῦσα τοῖς Σύροις ἐκράτησεν αὐτῶν, οὐ γὰρ
προσεδόκων αὐτοὺς ἐπεζξελεύσεσθαι, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο
4 ‘The text is uncertain; there is probably a lacuna in the
MSS.
δ So xx; Heb. “ place yourselves (in position), and they
placed themselves against the city,” Targum “* prepare your-
selves, and they lay in ambush against the eity.”’
¢ Ahab’s anxiety is an unscriptural detail,
172
ee
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 372-377
He at once gave orders? to build a stockade around
the city and throw up earthworks ὃ and not leave any
way of besieging it untried. While these things
were being done, Achab was in a terrible state of
anxiety together with all his people. But he took
heart and was relieved of his fears when a certain
pee ea eame to him and told him that God promised
to deliver these many myriads of the enemy into his
hand. And, when he asked through whom the
victory would be won, the prophet said, ‘ Through
the sons of the gov ernors,? with you to lead them
because of their inexperience.’ ® So he summoned
the sons of the governors, who were found to number
some two hundred and thirty-two? and, when he
learned that the Syrian was giving himself up to
feasting and taking his ease, he opened the gates and
sent the youths out. And when the look-outs re-
ported this to Adados, he sent out some of his men to
meet them, with instructions that, if the others came
out to battle, they should bind them and bring them
to him ; and even if the enemy came out peaceably :
they should do the same thing. But Achab had still
another army waiting within the walls. Then the anabrs
sons of the nobles engaged the guards and killed pistes o\"
many of them, while the rest they pursued as far as 1 Kings xx.
their camp. And when the Israelite king saw his jg (LEX xxi)
men winning the vietory, he released all of his seeond
army as ell: Thereupon they suddenly fell upon
the ‘Sy rians and defeated thei, for these had not
expected them to come out against them, and for
4 Bibl. “ the young men of the rulers of the provinces.”
¢ ** Because of their inexpericnee’’ is an addition to
Scripture,
! Josephus omits the numbering of the Israelite army.
173
JOSEPHUS
A 4 4 , Ν Α
γυμνοῖς καὶ μεθύουσι προσέβαλλον, ὥστε τὰς
πανοπλίας ἐκ τῶν στρατοπέδων φεύγοντας κατα-
~ \ Ἁ / ~ ’ + 23
λιπεῖν καὶ τὸν βασιλέα διασωθῆναι μόλις ἐφ
378 ἵππου ποιησάμενον τὴν φυγήν. "AxaBos δὲ πολ-
λὴν ὁδὸν διώκων τοὺς “Σύρους ἤνυσεν ἀναιρῶν
αὐτούς, διαρπάσας δὲ τὰ ἐν τῇ παρεμβολῇ (πλοῦτος
b) κυ ᾿] 4 4, > .} ‘ ~ ᾿ ~ A
δ᾽ ἦν οὐκ ὀλίγος, ἀλλὰ καὶ χρυσοῦ πλῆθος καὶ
ἀργύρου), τά τε ἅρματα τοῦ ᾿Λδάδου καὶ τοὺς
+ Ἁ 3 4 ᾽ 4 ’, ~ Ἁ
ἵππους λαβὼν ἀνέστρεψεν εἰς τὴν πόλιν. τοῦ δὲ
προφήτου παρασκευάζεσθαι φήσαντος καὶ τὴν δύ-
ναμιν ἑτοίμην ἔχειν, ὡς τῷ ἐπιόντι πάλιν ἔτει
΄ 2 wee: | ᾽ 4 a ¥. e 4 ”
στρατεύσοντος ἐπ᾿ αὐτὸν τοῦ Σύρου, ὁ μέν ἀ
πρὸς τούτοις ἦν.
8179 (8) Ὁ δὲ λδαδος διασωθεὶς ἐκ τῆς μάχης μεθ᾽
ὅσης ἠδυνήθη στρατιᾶς συνεβουλεύσατο τοῖς αὑτοῦ
φίλοις, πῶς; ἐπιστρατεύσηται τοῖς ᾿Ισραηλίταις.
οἱ δ᾽ ἐν μὲν τοῖς ὄρεσιν οὐκ ἐδίδοσαν γνώμην συμ-
βαλεῖν αὐτοῖς: τὸν γὰρ θεὸν αὐτῶν ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις
δύνασθαι τόποις καὶ διὰ τοῦτο νῦν ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν νε-
νικῆσθαι" κρατήσειν δὲ ἔλεγον ἐν πεδίῳ ποιησα-
280 μένους τὴν μάχην. συνεβούλευον δὲ πρὸς τούτῳ
τοὺς μὲν βασιλέας οὗς ἐπηγάγετο συμμάχους ἀπο-
λῦσαι πρὸς τὰ οἰκεῖα, τὴν δὲ στρατιὰν αὐτῶν
κατασχεῖν, ἀντ᾽ ἐκείνων σατράπας καταστήσαντα'
εἰς δὲ τὴν τῶν ἀπολωλότων τάξιν στρατολογῆσαι
δύναμιν ἐκ τῆς χώρας τῆς αὐτῶν καὶ ἵππους καὶ
ἅρματα. δοκιμάσας οὖν ταῦτα εἰρῆσθαι καλῶς
οὕτως διεκόσμησε τὴν δύναμιν.
1 Naber: πῶς ἂν eodd.
2‘ A Jong way” is an unscriptural detail.
> This spoil is not mentioned in Scripture.
114
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 377-380
that reason were unarmed and drunk when they
were attacked, so that they fled from the camp,
leaving all their armour behind, and the king barely
saved himself by making his eseape on horseback.
Aehab went a long way 4 in pursuit of the Syrians,
and slew them. Then, after plundering their eamp,
in whieh there was no little sum of wealth and also
a large quantity of gold and silver,® and taking the
ehariots and horses of Adados, he returned to the
οἷν. But the prophet told him to prepare himself
and hold his foree in readiness, for the Syrian would
again attack him in the following year; and _ so
Aehab attended to these things.
(3) Now Adados, after eseaping from the seene of Ben-hadad
battle with as mueh of his foree as he eould save, took
eounsel with his friends eoneerning how he should
again take the field against the Israelites. And they
were of the opinion that he should not engage them
again pre-
pares for
war with
Ahab.
1 Kings xx,
(LXX XXxi.)
232
in the hills, on the ground that their god had most "ἢ
power in such places, and for that reason they had
reeently been defeated. But, they said, they would
eonquer them if they fought the battle in the plain.
They also advised him further to send back to their
homes the kings whom he had brought along as allies,
but to retain their armies and appoint satraps ¢ in
their places, while, to fill the ranks of those who had
been killed, he should levy a foree from their own
eountry, as well as horses and chariots. Thereupon
he approved of these words as well spoken, and
arranged his foree aceordingly.
© σατράπαι is the txx word translating Heb. ρα μόν “ pro-
vincial governors ”’ or “* conmeanders ’? (A.V. captains ἢ}:
ahoth is an Assyrian loan-word, while σατράπης is a Persian
ohana:
VOL. V 3D ΤΊ
98]
382
383
384
385
JOSEPHUS
(4) ᾿Αρξαμένου δὲ ἔαρος ἀναλαβὼν τὴν στρατιὰν
ἦγεν ἐπὶ τοὺς EBpaious, καὶ γενόμενος πρὸς πόλει
τινί, ᾿Αφεκὰ δ᾽ αὐτὴν καλοῦσιν, ἐν μεγάλῳ στρα-
7 ’ ” > > , 3 ~
τοπεδεύεται πεδίῳ. “AyaBos δ᾽ ἀπαντήσας αὐτῷ
μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως ἀντεστρατοπεδεύσατο: σφόδρα
δ᾽ ἦν ὀλίγον αὐτοῦ τὸ στράτευμα πρὸς τοὺς πο-
λεμίους ἀντιπαραβαλλόμενον. τοῦ δὲ προφήτου
προσελθόντος αὐτῷ πάλιν καὶ νίκην τὸν θεὸν αὐτῷ
ὃ ’ ’ὔ “σ ᾿: 99. 7 9 \ 3 ’ὔ, ᾿
ιδόναι φήσαντος, ἵνα τὴν ἰδίαν ἰσχὺν ἐπιδείξηται
μὴ μόνον ἐν τοῖς ὄρεσιν ἀλλὰ κἀν τοῖς πεδίοις
ὑπάρχουσαν, ὅπερ οὐκ εἶναι δοκεῖ τοῖς Σύροις,
¢ \
ἐπτὰ μὲν ἡμέρας" ἀντεστρατοπεδευκότες ἡσύχαζον,
τῇ δὲ ὑστάτῃ τούτων ὑπὸ τὸν ὄρθρον προελθόντων
2 “ ~
ἐκ τοῦ στρατοπέδου τῶν πολεμίων καὶ παραταξα-
μένων εἰς μάχην ἀντεπεξῆγε καὶ ΓΑχαβος τὴν
οἰκείαν δύναμιν. καὶ συμβαλὼν καρτερᾶς τῆς
μάχης γενομένης τρέπεται τοὺς πολεμίους εἰς
υγὴν καὶ διώκων ἐπέκειτο. οἱ δὲ καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν
ἁρμάτων καὶ ὑπ᾽ ἀλλήλων ἀπώλοντο, ἴσχυσαν δ᾽
3 ’ -“" 3 \ 9 Α , 3 ~
ὀλίγοι διαφυγεῖν εἰς τὴν ᾿Αφεκὰ πόλιν αὐτῶν.
ἀπέθανον δὲ καὶ αὐτοὶ τῶν τειχῶν αὐτοῖς ἐπι-
, ἢ 7 ¢€ ͵7 ’
πεσόντων ὄντες δισμύριοι ἑπτακισχίλιοι. διεφθά-
> 9 9 ’ “~ , » ta ,
ρησαν δ᾽ ἐν ἐκείνη τῇ μάχῃ ἄλλαι μυριάδες δέκα.
> δὲ λεὺς τῶν Σύ ᾿Αδαδ
6 δὲ βασιλεὺς τῶν Σύρων Λδαδος φεύγων μετά
των πιστοτάτων οἰκετῶν εἰς ὑπόγειον οἶκον
9 ’ 7 \ 7 \ 3 /
ἐκρύβη. τούτων δὲ φιλανθρώπους Kai ἐλεήμονας
εἶναι φησάντων τοὺς τῶν ᾿Ισραηλιτῶν βασιλέας
1 Niese: ἡμέραις codd.
2 4 κτείνων MSPE Zonaras.
¢ Bibl. Aphek. There were several Palestinian cities of
this name; the location of the city here mentioned is uncer-
ΠῚ δ
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIIT. 391-985
(+) At the beginning of spring Adados marched
with his army against the Hebrews and. after coming
to a certain city which is called Apheka,? encamped ἴο
in a great plain. And Achab met him with his force 1
and encamped over against him, although his army :
was a very small one in comparison w ith the enemy.? |
But the prophet came to him again and said that God
would give him victory in order that He might show
His power to exist not only in the hills but also in the
plains, which was what the Syrians did not believe.
And for seven days both armies remained quiet in
their camps, facing each other, but, when on the last
day the enemy came out of their camp at dawn and
drew themselves up for battle, Achab also led his
force out against them. Then, after engaging them
in a battle which was stubbornly fought, he put the
enemy to flight and followed hard in pursuit. And
they were killed by their own chariots and by one
another,° although a few succeeded in escaping to
their city Apheka. But these too perished when the
walls fell upon them—twenty-seven thousand of
them. And in that battle another hundred thousand
were slain. Adados, the Syrian king, fled with some
of his most faithful servants and hid in an under-
ground chamber.? But when these told him that the
Israelite kings were humane and merciful and that
tain; it is thought by some scholars to have been in the Plain
of Esdraelon, by others it is identified with the modern δ ῳ,
ce. 5 miles E. of the lake of Galilee, on the road to Damascus.
Ὁ Scripture puts it much more picturesquely, “Sand the
Israelites pitched before them like two little flocks of kids,
and the Syrians filled the country.”
¢ Unscriptural details.
@ Heb. ‘* chamber in chamber,’
or hiding-place, Lxx εἰς τὸ ταμεῖον,
3
i.e. into an inner chamber
117
Ben-hadad
encounters
Ahab’s
force at
hek.
δ Kings xXx.
ΠΣ XXi.)
JOSEPHUS
A , “- , 4 ~ e ’
καὶ δυνήσεσθαι τῷ συνήθει τρόπῳ τῆς ἱκετείας
χρησαμένους τὴν σωτηρίαν αὐτῷ" παρ᾽ ᾿Αχάβου
λαβεῖν, εἰ συγχωρήσειεν αὐτοῖς πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀπ-
~ > ~ ¢ Ἁ ’ > , ‘
ελθεῖν, ἀφῆκεν: ot δὲ σάκκους ἐνδυσάμενοι Kal
σχοινία ταῖς κεφαλαῖς περιθέμενοι (οὕτως γὰρ τὸ
\ ¢ id ¢ alas \ v
παλαιὸν ἱκέτευον ot Σύροι), πρὸς “AyaBov παρε-
‘3 \ 2 “A A » ἕ > ᾿
γένοντο καὶ “δεῖσθαι τὸν "“Adadov σώζειν αὐτὸν
ἔλεγον, εἰς ἀεὶ δοῦλον αὐτοῦ τῆς χάριτος γενησό-
386 μενον. ὁ δὲ συνήδεσθαι φήσας αὐτῷ περιόντι καὶ
μηδὲν ἐν τῇ μάχῃ πεπονθότι, τιμὴν καὶ εὔνοιαν
ἣν ἄν τις ἀδελῤφῷ παράσχοι κατεπηγγείλατο.
λαβόντες δὲ ὅρκους παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ μηδὲν ἀδικήσειν
φανέντα προάγουσι πορευθέντες ἐκ τοῦ οἴκου ἐν
G) ἐκέκρυπτο καὶ προσάγουσι τῷ ᾿Αχάβῳ ἐφ᾽
ἅρματος καθεζομένῳ" ὁ δὲ προσεκύνησεν αὐτόν.
387 “AxaBos δὲ διδοὺς" αὐτῷ τὴν δεξιὰν ἀναβιβάζει
ἐπὶ τὸ ἅρμα καὶ καταφιλήσας θαρρεῖν ἐκέλευε καὶ
μηδὲν τῶν ἀτόπων προσδοκᾶν, "Adados δ᾽ εὐχα-
ρίστει καὶ παρ᾽ ὅλον τὸν τοῦ ζῆν χρόνον ἀπομνὴη-
μονεύσειν τῆς εὐεργεσίας ὡμολόγει καὶ τὰς πόλεις
τῶν ᾿Ισραηλιτῶν, ἃς ἀπήνεγκαν ot πρὸ αὐτοῦ
βασιλεῖς, ἀποδώσειν ἐπηγγείλατο καὶ Δαμασκὸν
ὥστε ἐξελαύνειν εἰς αὐτήν, καθὼς καὶ οἱ πατέρες
αὐτοῦ εἰς Σαμάρειαν εἶχον τοῦτο ποιεῖν, ἀνήσειν.
388 γενομένων δ᾽ αὐτοῖς ὅρκων καὶ ἜΥ ΠῈ πολλὰ
δωρησάμενος αὐτῷ "Αχαβος ἀπέπεμψεν εἰς τὴν
9.» , A Ἁ \ A ~ > ,» ~
ἰδίαν βασιλείαν. Kal τὰ μὲν περὶ τῆς ᾿Αδάδου τοῦ
1 αὐτῶν MSP.
2 δὲ διδοὺς Niese: δ᾽ ἐπιδοὺς codd.: δὲ δοὺς Εἰ,
@ Bibl. “Τὴν servant Ben-hadad says, may my life be
spared. i
» Seripture says nothing of an oath given by Ahab;
ee also omils the diffieult phrase (1 Kings xx. 32) w hich
19
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIIT. 385-388
by using the customary form of suppheation they
could Shean his hfe from Achab, if he would allow
them to go to him, he let them go. So they dressed
in sackcloth and put ropes around their necks—this
was the manner in which the ancient Syrians appeared
as suppliants—and, going to Achab, told him that
Adados begged ne to spare his life and would alw ays
be his serv ait in return for his kindness.? And the
king, after saying that he rejoiced at Adados’s surviv-
ing and not having suffered any harm in the battle,
promised that he would show him the same honour
and goodwill that one would accord a brother. So,
when they had received his oath not to do Adados
any wrong when he appeared,’ they departed and
brought haw forth from the chamber in which he had
hidden and brought him to Achab, who was seated
in a chariot. He then did obeisance to him, but
Achab gave him his right hand and let him come up
into the chariot and, after embracing him, bade him
take heart and not be apprehensive of any outrage,
whereupon Adados thanked him and promised to
show himself mindful of his beneficence all the days
of his life,¢ and offered to give back the Israelite
cities which the kings before him had taken away,
and to throw Damascus open to them so that they
might travel there, just as his fathers had been able
to go to Samaria. Then, after they had made sworn
covenants, Achab presented him with many gifts ¢
and sent him away to his own kingdom. So ended
seems to mean that Ben-hadad’s servants seized upon Ahab’s
words, “‘ he is my brother”’ as a good omen. Possibly,
however, Josephus takes this expression as an oath.
ΟΣ ΓΟ preceding i is an amplification of Scripture, which says
merely that Ahab brought Ben-hadad up into his chariot.
4 The gifts are an unscriptural detail.
779
989
990
391
392
JOSEPHUS
,
Σύρων βασιλέως στρατείας ἐπὶ “AyaBov καὶ τοὺς
> 4 ~
Ισραηλίτας τοιοῦτον ἔσχε τὸ τέλος.
/ ᾿
(5) Προφήτης δέ τις τοὔνομα Μιχαίας προσ-
λθ 4 “- =| \ ~ Ἄν 3: A ’ ‘
ελθών τινι τῶν ᾿Ισραηλιτῶν ἐκέλευεν αὐτὸν ets τὴν
A ~ ~
κεφαλὴν πλῆξαι: τοῦτο yap ποιήσειν κατὰ Bov-
λησιν τοῦ θεοῦ. τοῦ δὲ μὴ πεισθέντος προεῖπεν
αὐτῷ παρακούσαντι τῶν τοῦ θεοῦ προσταγμάτων
λέοντι περιτυχόντα διαφθαρήσεσθαι. συμβάντος
, »
τούτου τανθρώπῳ, πρόσεισιν ἑτέρῳ πάλιν ὃ προ-
4 3 \ ’ ’ὔ 3 > ,
φήτης ταὐτὸ προστάσσων. πλήξαντος δ᾽ ἐκείνου
\ “A
καὶ θραύσαντος αὐτοῦ τὸ κρανίον, καταδησάμενος
\ ~ “- “ ~
τὴν κεφαλὴν προσῆλθε τῷ βασιλεῖ λέγων αὐτῷ
συνεστρατεῦσθαι καὶ παραλαβεῖν ἐπὶ φυλακῇ τινα
τῶν αἰχμαλώτων παρὰ τοῦ ταξιάρχου, φυγόντος
δ᾽ αὐτοῦ κινδυνεύειν ὑπὸ τοῦ παραδεδωκότος
ἀποθανεῖν: ἀπειλῆσαι γὰρ αὐτόν, εἰ διαφύγοι ὁ
γ᾽ / > , / ‘ ,
αἰχμάλωτος, ἀποκτείνειν. δίκαιον δὲ φήσαντος
᾿Αχάβου τὸν θάνατον εἶναι, λύσας τὴν κεφαλὴν
ἐπιγινώσκεται ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ Μιχαίας 6 προφήτης ὦν.
ἐκέχρητο δὲ σοφίσματι πρὸς αὐτὸν τῷ γενομένῳ
πρὸς τοὺς μέλλοντας λόγους" εἶπε γὰρ ws ὁ θεὸς
ἀφέντ᾽ αὐτὸν διαδράναι τὴν τιμωρίαν "Adadov τὸν
βλασφημήσαντα εἰς αὐτὸν μετελεύσεται Kal ποιήσει
᾽ 4 A y θ “- ς > ᾽ ’ A δὲ ᾺἋ A ς \
αὐτὸν μὲν ἀποθανεῖν ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνου, Tov δὲ λαὸν ὑπὸ
τῆς στρατιᾶς αὐτοῦ. παροξυνθεὶς δ᾽ ΓΑχαβος πρὸς
\ , \ \ 3 λ Og oe θ
τὸν προφήτην τὸν μὲν ἐγκλεισθέντα φυλάττεσθαι
180
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 388-392
the expedition of Adados, the king of Syria, against
Achab and the Israelites.
(5) Now a eertain prophet, whose name_ was A prophet
Michaias,* eame to an Israelite and bade him strike Naas
him on the head, for it was in accordance with the ΠΡΟΣ ΒΗ τ:
will of God that he should do so. And, when he 1 Kings xx.
refused, the prophet warned him that for disobeying {:** **?
the eommands of God he should ineet a lion and be
killed. This was what happencd to the man. So
the prophet went to another and gave him the same
order and, when the man struek him and eraeked his
skull, he bound up his head ὃ and, going to the king,
told him that he had served in his army and had had
one of the eaptives turned over to him by his officer °
for guarding but the prisoner had escaped, and he
was in danger of being put to death by the officer
who had turned the man over to him and had
threatened to ΚΙ] him if the prisoner eseaped. Achab
then said that the punishment of death was a just
one, whereupon he unbound his head and was recog-
nized by the king as the prophet Miehaias.¢ He had
employed this trick, in dealing with him, as a way of
introducing what he was going to say, which was that
God would punish him for having allowed Adados,
who had blasphemed Him, to escape punishment, and
would eause him to die at Adados’s hands, and Aechab’s
people to die at the hands of his army. Incensed at
the prophet, Achab ordered him to be locked up and
* The prophet is not named in Seripture, but Josephus,
like the rabbis, very reasonably supposes it is Micaiah,
mentioned as Ahab’s adversary in I Kings xxii. 8, of. § 403.
ἡ Heb, “ disguised himself with a bandage (A.V. “ ashes ” !)
on his eyes,’ Lxx κατεδήσατο τελαμῶνι τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς αὐτοῦ
* bound a bandage around his eyes.”
ὁ Bible aoa. 4 See p. 782 note a.
181
JOSEPHUS
> , é ? > A > A A } ’
ἐκέλευσε, συγκεχυμένος δ᾽ αὐτὸς ἐπὶ τοῖς Μιχαίου
λόγοις ἀνεχώρησεν εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν."
905. (xv. 1) Kati ἔἤλχαβος μὲν ἐν τούτοις ἦν" ἐπάνειμι
A ) ᾿ ‘ e / / 3 ; “
δὲ ἐπὶ τὸν ‘lepocoAvuwv βασιλέα ᾿Ιωσάφατον, ὃς
? / Ἁ , Ἁ 4 7 “ ’ὔ
αὐξῆσας τὴν βασιλείαν καὶ δυνάμεις ἐν ταῖς πόλεσι
ταῖς ἐν τῇ τῶν ὑπηκόων χώρᾳ καταστήσας οὐδὲν
Ὧν ~ ¢ 1 3 4 93 ~ f 4 3
ἧττον Tats ὑπὸ ᾿Αβία" τοῦ πάππου καταληφθείσαις
~ 3 oh “ € /
τῆς ᾿Ιῴφραϊμου κληρουχίας ‘lepoBoapov Baa-
394 λεύοντος τῶν δέκα φυλῶν, φρουρὰς ἐγκαθίδρυσεν
ἀλλ᾽ εἶχεν εὐμενές τε καὶ συνεργὸν τὸ θεῖον, δίκαιος
ὧν καὶ εὐσεβὴς καὶ τί καθ᾽ ἑκάστην ἡμέραν ἡδὺ
ποιήσει καὶ προσηνὲς τῷ θεῷ ζητῶν. ἐτίμων δ᾽
᾽ A e / «ἃ ~ e ~ ’
αὐτὸν οἱ πέριξ βασιλικαῖς" δωρεαῖς, ὡς πλοῦτόν
τε ποιῆσαι βαθύτατον καὶ δόξαν ἄρασθαι μεγίστην.
Ξ a é δ᾽ "» ~ A ’ὔ λέ AY
395 (9) Τρίτῳ δ᾽ ἔτει τῆς βασιλείας συγκαλέσας τοὺς
{ ~ ~
ἡγεμόνας τῆς χώρας Kal τοὺς ἱερεῖς ἐκέλευε τὴν
γῆν περιελθόντας ἅπαντα τὸν λαὸν τὸν ἐπ᾽ αὐτῆς"
διδάξαι κατὰ πόλιν τοὺς Mwvaéos νόμους καὶ
φυλάσσειν τούτους καὶ σπουδάζειν περὶ τὴν θρησ-
κείαν τοῦ θεοῦ. καὶ ἥσθη πᾶν τὸ πλῆθος οὕτως,
ὡς μηδὲν ἄλλο φιλοτιμεῖσθαι μηδὲ “ἀγαπᾶν ὡς τὸ
396 τηρεῖν τὰ νόμιμα. οἵ τε προσχώριοι διετέλουν
στέργοντες τὸν ᾿Ιωσάφατον καὶ πρὸς αὐτὸν εἰρήνην
1 οἰκείαν Bekker.
3 ταῖς ὑπὸ ᾿Αβία σομ). : ᾿Αβία RO: ὑπὸ ᾿Αβία MSP: quam
Abia Lat.: ταῖς ἐπὶ ᾿Αβία Naber.
3 ΡῬ; καταλειφθείσαις MS: καταλειφθείσης RO.
4 βασιλεῖς MSPE Lat.
5 ἐπ᾿ αὐτῆς Niese: ἐπ᾽ αὐτῇ R: περὶ αὐτὸν Ms: ὑπ᾽ αὐτὸν
SPE Lat.
* Josephus here anticipates the later account of Ahab’s
treatment of Micaiah, 1 Kings xxii. 26. Scripture does
not tell what became of the unnamed prophet mentioned in
ch. xx.
782
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 392-396
kept under guard’; he himself, greatly troubled by
Michaias’s words, returned to his house.
(xv. 1) Such, then, was the eondition of Achab. The reign of
But I shall now return to Josaphat, the king ΟΡ ΚΣ
Jerusalem, who inereased his kingdom and stationed Wosepley)
forees in the cities of the country inhabited by his 2 chron.’
subjeets ; no less did he establish garrisons in those *¥4 1.
cities of the territory of Ephraim which had been
taken ὃ by his grandfather Abias © when Jeroboam
reigned over the ten tribes. Moreover he had the
favour and assistance of the Deity since he was up-
right and pious and daily sought to do something
pleasing and aeceptable to God. And those around
him honoured him with kingly presents,? so that he
amassed very considerable wealth and acquired the
greatest glory.
(2) Now in the third year of his reign he summoned Jehosha-
the governors of the eountry and the priests,? and De
ordered them to go throughout the land and teach tion and
all the people therein, city by city, the laws of Moses, 3'cryon.
both to keep them and to be diligent in worshipping *¥ii. 7.
God. And so much were all the people pleased with
this that there was nothing for which they were so
ambitious or so much loved as the observanee of the
laws. The neighbouring peoples also continued to
cherish Josaphat and remained at peace with him.
> Kmended text.
¢ Bibl. “* Asa, his father.’ Josephus consistently (cf.
§ 284) follows the variant account, 2 Chron. xiii. 19, aecording
to which it was Abijah who captured the Ephraimite cities
from Jeroboam.
ὁ Variant “ἀπὸ kings around him honoured him = with
presents ἦς bibl. * all Judah brought presents.”
© Seripture also mentions Levites.
f ‘The remarks on the people’s observance of the laws are
an addition to Seripture.
783
397
398
399
JOSEPHUS
ἄγοντες" οἱ δὲ ΠΠαλαιστῖνοι τακτοὺς ἐτέλουν αὐτῷ
φόρους καὶ Ἄραβες ἐχορήγουν κατ᾽ ἔτος ἄρνας
ἑξήκοντα καὶ τριακοσίους καὶ ἐρίφους τοσούτους.
πόλεις τε ὠχύρωσε μεγάλας ἄλλας τε καὶ βάρεις"
καὶ δύναμιν στρατιωτικὴν καὶ ὅπλα πρὸς τοὺς
πολεμίους" ηὐτρέπιστο. ἦν δὲ ἐκ μὲν τῆς ᾿Ιούδα
φυλῆς στρατὸς ὁπλιτῶν. μυριάδες τριάκοντα, ὧι
᾿Ιδδναῖος τὴν ἡγεμονίαν εἶχεν, ᾿Ιωάννης δὲ μυριάδων
εἴκοσι. ὁ δ᾽ αὐτὸς οὗτος ἡγεμὼν κἀκ τῆς Βενια-
μίτιδος φυλῆς εἶχε τοξοτῶν πεζῶν μυριάδας εἴκοσι,
ἄλλος δ᾽ ἡγεμὼν ᾿Οχόβατος" ὄνομα μυριάδας ὅπλι-
τῶν ὀκτωκαίδεκα τὸ πλῆθος τῷ βασιλεῖ προσένειμε
πάρεξ ὧν εἰς τὰς ὀχυρωτάτας διέπεμψε πόλεις.
(3) ᾿Ηγάγετο δὲ τῷ παιδὶ ᾿Ιωράμῳ τὴν ᾿Αχάβου
ϑυγατέρα τοῦ τῶν δέκα φυλῶν βασιλέως ᾿Οὐλίαν:
ὄνομα. πορευθέντα δ᾽ αὐτὸν μετὰ γρόνον τινὰ εἰς
Σαμάρειαν φιλοφρόνως "AyaBos ὑπεδέξατο καὶ τὸν
> , \ 55 ) A , |
ἀκολουθήσαντα σΤρατον ἐξένισε λαμπρῶς OLTOU TE.
\ w \ , > 4 / 4
καὶ οἴνου καὶ θυμάτων ἀφθονίᾳ, παρεκάλεσέ Te
~ A “-- , 4 ed A >
συμμαχῆσαι κατὰ τοῦ Σύρων βασιλέως, ἵνα τὴν ev
τῇ Ἰαλαδηνῇ πόλιν ᾿Αραμαθὰν ἀφέληται: τοῦ γὰρ
1 βαρεῖς ROME.
2 καὶ ὅπλα. . . πολεμίους] πρὸς πολέμους RO,
8. ᾧ Χάβαθος RO. 4 Τ᾽οοθολίαν SP Lat.
--«--ὄ-
¢ Bib]. 7700 rams and 7700 he-goats.
> βάρεις is the Luc. rendering of Heb. birdniyéth “ strong-
holds ’’; “xx οἰκήσεις “ dwellings.’ Seripture adds “ store-
cities.” ¢ Bib]. Adnah, txx δναάς, Luc. Αἰδηάς,
@ Bibl. 280,000.
¢ Bibl. Jehohanan (Vehdhdndn), uxx Ἰωανάν (v1. Twvar).
7 According to Seripture, Kliada was commander of the
200,000 archers from Benjamin. Josephus also omits the
200,000 men under Amasiah.
181
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 396-399
And the Philistines paid him the appointed tribute,
while the Arabs every year supplied him with three
hundred and sixty lambs and as many kids.* He
also fortified large cities, among which were strong-
holds,’ and prepared a force of soldiers and weapons
against his enemics. From the tribe of Judah there
was an army of three hundred thousand heavy-armed
soldiers, of which Ednaios 5 had command, and two
hundred thousand? under Joannés,é who was at the
same time’ commander of two hundred thousand
archers on foot from the tribe of Benjamin. Another
commander named Ochobatos9 put at the king’s dis-
posal a host of a hundred and eighty thousand heavy-
armcd soldiers. These did not include the men whom
the king had sent to the several best fortified cities.
(9) Now Josaphat married his son Joram” to the
daughter of Achab, the king of the ten tribes, her
name being Othlia.t/ And, when some time after-
ward he went to Samaria, Achab gave him a friendly
welcome and, after splendidly entertaining the army
which had accompanied him, with an abundance of
grain and wine? and meat, iced hin to become
his ally in a war against the king of Syria in order to
recover the city of Aramatha in Galadéné,! for it had
σ Bibl. Jehozabad ( Yehézabdd), txx ᾿Ιωξαβάδ.
h Cf. A.ix.27. Weis not named at this point in Seripture.
‘ Variant Gotholiah ; bibl. Athaliah, cf. A. ix. 140 note.
She is not named at this point in Scripture.
7 Unscriptural details.
* Heb. ‘ persuaded by guile,” 7txx ἠγάπα, a corruption
of nara “ deceived,” Luc. ἔπεισε “ persuaded.”’
' Called Aramathé in § 411; bibl. Ramoth in Gilead, txx
1 Kings ᾿θεμμὰθ Ἰαλαάδ, 2 Chron.'Papwd τῆς Vadaadeiridos,
identified by Dalman w ‘ith the modern Tell el- Husn, ce. 20
niles K. of the Jordan in the latitude of Beth-shean (Beisan),
on the Roman road leading to Bozrah.
785
Jehoshae
phat’s
alliance
with Ahab
avainst the
Syrians,
1 Kings
XXiiS 2:5
2 Chron.
xviii. 1
JOSEPHUS
πατρὸς αὐτὴν τοῦ αὐτοῦ πρῶτον τυγχάνουσαν
3 “ \ > / / ~ ἈΠ Ld
ἀφηρῆσθαι τὸν ἐκείνου πατέρα. τοῦ δὲ ᾿Ιωσαφάτου
τὴν βοήθειαν ἐπαγγειλαμένου (καὶ γὰρ εἶναι δύναμιν
αὐτῷ μὴ ἐλάττω τῆς ἐκείνου) καὶ μεταπεμψαμένου
τὴν δύναμιν ἐξ Ἱεροσολύμων εἰς Σαμάρειαν, προ-
,ὔ ” ~ ,ὔ € ΄ ~ ‘
εξελθόντες ἔξω τῆς πόλεως ot δύο βασιλεῖς καὶ
καθίσαντες ἐπὶ τοῦ ἰδίου θρόνου ἑκάτερος τοῖς
οἰκείοις στρατιώταις τὸ στρατιωτικὸν διένεμον.
400 ᾿Ιωσάφατος δ᾽ ἐκέλευσεν εἴ τινές εἰσι προφῆται
καλέσαντ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἀνακρῖναι περὶ τῆς ἐπὶ τὸν Σύρον
ἐξόδου, εἰ συμβουλεύουσι κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον τὸν καιρὸν
~ , \
αὐτῷ ποιήσασθαι τὴν στρατείαν" Kal yap εἰρήνη TE
Ἁ ’ ’ “΄} 4 Ἁ A / ς ~
καὶ φιλία τότε TH ᾿Αχάβῳ πρὸς Tov Σύρον ὑπῆρχεν
> \ ’ὔ ” , > > eo A ᾽ \ ᾽
ἐπὶ τρία ἔτη διαμείνασα, ad οὗ λαβὼν αὐτὸν αὖχ-
μάλωτον ἀπέλυσεν ἄχρις ἐκείνης τῆς ἡμέρας.
40) (4 ) Καλέσας δὲ “AxaBos TOUS αὑτοῦ προφήτας
ὡσεὶ τετρακοσίους τὸν ἀριθμὸν ὄντας ἐκέλευσεν
ἔρεσθαι τὸν θεόν, εἰ δίδωσιν αὐτῷ στρατευσαμένῳ
> \ oa” ,ὔ \ ’ὔ if ~ / .
emt "Λδαδον νίκην καὶ καθαίρεσιν τῆς πόλεως, δι
Ω Δ > 7 ld Ἁ / ~ A =
402 ἣν ἐκφέρειν μέλλει τὸν πόλεμον. τῶν δὲ προ
φητῶν eee eon ay ἐκστρατεῦσαι, κρατήσειν
γὰρ τοῦ Σύρου καὶ λήψεσθαι ὑποχείριον αὐτὸν ὡς
καὶ τὸ πρῶτον, συνεὶς ἐκ τῶν λόγων ᾿Ιωσάφατος
ὅτι ψευδοπροφῆται τυγχάνουσιν, ἐπύθετο τοῦ
᾽᾿Αχαβου εἰ καὶ ἕτερός τίς ἐστι προφήτης τοῦ θεοῦ,
“ἵνα ἀκριβέστερον μάθωμεν περὶ τῶν μελλόντων."
403} ὁ δ᾽ λχαβος εἶναι μὲν ἔφη, μισεῖν δ᾽ αὐτὸν κακὰ
προφητεύσαντα καὶ προειπόντα ὅτι τεθνήξεται
1 χοῦ θεοῦ ROS.
¢ This earlier capture of Ramoth by the Syrians is not
mentioned in Scripture.
δ Josephus takes literally Jehoshaphat’s expression in
780
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII..399=403
first belonged to his father but had been taken away
from him by the Syrian’s father.¢ Thereupon
Josaphat willingly offered his aid—he too had a force,
not smaller than Achab’s 2—and, when he had sent
for his force to come from Jerusalem to Samaria,°
the two kings went out of the city, cach sitting upon
his throne, and distributed pay to their respective
armies.¢ And Josaphat bade him call the prophets,
if there were any there, and inquire of them econ-
cerning the expedition against the Syrian, whether
they advised them to take the field at that time. For
there was, indeed, peace and friendship then between
Achab and the Syrian, which had lasted three years,
from the time when Achab had taken him captive and
released him until that very day.
(4) So Achab called his prophets, who were some
four hundred in number, and bade them inquire of
God whether, if he marched against Adados, He
would grant him victory and the overthrow of the
city on which he was about to wage war. And, when
the prophets advised him to take the field, saying that
he would defeat the Syrian and have him in his power
as before, Josaphat, who saw by their words that they
were false prophets, asked Achab whether there was
some other prophet of God, “in order that we may
know more clearly what is going to happen.”” Achab
then said that there was one, but he hated hii be-
cause he had prophesied evil and had foretold that he
I Kings xxii. 4=2 Chron. xviii. 3, “I am as thou art and my
people as thy people,” aN ane that he put his force
wholly at Ahab’s disposal,
¢ Josephus supplies this information, missing in Scripture.
4 ‘The payment of the troops is an unseriptural detail.
¢ Scripture does not have this detail, but Targum speaks of
them as ** false prophets.”
181
1 Kings
Xie,
The [4158
prophets
foretell
victory
for Ahab,
1 Kings
XX
Ὁ Chron.
xvili. 5.
JOSEPHUS
νικηθεὶς ὑπὸ τοῦ Σύρων βασιλέως καὶ διὰ ταῦτα
3 ~ ~ ~
ev φυλακῇ" viv αὐτὸν ἔχειν: καλεῖσθαι δὲ Μιχαίαν,
eA b) ~
υἱὸν δ᾽ εἶναι ᾿Ιεμβλαίου". τοῦ δ᾽ ᾿Ιωσαφάτου κελεύ-
σαντος αὐτὸν προαχθῆναι, πέμψας εὐνοῦχον ayer
404 τὸν Μιχαίαν. κατὰ δὲ τὴν ὁδὸν ἐδήλωσεν αὐτῷ
ὁ εὐνοῦχος πάντας τοὺς ἄλλους προφήτας νίκην τῷ
βασιλεῖ προειρηκέναι. ὁ δὲ οὐκ ἐξὸν αὐτῷ κατα-
? 3 ~ ~ , 5 3: 05 “a ¢ Ἢ ? ~
ψεύσασθαι" τοῦ θεοῦ φήσας, ἀλλ᾽ ἐρεῖν ὅ τι ἂν αὐτῷ
περὶ τοῦ βασιλέως αὐτὸς εἴπῃ, ὡς ἧκε πρὸς τὸν
Μ A , 3 ~ 3 A < > 4
Αχαβον καὶ λέγειν αὐτῷ τἀληθὲς οὗτος ἐνωρκίσατο,
δεῖξαι τὸν θεὸν αὐτῷ φεύγοντας τοὺς ᾿Ισραηλίτας
ἔφη καὶ διωκομένους ὑπὸ τῶν Σύρων καὶ διασκορτι-
ζομένους ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν εἰς τὰ Opn, καθάπερ ποιμένων
405 ἡρημωμένα ποίμνια. ἔλεγέ τε σημαίνειν τοὺς μὲν
μετ᾽ εἰρήνης ἀναστρέψειν εἰς τὰ ἴδια, πεσεῖσθαι
δ᾽ αὐτὸν μόνον ἐν τῇ μάχη. ταῦτα φήσαντος τοῦ
4 ‘ > ’ ¢ . 5" >
Μιχαία, πρὸς ᾿Ιωσάφατον ὁ “AxaBos “᾿ ἀλλ᾽ ἔγωγε
\ ἐς > 4 , \ 3 ’ὔ 3)
μικρὸν ἔμπροσθεν ἐδήλωσά σοι THY τἀνθρώπου,
φησί," “᾿ πρός με διάθεσιν, καὶ ὅτι μοι τὰ χείρω
~ 3 4
406 mpoepyrevoe. τοῦ δὲ Μιχαία εἰπόντος ὡς προσ-
Kev αὐτῷ πάντων ἀκροᾶσθαι τῶν ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ
προλεγομένων, καὶ ὡς παρορμήσειαν αὐτὸν οἵ
~ ? \ 4 3 4
ψευδοπροφῆται ποιήσασθαι tov πόλεμον ἐλπίδι
1 Σύρων. , - φυλακῇ] Σύρου ἐν φρουρᾷ δὲ RO.
3 ᾽᾽Ομβλαίου R: ᾿Ημβλαίου O: ᾿Ιεμβλέου MS: Obaei Lat.
3 καταψεύδεσθαι MSP.
4 nol cod. Vat. ἀρὰ Hudson: om. rell.
¢ The prophecy of Ahab’s death is unscriptural.
> Unscriptural detail, cf. § 392 note.
188
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 403-406
should be eonquered by the Syrian king and meet his
death,* for whieh reason he was now keeping him in
prison ὃ ; his name, he added, was Michaias® and he
was the son of Jemblaios.¢ But, when Josaphat
asked that he be produced, Achab sent a eunueh to
bring Miehaias.¢ On the way the eunueh informed
him that all the other prophets had foretold vietory
to the king. Thereupon the prophet said that it was
not possible for him to tell falsehoods in God’s name,
but he must speak whatever He might tell him about
the king. And, when he came to Achab and the
king adjured him to speak the truth to him, he said 7
that God had shown him the Israelites in flight, being
pursued by the Syrians and dispersed by them upon
the mountains like floeks of sheep that are left with-
out their shepherds. He also said that God had
revealed that his men should return to their homes in
peace, but he alone should fall in battle. When
Michaias had spoken these words, Achab said to
Josaphat, “ Did [ not tell you a little while ago how
this fellow feels toward me and that he has prophesied
evil things for me?” But Michaias answered that
it was his duty to listen to all things uttered by God,
and that they were false prophets who had Jed him
on to make war in the hope of vietory, and that he
¢ Bibl. Micaiah (ἡ κα ον), xx Mecyalas.
4 Bibl. Imlah (Vémlah), τιχχ ᾿Γεμλαά (v.01. ᾽Τεμβλαα).
¢ Scripture at this point 1 Kings xxii. 11 =2 Chron. xviii.
10) introduces the symbolic action of Zedekiah, which
Josephus narrates later in § 409,
7 Josephus omits Micaiah’s first ironical reassurance,
Ries oils = 9 -Chrons- Sve 14.
¢ The prophecy of Ahab’s death is an aniplification of the
Seriptural phrase, ‘ And the Lord said, These (Ahab’s men)
have no master.”
789
Micaiah
foretells
Ahab’s
death,
1 Kings
ΧΧΙ 5.
2 Chron.
xviii, 14,
407
.-.
108
409
JOSEPHUS
νίκης, καὶ ὅτι δεῖ πεσεῖν αὐτὸν μαχόμενον, αὐτὸς
Α ἊΝ 2 2 3 ; 4 VW ὃ Ἁ δέ “~ ὃ
μὲν ἦν ἐπ᾽ ἐννοίᾳ, Σεδεκίας δέ τις τῶν ipev ο-
προφητῶν ἐρόσν ον τῷ μὲν Meyaia μὴ προσέχειν
παρήνει" λέγειν “γὰρ αὐτὸν οὐδὲν ἀληθές" τεκμηρίῳ
ἐχρήσατο οἷς ᾿Πλίας προεφήτευσεν ὁ τούτοι
κρείττων τὰ μέλλοντα συνιδεῖν: καὶ γὰρ τοῦτον
ἔλεγε προῴφητ εύσαντα ἐν ᾿Ιεζαρήλᾳ πόλει ἐν τῷ
Ναβώθου ἀγρῷ τὸ αἷμα αὐτοῦ κύνας ἀναλιχ-
μήσεσθαι προειπεῖν, καθὼς καὶ Ναβώθου τοῦ bu
3 \ ’ ς Ὗ “~ » ce “
αὐτὸν καταλευσθέντος ὑπὸ τοῦ ὄχλου. “᾿ δῆλον
οὖν ὅτι οὗτος ψεύδεται, τῷ κρείττονι προφήτῃ
τἀναντία λέγων, ἀπὸ ἡμερῶν τριῶν φάσκων τεῦ:
7 ; > ” > Α 3 Α A
νήξεσθαι. γνώσεσθε δ᾽ εἴπερ ἐστὶν ἀληθὴς καὶ
τοῦ θείου πνεύματος ἔχει τὴν δύναμιν: εὐθὺς γὰρ
ῥαπισθεὶς ὑπ᾽ ἐμοῦ βλαψάτω μου τὴν χεῖρα, ὥσπερ
“| [ὃ 1 x al | la ~ λ 4 AA »Ἅ
ddaos’ τὴν ‘lepoBodpov τοῦ βασι ἕως ov αβεῖν
θελήσαντος. ἀπεξήρανε δεξιάν: ἀκήκοας γὰρ οἶμαι
πάντως τοῦτο γενόμενον.᾽᾿ ws οὖν πλήξαντος av-
τοῦ τὸν Miyatav | μηδὲν συνέβη παθεῖν, "“AxaBos
θαρρήσας ayew τὴν στρατιὰν πρόθυμος ἣ ἣν ἐπὶ τὸν
Σύρον' ἐνίκα γὰρ οἶμαι τὸ χρεὼν καὶ πιθανωτέρους
ἐποίει τοῦ ἀληθοῦς τοὺς ψευδοπροφήτας, ἵνα λάβη
\ > λ “"Μ 7 Ne U \ ὃ 7 ἕ
τὴν ἀφορμὴν τοῦ τέλους. Σεδεκίας δὲ σιδήρεα
1"Tados SPE: Tadon Lat.
4 Josephus substitutes this reply of Mieaiah for the Scrip-
tural verses (1 Kings xxii. 19-25 =2 Chron. xviii, 18-22) de-
scribing his heavenly vision of the lying spirits put by God
into the months of the false prophets.
> So most mss. of uxx ; bibl. Zedekiah as
ὁ Zedekiah's allusion to Elijah’s propheey (ef. ὃ 361) is
unseriptural. It is noteworthy that rabbinic tradition also
makes a connexion, though a different one, between the two
790
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 406-409
alone must fall in battle. So Achab had cause for
thought, but a certain Sedekias,? one of the false
prophets, came to him and urged him not to pay any
attention to Michaias, for he did not speak a word
of truth. And as proof of this he instanced the
prophecies of Elijah, who was better able than
Michaias to foresee the future, for, he said, when
Elijah had prophesied in the city of Jezaréla in
Naboth’s field, he had foretold that the dogs would
lick up Achab’s blood just as they had licked the
blood of Naboth who had been stoned to death by
the crowd at his bidding. “It is clear, then,” said
Sedekias, “‘ that this man is lying, since he contra-
dicts a greater prophet in saying that within three
days you shall meet death.° But you shall know
whether he is really a true prophet and has the power
of the divine spirit ; let him right now, when I strike
him, disable my hand as Jadaos caused the right hand
of King Jeroboam to wither when he wished to arrest
him. For I suppose you must have heard that this
thing happened.’? Accordingly, when he struck
Michaias and suffered no harm as a result, Achab
took courage and was eager to lead his army against
the Syrian. It was Fate, I suppose, that prevailed
and made the false prophet seem more convincing
than the true one, in order to hasten Achab’s end.é
incidents by saying that it was Naboth’s spirit that had
misled Ahab’s prophets into foretelling a victory for him, cf.
Ginzberg iv. 157.
@ The refercnce to Jadaos (bibl. Jadon; cf. § 231) is not
found in Scripture, according to which Zedekiah, after strik-
ing Micaiah, asks, ‘‘ Which way went the spirit of the Lord
from me to speak unto thee ¢’’, rxx 1 Kings, * What sort of
spirit of the Lord speaks in thee Κ᾽
¢ These remarks on Ahab’s confidence and the working of
Fate are additions tu Scripture.
VOLS V SE 791
JOSEPHUS
ed / “ \ ” ¢€ \ > ~
ποιήσας κέρατα λέγει πρὸς "AyaPov ὡς θεὸν αὐτῷ
σημαίνειν τούτοις ἅπασαν καταστρέψεσθαι' τὴν
y / 2 M f δὲ 3 > λλὰ ¢ f
410 ὠυριαν. NMluyatav O€ PET OV πολλᾶς μέρας
εἰπόντα τὸν Ledekiav ταμιεῖον ἐκ ταμιείου" κρυβό-
μενον ἀμείψειν ζητοῦντα φυγεῖν τῆς ψευδολογίας
τὴν δίκην, ἐκέλευσεν ὁ βασιλεὺς ἀπαχθέντα φυλάτ-
τεσθαι πρὸς ᾿Αχάμωνα τὸν τῆς πόλεως ἄρχοντα
καὶ χορηγεῖσθαι μηδὲν ἄρτου καὶ ὕδατος αὐτῷ
περισσότερον.
411 (5) Kat “AyaBos μὲν καὶ ᾿Ιωσάφατος ὁ τῶν
1 / A > 4 \ 4
lepocoAvpwv βασιλεὺς ἀναλαβόντες tas δυνάμεις
” > 3 , / ~ é e
ἤλασαν ets ᾿Αραμάθην πόλιν τῆς Τ᾽ αλαδίτιδος. ὁ
δὲ τῶν Σύρων βασιλεὺς ἀκούσας αὐτῶν τὴν στρα-
τείαν' ἀντεπήγαγεν αὐτοῖς τὴν αὑτοῦ στρατιὰν καὶ
412 οὐκ ἄπωθεν 7S ᾿Αραμάθης στρατοπεδεύεται. συν-
/ A oe ” ee 7 eb] /
ἔθεντο δὲ 6 τε “AyaBos καὶ ᾿Ιωσάφατος ἀποθέσθαι
\ ‘ » ‘ \ ~ 4 \ ~
μὲν τὸν “AyaBov τὸ βασιλικὸν σχῆμα, τὸν δὲ τῶν
ἹΙεροσολύμων βασιλέα τὴν αὐτοῦ στολὴν ἔχοντα
στῆναι ἐν τῇ παρατάξει, κατασοφι ζόμενοι" τὰ ὑπὸ
τοῦ Meyata προειρημένα. εὗρε δ᾽ αὐτὸν τὸ χρεὼν
413 καὶ δίχα τοῦ σχήματος" ὁ μὲν yap “Adados ὁ τῶν
Σύρων βασιλεὺς παρήγγειλε τῇ στρατιᾷ διὰ τῶν
ἡγεμόνων μηδένα τῶν ἄλλων avaipely, μόνον δὲ τὸν
ασιλέα τῶν ᾿᾿Ισραηλιτῶν. οἱ δὲ Σύροι τῆς συμ-
βολῆς “γενομένης ἰδόντες τὸν ᾿Ιωσάφατον ἑστῶτα
πρὸ τῆς τάξεως καὶ τοῦτον εἰκάσαντες εἶναι τὸν
1 ex Lat. Niese: καταστρέψασθαι RO: καταστρέψαι MSP.
2 Nedexias . . . Συρίαν spuria esse putat Niese.
~ 3 ρ 2 ”~
3 ταμιεῖον ἐκ ταμιείου Dindorf: ταμεῖον ἐκ ταμείον codd. E
Zonaras.
4 ed. pr.: στρατιὰν codd.
5 Niese: κατασοφιζόμενος ROE: κατασοφιζόμενον MSP Lat,
(vid.).
192
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 409-413
Then Sedekias made horns of iron and told Achab
that God had revealed to him that with these he
should subdue the whole of Syria.¢ But Michaias
said that within a few days Sedekias would change
his hiding-place from one secret chamber to another ὃ
in seeking to escape punishment for his lying words.
Thereupon the king ordered him to be led away to
Achamon,° the governor of the city, for imprison-
ment and that he should be supplied with nothing
but bread and water.
(5) And so Achab and Josaphat, the king of Jeru-
salem, marched with their forces to the city of
Aramathé @ in Galaditis. When the Syrian king
heard of their march, he, in turn, led his army against
them and encamped not far from the city of Ara-
mathé. Now Achab and Josaphat had agreed that
Achab should take off his royal garments and that the
king of Jerusalem should take his place in the line
of battle with the other’s robe on?®; by this trick
they thought to escape the fate foretold by Michaias.
But Fate found him even though he was without his
garments. “For Adados, the Syrian king, had given
orders that they should slay no one else but only the
king of the Israelites. So, when the battle was
joined and the Syrians saw Josaphat standing before
the lines, they thought that he was Achab, and
a Cf. § 403 note.
» So τχχ renders the Heb. idiom
cf. § 384 note.
¢ Bibl. Amon, uxx ᾿Αμών (vl. Σεμήρ, ᾿Ἐμμήρ).
ς Gy8309 note.
¢ So txx; according to the Heb. text, Jehoshaphat wears
his own robes.
46
chambcr in chamber,”
793
Defeat and
death of
Ahab,
1 Kings
xxii, 20;
2 Chron.
xviii. 28.
4]4
416
JOSEPHUS
"AxaBov ὥρμησαν ἐπ᾽ αὐτόν, καὶ περικυκλωσά-
μενοι ὡς ἐγγὺς ὄντες ἔγνωσαν οὐκ ὄντα τοῦτον,
ἀνεχώρησαν ὀπίσω πάντες, ἀρχομένης δ᾽} ἠοῦς
ἄχρι δείλης ὀψίας" μαχόμενοι καὶ νικῶντες ἀπέκ-
τειναν οὐδένα κατὰ τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως ἐντολήν,
ζητοῦντες τὸν Γλχαβον ἀνελεῖν μόνον καὶ εὑρεῖν οὐ
δυνάμενοι. παῖς δέ τις βασιλικὸς τοῦ ᾿Αδάδου
᾿Αμανὸς ὄνομα τοξεύσας εἰς τοὺς πολεμίους τι-
τρώσκει τὸν βασιλέα διὰ Τοῦ θώρακος κατὰ τοῦ
5 πνεύμονος. "AxaBos δὲ τὸ μὲν συμβεβηκὸς οὐκ
ἔγνω ποιῆσαι τῷ στρατεύματι φανερὸν μὴ τρα-
πείησαν, τὸν δ᾽ ἡνίοχον ἐκέλευσεν ἐκτρέψαντα τὸ
ἅρμα ἐξάγειν" τῆς μάχης" χαλεπῶς γὰρ βεβλῆσθαι
καὶ καιρίως. ὀδυνώμενος δὲ ἔστη ἐπὶ τοῦ ἅρματος
ἄχρι δύνοντος ἡλίου καὶ λιφαιμήσας" ἀπέθανε.
(6) Kat τὸ μὲν τῶν Σύρων στράτευμα νυκτὸς
ἤδη γενομένης ἀνεχώρησεν εἰς τὴν παρεμβολήν,
καὶ δηλώσαντος τοῦ ᾿στρατοκήρυκος ὅτι τέθνηκεν
"AxaBos ἀνέζευξαν εἰς τὰ ἴδια, κομίσαντες δὲ τὸν
᾿Αχάβου νεκρὸν εἰς Σαμάρειαν. ἐκεῖ θάπτουσι. καὶ
τὸ ἅρμα ἀποπλύναντες ἐν τῇ ᾿Ιεζαρήλα κρήνῃ (ἦν
δὲ καθημαγμένον τῷ τοῦ βασιλέως φόνῳ) ἀληθῆ
τὴν Ἡλία προφητείαν ἐ ἐπέγνωσαν" οἱ μὲν γὰρ κύνες
ἀνελιχμήσαντο" αὐτοῦ τὸ αἷμα, at δὲ ἑταιριζόμεναι
ἐν τῇ κρήνῃ τὸ λοιπὸν λουόμεναι τούτῳ διετέλουν.
1 πάντες. .. δ᾽] ἀπό τε ἀρχομένης RO Lat.
2 ὀψίας om. RO Lat.
3 ἐκτρέψαντα. .. ἐξάγειν] ἐπιστρέψαι... καὶ ἐξαγαγεῖν MSP.
4 Niese: λειφαιμήσας RO: λιποθυμήσας MSP: λειποθυμήσας
I’: factus exsanguis Lat.
5 Hudson: ἀνελικμήσαντο codd.: ἀπελίχμησαν E,
¢ Josephus omits the Scriptural detail that Jehoshaphat
was recognized when he cried out.
794
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 414-417
rushed upon him, but, on surrounding him and com-
ing close, they saw that it was not he,? and all of
them turned back. From early dawn until late
afternoon they fought, and the victorious Syrians, in
accordance with the king’s command, killed no one,
seeking to slay only Achab and not being able to find
him. But one of the king’s pages, named Amanos,?
in shooting arrows at the cnemy, wounded the king
through his breastplate in the lung. Achab, how-
ever, decided not to let his army see what had
happened lest they should be put to flight,? and
ordered his driver to turn the chariot and carry him
off the field of battle, for he had been gravely and
even mortally wounded. But, though he was in
great pain, he remained upright in his chariot until
the setting of the sun and then, with the blood drained
out of him, expired.
(6) And so, as night had now fallen, the Syrian
army retired to its camp and, when the herald an-
nounced ὁ that Achab was dead, they returned to
their own country, first carrying the body of Achab
to Samaria and burying it there. And when they
washed his chariot, which was stained with the king’s
blood, in the spring of Jezarél, they acknowledged
the truth of Elijah’s prophecy, for the dogs licked up
his blood ; and thereafter the harlots used to bathe
ὃ Targum of 2 Chron. identifies Ahab's slayer, unnamed
in Scripture, with Naaman the Syrian (ef. 2 Kings ch. v.), to
whom Josephus must here be referring.
¢ So uxx; Heb. ‘through the joints (or ‘ fastenings *’)
of his breastplate.”
4 This explanation of Ahab’s reason for withdrawing is
unscriptural.
¢ So the xx; Heb. ‘and a shout passed through the
camp.”
795
The fulfil.
ment of
Elijah’s
prophecy.
1 Kings
Xxii., 36.
JOSEPHUS
ἀπέθανε δ᾽ ἐν ᾿Αραμάθῃ Miyata τοῦτο προειρη-
418 Κότος. συμβάντων οὖν ᾿Αχάβῳ τῶν ὑπὸ τῶν δύο
προφητῶν εἰρημένων μέγα δεῖ τὸ θεῖον ἡγεῖσθαι
καὶ σέβειν καὶ τιμᾶν αὐτὸ πανταχοῦ, καὶ τῆς ἀλη-
θείας μὴ τὰ πρὸς ἡδονὴν καὶ βούλησιν πιθανώτερα
δοκεῖν, ὑπολαμβάνειν δ᾽ ὅτι προφητείας καὶ τῆς
διὰ τῶν τοιούτων προγνώσεως οὐδέν ἐστι συμ-
φορώτερον, παρέχοντος οὕτω τοῦ θεοῦ τί δεῖ φυ-
410 λάξασθαι, λογίζεσθαί τε πάλιν ἐκ τῶν περὶ τὸν
βασιλέα γεγενημένων στοχαζομένους προσῆκε τὴν
τοῦ χρεὼν ἰσχύν, ὅτι μηδὲ προγινωσκόμενον αὐτὸ
διαφυγεῖν ἔστιν, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπέρχεται τὰς ἀνθρωπί-
νας ψυχὰς ἐλπίσι κολακεῦον χρησταῖς, αἷς εἰς τὸ
450 πόθεν αὐτῶν κρατήσει περιάγει. φαίνεται οὖν καὶ
“AxaBos ὑπὸ τούτου τὴν διάνοιαν “ἀπατηθείς, ὥστε
ἀπιστῆσαι μὲν τοῖς προλέγουσι τὴν ἧτταν, τοῖς δὲ
τὰ πρὸς χάριν προφὴτ εύσασι πεισθεὶς ἀποθανεῖν.
τοῦτον μὲν οὖν ὁ παῖς ᾿Οχοζίας διεδέξατο.
ou
α Bibl. Ahaziah ( Ahazyahi), Lxx ᾿Οχοζείας.
796
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII. 417-420
in the pool in this blood. But he died in Aramathé,
as Michaias had foretold. Now, since there befell
Achab the fate spoken of by the two prophets, we
ought to acknowledge the greatness of the Deity and
everywhere honour and reverenee Him, nor should
we think the things which are said to flatter us or
please us more worthy of belief than the truth, but
should realize that nothing is more beneficial than
prophecy and the foreknowledge which it gives, for
in this way God enables us to know what to guard
against. And further, with the king’s history before
our eyes, it behoves us to reflect on the power of
Fate, and see that not even with foreknowledge is it
possible to escape it, for it secretly enters the souls
of men and flatters them with fair hopes, and by
means of these it leads them on to the point where
it can overcome them. It appears, then, that by
this power Achab’s mind was deceived so that while
he disbelieved those who foretold his defeat, he
believed those who prophesied things that pleased
him, and so lost his fe. And so his son Ochozias 2
succeeded him.
07
AN ANCIENT TABLE OF CONTENTS
BIBAION E
ae Ὡς ᾿Ιησοῦς ὁ στρατηγὸς τῶν Ἑβραίων
πολεμήσας πρὸς Χαναναίους καὶ κρατήσας αὐτῶν
τοὺς μὲν διέφθειρε τὴν δὲ γῆν κατακληρουχήσας
διένειμε ταῖς φυλαῖς.
β΄. Ὡς ἀποθανόντος τοῦ στρατηγοῦ παραβαΐί-
νοντες οἱ ᾿Ισραηλῖται τοὺς πατρίους νόμους μεγά-
λων ἐπειράθησαν συμφορῶν, καὶ στασιασάντων ἡ
Βενιαμὶς διεφθάρη φυλὴ χωρὶς ἀνδρῶν ἑξακοσίων.
γ΄. Πῶς μετὰ ταύτην τὴν κακοπραγίαν ἀσε-
“ 3 \ ¢ \ > / > 7
βήσαντας αὐτοὺς ὁ θεὸς ᾿Ασσυρίοις ἐδούλωσεν.
δ΄. ἩἩ διὰ Κενίζου τοῦ ᾿Αθνιήλου" παιδὸς αὐτοῖς
ἐλευθερία γενομένη ἀρξαντος ἔτη τεσσαράκοντα
λεγομένου δὲ παρά τε “λλησι καὶ Φοίνιξι κριτοῦ.
ε΄. Ὅτι πάλιν ὁ λαὸς ἡμῶν ἐδούλευσε Μωαβί-
ταις ὀκτωκαίδεκα ἔτη καὶ ὑπό τινος ᾿Ιούδου" τῆς
1 Numeros om. MSPL.
2 Bernard: ᾿λενιήλου ROML: Ναθαναήλου S: Ναθαήλου P.
3 Niese: ᾿Ιουδοῦς ROL: ’Hovdots MS: ᾿Ιουδοῦ, ¢ ex ἡ corr.
P: Aod Lat.
α Bibl. Othniel, the son of Kenaz; cf. A. v. 182 note.
798
AN ANCIENT TABLE OF CONTENTS
BOOK V
(i) How Jésiis (Joshua), the com-
mander of the Hebrews, fought against
the Canaanites, and how, after defeat-
ing them, he destroyed them, while
their land he divided by lot and distri-
buted among thie tribes
(ii) How, upon the death of their
commander, the Israelites transgressed
against their fathers’ laws and ‘experi-
enced great misfortunes, and how, as a
result of civil war, the tribe of Benjamin
was destroyed excepting six hundred
men .
(iii) How, after this disaster, God,
because of their impiety, made them
subject to the Assyrians : :
(iv) The deliverance wrought for
them by Kenizos, the son of Athniélos,”
who ruled forty years, and by the
Grecks and Phoenieians is ealled a
“judge ”
(v) How our people were , again Ἢ
jeet to the Moabites for eighteen years,
and how they were delivered from this
In this edition
SECTION PAGE
to
60
82
799
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES. V
/ 2 / A > \ > 9 /
δουλείας ἀπηλλάγη τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐπ᾽ ἔτη κατασχόντος
ὀγδοήκοντα.
ς΄, ‘Os Χαναναίων αὐτοὺς καταδουλωσαμένων
> > ν᾽ 3} 3 vA e \ ’ A
em ἔτη εἴκοσιν ἠλευθερώθησαν ὑπὸ Βαράκου καὶ
Δεβώρας, ot ἦρξαν αὐτῶν ἐπ᾽ ἔτη τεσσαράκοντα.
ζ΄. “Ὅτι πολεμήσαντες ᾿Αμαληκῖται τοῖς ᾿Ισραη-
λίταις ἐνίκησάν τε καὶ τὴν χώραν ἐκάκωσαν ἔτη
ἘΠΤα.
η΄. ‘Os Τ᾽ εδεὼν αὐτοὺς ἠλευθέρωσεν ἀπὸ ’Apa-
ληκιτῶν καὶ ἦρξε τοῦ πλήθους ἐπὶ ἔτη τεσσαρά-
κοντα.
> A
θ΄. “Ore μετ᾽ αὐτὸν πολλοὶ γενόμενοι διάδοχοι
A € “A
tots πέριξ ἔθνεσιν ἐπολέμησαν ἱκανῷ χρόνῳ.
ι΄. Περὶ τῆς Σαμψῶνος ἀνδρείας καὶ ὅσων κακῶν
αἴτιος Παλαιστίνοις ἐ ἐγένετο.
/ € , > ’ 3
wa’. Ὡς of viot Δὲ τοῦ ἱερέως ἐσφάγησαν ἐν
τῇ πρὸς ΠΠαλαιστίνους μάχῃ.
ιβ΄. Ὡς ὁ πατὴρ αὐτῶν ἀκούσας τὴν συμφορὰν
βαλὼν ἑαυτὸν ἀπὸ τοῦ θρόνου ἀπέθανεν.
ιγ΄. ‘Os νικήσαντες ἐν τούτῳ τῷ πολέμῳ τοὺς
« 4 e " “A Ἁ ‘ ‘ \ 3 3 “-»Μ
Efpatovs οἱ Ἰ᾿]αλαιστῖνοι καὶ τὴν κιβωτὸν αὐτῶν
αἰχμάλωτον ἔλαβον.
€ \ ,ὔ
ιδ, Ὡς οἱ ἀπὸ ΚΚενίζου' ἀρξαντες πάντες
Ἁ >
κριταὶ ἐκλήθησαν."
1 Κενέζου SP.
2 Caput XIV om. Lat.
« The Amalekites are mentioned only incidentally as allies
of the Midianites in A. v. 210 ff.
> These were Abimelech, Jair, Jephthah, [bzan, Elon and
Abdon.
¢ This table omits special mention of the stories of Ruth,
§§ $18-337; and Samuel, §§ 341-351.
¢ “ Tumbled ” in A. v. 359.
800
ANCIENT TABLE OF CONTENTS
SECTION PAGE
subjection by a certain Jidés (Ehud),
who held power for eighty years . 188 86
(vi) How, after the Canaanites had
held them subject for twenty years,
they were delivered by Barak and
Debora, who ruled over them for forty
years ᾿ . :
(vii) How the Amalekites,? after
making war on the Israelites, con-
quered them and ravaged their country
seven years : . : ᾿ ;
(viii) How Gededn (Gideon) de-
livered them from the Amalekites and
ruled over the people for forty years
(ix) How the many rulers who sue-
eeeded him ὃ fought with the surround-
ing nations for a considerable length of
time . :
(x) Concerning the prowess af ae
son and the many evils which he caused
the Philistines
(xi) © How the sons ‘of Eli the priest |
were slainin battle with the Philistines . |
(xii) How their father, on hearing of
this mishap, threw himself? from his
seat and died. 357 | 160
(xiii) © How the Philistines, on detent:
ing the Hebrews in this battle: also took
their ark captive 99. |. 158
(xiv) * How all ‘ose che ealed afler
Kenizos were called “ judges ”
195 90
210 0.
06
100
ws
oa)
to to
Sie) —
ῷυ os
© Section xiii properly belongs before section xii.
Seetion xiv is obviously out of place: originally it must
have belonged to section iv.
801
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, V-VI
Περιέχει ἡ βίβλος χρόνον ἐτῶν τετρακοσίων
ἑβδομήκοντα. :
ΒΙΒΆΙΟΝς
~ ~ ~ 3
α΄... Φθορὰ []αλαιστίνων καὶ τῆς γῆς αὐτῶν ἐξ
~ ~ ~ ~ 3
ὀργῆς τοῦ θεοῦ διὰ τὴν αἰχμαλωτευθεῖσαν ὑπ
αὐτῶν κιβωτόν, καὶ τίνα τρόπον ἀπέπεμψαν αὐτὴν
τοῖς “Ββραίοις.
’
Στρατεία []αλαιστίνων ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς καὶ νίκη
“Ἑβραίων Σαμουήλου στρατηγοῦντος αὐτῶν τοῦ
προφήτου.
γ. Ὡς Σαμουῆλος διὰ τὸ “γῆρας ἀσθενὴς ὧν
τὰ πράγματα διοικεῖν τοῖς παισὶν αὐτοῦ ἐνεχείρισεν.
f ‘CE +e
ὃ . ὡφςς οὐ καλῶς ΤρΟιΙστα ιένων ἐκείνων a: nS
poioray
ἀρχῆς, TO πλῆθος ὑπ᾽ ὀργῆς ἡτήσατο βασιλεύεσθαι.
ε΄. Σαμουήλου πρὸς τοῦτο ἀγανάκτησις καὶ
4 ? “~ ? 7 7 4
βασιλέως αὐτοῖς ἀνάδειξις Σαούλου τούνομα, κελεύ-
σαντος τοῦ θεοῦ.
‘ ’ > »ᾳ “- »ἢ
ς΄. Σαούλου στρατεία ἐπὶ τὸ ᾿Αμμανιτῶν ἔθνος
’ ~
Kal νίκη καὶ διαρπαγὴ τῶν πολεμίων .ὃ
᾽ ¢ / f ? ‘ Ἀ εξ ’
ζ΄. ‘Os στρατευσάμενοι πάλιν ἐπὶ τοὺς “EBpai-
ous οἱ [Παλαιστῖνοι ἡττήθησαν.
η΄. Σαούλου πρὸς ᾿Αμαληκίτας πόλεμος καὶ
νίκη.
+ ἔξ (os’ P) SPEL Lat.
2 Numeros om. SP.
3 πολεμίων ἣ (καὶ P) τῶν πόλεων SP.
802
ANCIENT TABLE OF CONTENTS
This book covers a period of four hundred and
seventy ᾿ years.
BOOK VI
(i) The destruetion of the Philistines
and of their land through God’s wrath
over their capture of the ark, and in
what manner they sent it baek to the
Hebrews .
(ii) The Philistines’ expedition against
them, and the victory of the Hebrews
under the command of the prophet
Samuel
(iii) How Semel: being infin ΝΜ
cause of his great age ,placed the govern-
ment in the hands "ὃ his sons :
(iv) How, because of their misgovern-
ment, the people in anger demanded a
king asruler
(v) Samuel’s indignation ‘at this (de-
mand), and how he appointed over them
a king named Saul, at God’s bidding
(v i) Saul’s expedition against the Am-
monite nation, and his victory and the
despoiling of the enemy
(vii) iow the Philistines again
marched aaa the Hebrews and were
defeated
(viii) Saul’s war with the Aan lelites
and his victory over them
α Variant “ seventy-six.”
SECTION
90
68
05
191
PAGE
164
174
180
803
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES; VI
θ΄. “Ore wapaBatvovros Σαούλου τὰς ἐντολὰς
τοῦ προφήτου Σαμουῆλος ἄλλον ἀπέδειξε βασιλέα
κρύφα Aavidyy’ ὄνομα κατ᾽ ἐπιτροπὴν τοῦ θεοῦ.
/
¢ ‘ / 3 / ~ ¢ f
U. ‘Os καὶ πάλιν ἐπεστράτευσαν τοῖς ‘EBpatots
ς ΠῚ r ~ ” y ay λ ͵ 2
ot Ifadatorivoe ἔτι LaovdAov βασιλεύοντος.
ια΄. Movopayta Δαυίδου τότε' πρὸς Τολίαθον
τὸν ἄριστον τῶν [[αλαιστίνων καὶ ἀναίρεσις τοῦ
Γολιάθου καὶ ἧττα τῶν []αλαιστίνων."
ιβ΄. Ὥς θαυμάσας NMaobdAos® τὸν Δαυίδην τῆς
5 / 7 3 ~ A /
ἀνδρείας OUVWKLGEV QAUTW THY θυγατέρα.
/ [χὰ A ~ o 3 ~ A /
ιγ΄. Ὅτι μετὰ ταῦτα ὕποπτον αὐτῷ tov Aavidny
γενόμενον ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐσπούδασεν ἀποκτεῖναι.
ιδ΄. ‘Qs πολλάκις καὶ Aavidns κινδυνεύσας ἀπο-
θανεῖν ὑπὸ τοῦ NaovAov διέφυγε καὶ Σαοῦλον dis
3 3 3 ~ 7 Ω 3 ~ 9 A
ἐπ᾿ αὐτῷ γενόμενον ὥστε ἀνελεῖν οὐ διεχρήσατο.
/ Ὥ , A 4 A 3 \
ιε΄. ς στρατευσαμένων Πα αιστίνων πάλιν ἐπὶ
τοὺς “Εβραίους ἡττήθησαν οἱ Ἑβραῖοι τῇ μάχῃ
καὶ ὁ βασιλεὺς αὐτῶν Σαοῦλος ἀπέθανε μετὰ τῶν
παίδων μαχόμενος.
Περιέχει ἡ βίβλος χρόνον ἐτῶν λβ΄.
1 Δαυείδην M: Δαβίδην RO: Dauid Lat,
2 Σαούλου βασιλεύοντος] Σαμουήλου προφητεύοντος P,
3 Caput XI decimo adiungunt SP.
4 rére om. SP. 6 κρατερά SP.
6 Σαοῦλος (Σαούλου RO) post θυγατέρα tr. ROM.
804
ANCIENT TABLE OF CONTENTS
SECTION PAGE
(ix) How, upon Saul’stransgressing the
prophet’s injunctions, Samuel secretly
chose another king, named David, in
aecordanee with the decision of God
(x) How the Philistines yet another
time marehed against the Hebrews
while Saul was still king,
(xi) The single Conibat on that ocea-
sion of David and Goliath, the bravest
of the Philistines, and the slaying of
Goliath and defeat of the Philistines
(xii) How Saul, in admiration of
David's prowess, gave him his daughter
in marriage
(xiii) Ean ἀδιδὲ ἐπ Davia Gacanie
suspect to him, and how the king sought
eagerly to killhim ae
(xiv) ffow on several oeeasions Davia
was in danger of being put to death by
Saul, ἀπ ow he twiee refrained from
taking Saul’s life, when he was in his
power : ἢ .
(xv)* How the Philistines again
marehed against the Hebrews and the
Hebrews were defeated in battle, and
how Saul their king died fighting, to-
gether with his sons. : : :
This book eovers a period of thirty-two years.
1S}
PAU
Or
rw) “Ὁ
428}
268
528
2 This table omits special mention of the relations of David
and Jonathan, the sojourn of David among the Philistines,
and Saul’s visit to the witch of iE ndor.
805
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII
ΒΙΒΛΙΟΝ 2
α΄. ‘Os Δαυίδης μὲν τῆς μιᾶς φυλῆς ἐβασί-
λευσεν ἐν ΓιβρῶνιΣ τῇ πόλει, τοῦ δ᾽ ἄλλου πλήθους
ὁ Σαούλου παῖς.
β΄. Ὅτι τούτου φονευθέντος ἐξ ἐπιβουλῆς
λ 1 ᾿ λείαν Δαυίδ A
φίλων, ἅπασαν τὴν βασιλείαν Δαυίδης παρέλαβεν.
΄ς Ὡς πολιορκήσας ᾿Ιεροσόλυμα Δαυίδης καὶ
λαβὼν τὴν πόλιν ἐξέβαλε μὲν ἐξ αὐτῆς τοὺς Χανα-
ναίους, ἐνῴκισε δὲ εἰς αὐτὴν ᾿Ιουδαίους.
ὃ΄ "O ld pe 2 > 4 \ II A
. Ὅτι στρατεύσαντας ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν δὶς []αλαι-
᾽
στίνους ἐν “Ιεροσολύμοις ἐνίκησεν.
᾽ e ὔ 4 ἐς A ?
ε΄. Ἢ γενομένη πρὸς Εϊρωμον τὸν Τυρίων βασι-
λέα" Δαυίδου φιλία.
ς΄, Ὡς τοῖς πέριξ ἔθνεσι στρατεύσας Δαυίδης
καὶ χειρωσάμενος, φόρον ἐπέταξεν αὑτῷ" τελεῖν.
’ eT , \ \ , ,
ζ΄, ἫἪ γενομένη πρὸς Δαμασκηνοὺς Δαυίδῃ μάχη
καὶ νίκη.
ἢ A 4 oat ’ ,
η΄. ἸΙῶς ἐπὶ τοὺς Mecozoraptovs στρατεύσας
ἐκράτησεν αὐτῶν.
’ σ “- ᾿ \ ee > A 4
θ΄. Ὅτι τῶν περὶ τὴν οἰκίαν αὐτῷ στασιασάν-
e A “- \ ᾽ ᾽ὔ “ > “A > \
των ὑπὸ τοῦ παιδὸς ἐξεβλήθη τῆς ἀρχῆς εἰς τὴν
πέραν τοῦ ᾿Ιορδάνου.
1 Numeros om. SP.
2 Χεβρῶνι P: Hebron Lat.
3 «καὶ codd. 4 Niese: αὐτῷ codd.: eis Lat.
¢ The conspirators were fellow-tribesmen of Saul’s son, but
were not his “* friends,”’ according to Scripture and Josephus.
> This section properly belongs before section iv.
¢ The Mesopotamians are only incidentally mentioned as
allies of the Ammonites in A. vii. 117 ff.
4 This table omits special mention of the story of David
806
ANCIENT TABLE OF CONTENTS
BOOK VII
(i) How David reigned over one tribe
in the eity of Gibrdn (Hebron), while
Saul’s son reigned over the rest of the
people :
(ii) How, after the laters was alain by
the treachery of his friends,? David took
over the entire kingdom :
(iii) How David, ‘after laying siege to
Jerusalem and eapturing the city, drove
out the Canaanites from it, and how he
settled the Jews in it .
(iv) How, after the Philistines had
twiee marched against him, he defeated
them at Jerusalem
(v)® The friendship formed between
Firdmos (Hiram), king of Tyre, and
David ; : ; : [
(vi) How David, after marching
against the surrounding nations and
subduing them, ordered them to pay
him ibnte ι
(vit) The war w aged by Dav ἢ against
the Damaseenes, anid his victory .
(viii) How he marehed against the |
Mesopotamians ὁ and conquered them
ix)? How. after those of his own
house rebelled against him, he was
driven out of his kingdom by his son,
and (fled) to the country across the
Jordan
SECTION PAGE
1914
462
and Bathseba, of Amnon and ‘Tamar, and the exploits of
David's warriors.
VOL. V OF
S07
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VII-VHI
a, { £ 3 , 1 2 4 A 7
ι΄. ‘Os στρατεύσας ᾿Αψάλωμος, ἐπὶ τὸν πατέρα
Δαυίδην ἀπώλετο σὺν τῷ στρατῷ.
ια΄. IIs εἰς τὴν βασιλείαν πάλιν κατῆλθε καὶ
ζήσας" εὐδαιμόνως ἔτι" περιὼν NoAduwva τὸν υἱὸν
ἀπέδειξε βασιλέα.
ιβ΄. ελευτὴ Δαυίδου καταλιπόντος τῷ παιδὶ
A Ω > 7 A ~ A ’ 2
πολλὴν ὕλην ἀργύρου τε καὶ χρυσοῦ καὶ λιθίας εἰς
τὴν οἰκοδομὴν τοῦ ναοῦ.
ΠΕεριέχει ἡ βίβλος χρόνον ἐτῶν τεσσαράκοντα.
ΒΙΒΛΙΟΝ H
α΄. ‘Os Σολόμων τὴν βασιλείαν παραλαβὼν τοὺς
ἐχθροὺς ἀνεῖλε.
f 4 ~ é > ~ \ 7 Q ~
β΄. Ilepi τῆς σοφίας αὐτοῦ καὶ συνέσεως καὶ τοῦ
πλούτου.
“
Ὅ ἢ τὸν ἐν Ιεροσολύμοις ναὸν wKo-
y- τι πρῶτος τὸν ἐν ‘lepocoAvpots ναὸν wKo
δόμησεν.
’ ¢ a VA . ‘ >
δ΄. Ὡς τελευτήσαντος Σολόμωνος ὁ λαὸς ἀπο-
‘ ~ \ 2 ~ ¢€ [4 ~ /
στὰς τοῦ παιδὸς αὐτοῦ ‘PoBoayov, τῶν δέκα
~ ~ € , λ ¢€ ’ > ‘4
φυλῶν τῶν ὑπηκόων τινὰ ‘“lepoBoapov ἀπέδειξε
7 ~ \ 7 ~ ς €A > “~ >] ,
βασιλέα, τῶν δὲ δύο φυλῶν ὁ υἱὸς αὐτοῦ ἐβασί-
λευσεν.
1 ᾿Αβεσάλωμος MS'!P: ᾿Αβεσσάλωμος 55: Abessalon Lat.
* σεν MSP: dum vixisset Lat.
8 ὡς ἔτι MSP novum caput indicantes, cui β΄ aseribit M.
4 Numeros om. MSP.
808
ANCIENT TABLE OF CONTENTS
(x) How Absalom marched against
his father David, and perished together
with his army.
SECTION
O20
aw OF owe
PAGE
482
(xi) How David was again restored
to the throne, and how, after a pros-
perous reign,? while still alive he named
his son Solomon king .
(xii) The death of David, and Weare he
left to his son a great mass of silver and
gold and stone for the ἐν" of the
temple : Σ
496
This book covers a welled of forty years.
BOOK VUI
SECTION PAGE
How Solomon, onsueceeding to the
ae. slew his enemies 1 | 572
(ii) Coneerning his wisdom and in-
sight and his w ealth : : 42 | 592
“(iii) How he was the first to Rati a
temple in Jerusalein OF | 609
(iv) ® How, after Solomon’s death,
the people revolted from his son Robo-
amos (Rehoboam) and named one of his
subjeets, Jeroboain, as king of the ten
tribes, while Solomon’s son reigned over
the two tribes 212 | G84
: the variant reads ‘ and he
and begins a new section with the words,
4
@ Lit. “ after living happily ”’
lived happily,”
ἜΤ ΟΝ, while he was still alive, he named, ete.
» This table omits special mention of the relations of Solo-
mon and Hiram of Tyre, the visit of the Queen of Sheba,
and Solomon’s trade and conquests,
809
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, VIII
ε΄. ‘Qs “Ioaxos' Λίγυπτίων βασιλεὺς στρα-
τευσάμενος ἐπὶ τὰ “Ιεροσόλυμα καὶ κατασχὼν τὴν
πόλιν, τὸν πλοῦτον αὐτῆς εἰς Αἴγυπτον μετήνεγκε.
τς Στρατεία ᾿Ἱεροβοάμου τοῦ τῶν ᾿Ισραηλιτῶν
βασιλέως ἐπὶ τὸν υἱὸν τὸν ‘PoBodpov καὶ ἧττα.
ζ΄. “Ὅτι τὴν ᾿Ιεροβοάμου γενεὰν Βασίνης τις
ὄνομα διαφθείρας αὐτὸς τὴν βασιλείαν ἔσχεν.
η΄. Αἰθιόπων ἐπιστρατεία τοῖς ‘lepocoAvpots
βασιλεύοντος αὐτῶν ᾿Ασάνου τοῦ ᾿Αβία παιδός,
καὶ διαφθορὰ τοῦ στρατοῦ.
θ΄. ὡς τῆς ᾿Αβεσσάρου" γενεᾶς διαφθαρείσης
ἐβασίλευσε τῶν ᾿Ισραηλιτῶν “Apapts® καὶ ὁ υἱὸς
αὐτοῦ “Ayafos.
ι΄. Ὡς “Adados® Δαμασκοῦ καὶ Συρίας βασιλεὺς
δὶς ἐπ᾿ “AyaBov στρατευσάμενος ἡττήθη.
ια΄. ᾿Αμμανιτῶν καὶ λ]ωαβιτῶν στρατευσαμέ-
νων ἐπ᾽ ᾿Ιωσαφάτην τὸν ἱΙεροσολύμων βασιλέα ἧττα.
’ ¢ # ee. | , 4
ιβ΄. ‘Qs “AyaBos ἐπὶ Σύρους στρατευσάμενος
ἡττήθη τῇ μάχῃ καὶ αὐτὸς ἀπώλετο.
Περιέχει ἡ βίβλος ἔτη ἑκατὸν ἑξήκοντα καὶ
τρία.
1 Σούσακος. ὁ MSP: Sosach Lat.
2 Caput VII sexto adiungunt MSP.
3 Σαούλον RO: ᾿Ασανοῦ SP: Asaph Lat.
4 Basan Lat.
5 ᾿Αμαρεὶς R: ᾿Αμάρης O: Haber Lat.
6 "Adep MSP. 7 αὕτη RO.
@ This section properly belongs before section vii.
> No such form appears either in Josephus or the Lxx,
Basanés (Baasha) is meant.
810
ANCIENT TABLE OF CONTENTS
SECTION PAGE
(v) How Isakos (Shishak), the king
of Egypt, after marching on Jerusalem
and oecupying the city, carried off its
wealth to Egypt
(va) The “expedition of. Jeroboam,
king of the Israelites, against the son
of Rohoames: and his defeat
(vii) How a certain man named
Basinés (Baasha) destroyed the family
of Jeroboam and himself seized the
throne... : : ; :
(viii)? The Ethiopians’ expedition
against Jerusalem during the reign of
Asanos (Asa), the son of Abias (Abijah),
and the destruetion of their army
(ix) How, after the destruction of
the family of Abessaros,’? Amaris (Omri)
and his son Achab reigned over thie
Israelites . . : . ; :
(x) How Adados (Benhadad), the
king of Damaseus and Syria, twiee
mareheet against Aehab and was de-
feated ᾿
(xiye The defeat of the Ammonites
and Moabites after their mareh on Josa-
phat, king of Jerusalem
(xii) How Achab marched against
the Syrians and was defeated in parle:
and how he himself perished
309
393
398
784
This book covers one hundred and sixty-three
years.
¢ The passage in Josephus dealing with Josaphat does not
mention this war,
(281)
811
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AENOPHON: MeMORABILIA AND Orconomicus. Εἰς C. Mar-
chant. (2ud Imp.)
NENOPHON: Scuipta Minora. E.C. Marchant. (2ud Imp.)
VOLUMES IN PREPARATION
GREEK AUTHORS
ArIsTtoTtE: De Mespo, cte. D. Purley and FE. S. Forster.
AWISTOTLE: Tlisrony or Antrmats. A. L. Peck.
9
THE LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY
AristotLteE: Metreoronocica. I. D. P. Lee.
Protinus.
LATIN AUTHORS
Sr. Auaustixe: City or Gon.
[Ciceno:| Ap Henexxium. H. Caplan.
Cicero: Pro Sestio, In Vatrinium, Pro Cartio, DE Pro-
vinciis Coxsuctartisus, Pro Bato. J. H. Freese and R.
Gardner.
PuaEpRus AND oTHER Fapurists. B. E, Perry.
DESCRIPTIVE PROSPECTUS ON APPLICATION
LONDON CAMBRIDGE, MASS.
WILLIAM ITEINEMANN LTD HARVARD UNIV. PRESS
Cloth 153, Cloth $2.50
10
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